Showing papers in "Journal of Asean Studies in 2013"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the interplay that had existed between pre-colonial Southeast Asian empires and the hierarchical East Asian international society, in particular during the 13th-16th Century.
Abstract: Throughout the years, study on pre-colonial Southeast Asian international relations has not garnered major attention because it had long been seen as an integral part of the China-centred tribute system. There is a need to provide greater understanding of the uniqueness of the international system as different regions have different ontologies to comprehend its dynamics and structures. This paper contributes to the pre-colonial Southeast Asian literature by examining the interplay that had existed between pre-colonial Southeast Asian empires and the hierarchical East Asian international society, in particular during the 13th-16th Century. The paper argues that Southeast Asian international relations in pre-colonial time were characterized by complex political structures with the influence of Mandala values. In that structural context, the Majapahit Empire, one of the biggest empires at that time had its own constitutional structures of an international society, albeit still sought close relations with China.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the differences between the neoclassical and national development schools of economics on how an economy should develop and found that although industries in developing countries need government assistance, the specific political and economic contexts of each country affect the policies adopted and their effectiveness.
Abstract: Numerous differences exist between the neoclassical and national development schools of economics on how an economy should develop. For example, should the state interfere in the market using state resources, and cultivate certain industries to achieve specific developmental goals? Although the automotive industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with considerable government involvement, they have evolved along very different lines. Can these differences be traced to different interactions between the state and industry in these two countries? This paper examines this issue and finds that although industries in developing countries need government assistance, the specific political and economic contexts of each country affect the policies adopted and their effectiveness. The choice between “autonomous development” (Malaysia) and “dependent development” (Thailand) is the first issue. The second issue is that politics in Malaysia has deterred the automotive industry from adopting a “market following” position. