Showing papers in "International Studies Quarterly in 1972"

Resolution of Conflict

Abstract: procedures that seem to be required in the resolution of a communal or interstate conflict, and to give the theoretical reasons for each. The steps taken in resolving any conflict depend upon the general approach adopted. The steps taken to resolve conflict by judicial processes are different from those taken to resolve conflict by means of conciliation or mediation. In judicial processes, there are recognized rules to be followed in the taking of evidence, while a mediator endeavors to ascertain facts from any source and by whatever means possible, to understand and untangle the complexities of a total situation and to arrive at some proposals or judgments based upon 'facts' so ascertained, to bring about reasonable compromises and the application of some normative rules of behavior. It would be possible to set down, step by step, this typical mediation process, and attempts have been made to do this (Young, 1967; Lall, 1966). However, in this paper, we are not concerned with legal or traditional mediatory processes, but with an approach to conflict that would seem to be relevant and effective in the light of contemporary tlhinking about conflict at various social levels-individual, small group, and communal-and in light of contemporary cliinical experience in the lhandling of conflict at

Ultimata and Coercive Diplomacy

Abstract: The role of force and threats of violence in international politics has long occupied the thoughts of concerned philosophers, historians, generals, and statesmen. Early speculation of a general nature, however, has been more recently expanded and refined by political and strategic theorists. Most notable are the studies of bargaining techniques and power (Schelling, 1966, 1960; and Young, 1968), patterns of negotiation and problems of communication (Ikl, 1963; Wohlstetter, 1962; and Jervis, 1970), conceptualizations of limitation and escalation (Halperin, 1962; Brodie, 1966; and Kahn, 1968), and theories of coercive diplomacy (George et al., 197 1). Yet despite all the attention of past and contemporary literature on bargaining and coercive techniques, remarkably few have examined one of the most distinctive, interesting, and dangerous of all forms of communication and persuasion in international crises-the ultimatum.

Multinational BusinessA Global Perspective

Abstract: A source of hope for some and of apprehension for others, multinational business is now recognized as a potentially powerful force for giving shape to world society. The advocates, or even the philosophers, of the multinational corporation have not been wanting in eloquence. They have especially claimed for this new instrumentality-beyond efficiency and productivity-high social merit in the global context (Ball, 1967: 80; Fortune, 1969; Peccei, 1971: 9; Brown, 1970: 7-8). In their enthusiasm and exuberance, they recall nineteenth-century optimism about the simple virtues of international trade as the universal force for peace. But a strong body of thought exists that denies such claims and asserts opposite views. Using arguments first elaborated by J. A. Hobson, an English pacifist writing at the turn of the century, such critics were early to recognize the global operating capacity of the corporate form of organization while rejecting the notion that it had positive effects either for social justice or for world order. Against the background of hostility to 'capitalism,' they invested business enterprises which were operating beyond the frontiers of the

Theory Development Through SimulationA Comparison and Analysis of Associations Among Variables in an International System and an Inter-Nation Simulation

Abstract: This paper is aimed at answering two questions: (1) what can experimental simulations of international behavior tell us about the adequacy of our knowledge of international dynamics, and about our ability to reproduce certain of their properties? (2) what in particular did the Northwestern Inter-National Simulation (INS) of 1960 tell us about these matters? The first question is examined by developing criteria so that we may evaluate operationally experimental simulations of international behavior in terms of their theoretical content and

The External Relations of American Multinational Enterprises

Abstract: Business corporations need to engage in external relations (ER) because society must be continuously convinced to give and maintain its support of this man-made and socially tolerated instrument for organizing economic activity and to stop short of unduly restraining it. Society here refers to the more or less organized and powerful institutions and interest groups that can assist or hamper business in its economic role. Government is usually the most relevant "external" institution but it is more or less influenced by interest groups and by the more amorphous general public. These various collectivities constitute the "nonmarket" and "macro-managerial" environments of business, which are distinct from the relatively free "markets" for the firm's inputs and outputs, and from its internal "micromanagement." Hence, external relations (ER) is that function

Elite Attitudes Toward Multinational Firms

Abstract: The future evolution of multinational firms will depend to a large degree on the policy decisions of host nations, made essentially by leadership groups. Thus, knowledge of how elites feel about foreign business firms is a key element in analysis of the outlook for international business. There have been assorted expressions of elite attitudes on multinational firms including official national policies, speeches, and popular writing. But there have been no studies to identify systematically the views of the significant elite groups. To fill this gap, I undertook surveys in Britain and France in late 1970 and Canada in late 1971, results of which are summarized in this article.

Assassination in International Politics

Abstract: The murder of the mighty has a long, if not an honorable, history as a political technique. For reasons not altogether clear, the horror of the act-violence out of time, out of context, the slaughter of the appointed of God or the people, the swift sword out of the dark-has long fascinated the artist and author rather than the scholar. Murder as a means for political gain seems immoral-an act against nature. Yet it has been not only a frequent act, but also a generally catholic one as well, including among its victims those of all creeds and races, from all empires and nations, from every era, not the least our own. Caesar and Lincoln, Canterbury and Marat, Gandhi, Alexander II, Nero and Francis Ferdinand all were common victims. A Prime Minister

Corporate Giants: Some Global Social Costs

Abstract: Some projections into the future of the world economy depict an increasing rate of economic concentration, inviting serious thoughts as to its ability to provide for human welfare and to maintain a reasonable degree of diversity and pluralism in the world social system. Howard Perlmutter (1969, 1968) advances what he calls the "300-Hypothesis," a prediction that the global system of the future will be dominated by 300 or so giant enterprises. Economist Stephen Hymer (1970) propounds the same hypothesis and argues that present trends could produce a regime of 300 or 400 multinational corporations controlling 60 to 70% of the world industrial output. And Richard Barber's (1970) recent discussion of concentration in the American economy contends that "the entire industrialized world will soon be characterized by as high a degree of concentration as now prevails in the United States." By 1980, concludes Barber (1970: 264), "three hundred corporations will control 75 percent of the world's manufacturing assets."'

Some Notes on John Burton's Papers on “Resolution of Conflict”

Abstract: In response to a question about 'how they made peace in the villages,' a village muxhtar in north Lebanon once told me the story of a famous dispute between a line of Sunni and Shia Moslem villages extending from the Syrian border to the Mediterranean Sea. The dispute was said to have begun as a disagreement between two herdsmen, one Shia and one Sunni, and had escalated rapidly to a long line of villages. The Lebanese government was said to have stepped in because the 'warfare' was so heated. According to the muxhtar's story, government officials took the following steps: First, they sent plaines into the feuding mountainous region and dropped some bombs-"inowlhere, of course, where anybody could be hurt." Tlhen they sent in a well-known and well-respected peacemaker ('wasta-maker') to see what he could do. This 'wasta-maker' spoke to men in all the concerned villages who had respect and a reputation for knowing how to settle disputes within their own villages. Then he invited all these men, Shia and Sunni, to a banquet held at the expense of the Lebanese government "in the middle of the mountains." Once these men had shared bread anid salt, they could no longer feud. The Lebanese government had written law that could have dealt with such outlaw belhavior, but it chose not to use such legal procedures.

The Military-Industrial Linkages of U.S.-Based Multinational Corporations

Abstract: Of the top 100 Department of Defense (DOD) contractors in fiscal year (FY) 1971, 39 were also multinational corporations, meaning that they held 25% or more of total equity interests in manufacturing enterprises located in six or more foreign countries at the end of 1963 (Vaupel and Curhan, 1969: 3)1 More significantly, among the top 25 contractors, which accounted for 51 % of prime contracts in 1971 and were by and large the same firms that were in the top 25 category in the late 1950s (Yarmolinsky, 1971: 251), 13 were multinational enterprises in the above sense. These 13 accounted for 25% of all prime contracts. The top 3 DOD contractors, which were multinationals also-General Dynamics, Lockheed, and General

Dimensions of Political Integration and the Experience of the European Community

Abstract: One of the most successful experiments in voluntary international integration since 1945 has taken place in Westem Europe among the six member states of the European Community. Although full political federation, the ambition of the early 1950s, has not been achieved, a number of outstanding advances toward the integration of the member states have been made during the past twenty years. A number of others, especially in the integration of fiscal and monetary policies, appear to be relatively close at hand. The excitement of the European experiment along with the onset of integration experiments in many other regions of the world has prompted the development of a rich body of literature on the subject of interstate integration in the international system. In an attempt to uncover determinants of integration, analysis has gone through several phases. It has increasingly and belatedly come to focus on the concept of integration itself. One of the central questions raised by recent research is whether integration is a unidimensional phenomenon or whether it consists instead of several empirically distinct

Toward a Theory of Intervention: The Limitations and Advantages of a Transnational Perspective

Abstract: In a recent article, Mitchell ( 1970) sets forth a framework for the analysis of the problem of external intervention in civil strife. This cogent approach provides important insights into the special problem of intervention as well as into the more general problem of the international dimensions of internal violence. Mitchell's analysis represents another step forward in the effort to develop middle-range theory on this highly important phenomenon. Since his essay represents one of several attempts (Eley, 1970; Modelski, 1964; Rosenau, 1971, 1964) to develop theories on the international relations of internal wars, it seems appropriate to examine the general utility of Mitchell's analysis as a data-generating vehicle and as a theory-oriented framework. Mitchell's framework is designed to deal with the problem of intervention by external parties into situations of internal or domestic conflict. His purpose is to provide a framework which will generate data designed to explain external intervention, which is defined as "Any military action either within or outside the boundaries of a state with a high level of civil strife, which is calculated to affect favorably the situation of one or the other faction in that strife" (Mitchell, 1970: 169). He

Patterns of International Involvement and International Violence

Abstract: Although violence between and among nations is a common occurrence and a subject which has received wide attention among those writing in the field of international politics, we are just beginning to compile a body of empirical knowledge about the factors associated with the amount of conflict behavior that countries direct toward other nations (Pruitt and Snyder, 1969). In this article, I have isolated one factor which might influence a country's level of foreign conflict behavior-namely, its level of involvement in the international system. A crossnational analysis of some 75 countries seeks an answer to the following question: is the degree to which a country is involved in the international system related to its level of foreign conflict behavior?

Computer Routines for Arraying Aggregate Data

Abstract: In recent years, political and social scientists have greatly expanded their data-collecting activities and have devoted considerable attention to various problems of measuring political and social concepts embedded in theoretical structures. One type of data which has been used more and more is commonly termed aggregate data. In general, this refers to characteristics of various types of political and social units and groups. In the fields of comparative and international politics, such factors as the absolute or per capita amount of money spent by a country on defense and various summary measures of political events such as elections, votes per political party, riots, and assassinations, are examples of aggregate statistics. One work in this area was the first edition of the World Handbook of Social and Political Indicators (Russett et al., 1964). The increased

Some Further Comments-In Reply to Criticism

Abstract: Thanks to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace at Geneva, I have had the opportunity of hearing searching criticisms of my paper and of the book Conflict and Communication, on which it was based. This is to comment on these criticisms. The main criticism has been that it has too readily been assumed that conflicts are 'subjective,' and that 'objective' contradictions and structural bases of conflict are not important. Some colleagues have put the same thing in a different way by asking: why go so far, why assert that as a general rule conflicts are subjective instead of merely observing that there is an important subjective element? My answer is this: whether conflicts are more or less subjective or objective should not be a matter of personal judgment or an impressionistic view derived from history. The question is an empirical one. The observations made in the paper are the result of empirical work. It is empirical observations that have led one to make assertions that run counter to, and do not just modify, conventional wisdom and traditional notions. These were no less unexpected to me than they are

Foreign Policy and the American Constitution: The Bricker Amendment in Contemporary Perspective

Abstract: American participation in the Vietnam war has been perhaps unique in the nation's history in terms of the number and complexity of issues which that policy occasions for public debate. One issue which has received increasing attention as the war has progressed revolves around the proper relationship between Congress and the Executive in the formulation and conducting of America's foreign relations. Disagreement over the interpretation of this relationship has found its reflection in an expanding effort by the Congress, especially the Senate, to restrict the President's authority in foreign policy. The so-called "National Commitments Resolution" of June 1969, rescinding the Tonkin Gulf Resolution in July 1970, and, above all, senatorial attempts to use a tightening of the "pursestrings" as a check on President Nixon's policy in Vietnam and Cambodia are all evidence of a growing inclination on the part of many to question the very wide exercise of Presidential power which has characterized executive activity in the foreign policy sphere in the past.1

The Possibility of an International Discipline of International Affairs

Abstract: Nathan Glazer (1969), Professor of Education at Harvard, develops the point that the university, for all its immersion in them, is not simply the creature of the state and society to which it belongs. "There is a realm of scholarship," he writes, that exists "beyond political stands and divisions. . . . Scientific and scholarly investigation and teaching have some general value divorced from politics, since totally opposed and distinct social systems accept its importance and give it support and prestige." He cites the similarities in scientific and humanistic endeavor between American universities, on the one hand, and universities of the Soviet Union, Cuba, and China, on the other. At the same time, Glazer refrains-wisely, I am sure we can agree-from extending the point to the realm of social inquiry. He believes that, in the social as distinct from the natural sciences, generally speaking "the cross-political scientific validity of research and teaching can successfully be challenged," inasmuch as "we do find enormous variation between social science under one political outlook and another." And treating history as the worst off, he asks us-rightly, I think-to consider how strikingly different are Russian and American interpretations of a given subject, such as the American past.

Systematic Bias in U.S. Foreign Affairs Reporting: A Rejoinder

Abstract: To defend the American foreign policy establishment in 1971 is like defending Louis XVI in 1792. To come to the defense of that establishment in the summer of 1971, post-Pentagon Papers, when its faults are hanging out for all the world to see, may even seem more stupid than foolhardy. Yet I propose to do something akin to that-not only because stomping on the establishment one more time is too easy by half, but because I think Professor; Appleton's diagnosis of the "reporting problem" within the foreign policy-making structure is faulty. And it follows that his proposal, built on that diagnosis, is, in my view, flawed. There is perhaps an unfair advantage in commenting, postPentagon Papers, on something written before their publication. Indeed, these Papers are such an important landmark for foreign policy scholars that we might contemplate an automotive-type recall of earlier scholarly papers for revision (Daniel Ellsberg, the Ralph Nader of foreign policy, has implicitly suggested such a recall in his obviously informed attack on the "quagmire" hypothesis; Ellsberg, 1971). But I do not base my comments

The Relationship of Images and Political Affiliations to Orientations Toward Foreign Aid for India

Abstract: During the past two decades, India has had prominent place in the American foreign aid program. Over the period 1946-1967, India was allocated approximately twelve percent of the total U.S. funds authorized for economic and health programs in all less-developed countries.' The only state in the world that has obtained more nonmilitary aid money from the United States is Great Britain. However, if economic and food assistance is computed on a per capita basis, India has continually received less support than several other of the developing nations.2 A high degree of American involvement in Indian development has been prompted by the fact that within India's boundaries are contained two-fifths of the population of the "uncommitted" new nations. The country occupies a geographically strategic location in Asia. India's political leadership has enjoyed widespread respect throughout the Third World. India is a democracy and the only country in Asia outside Communist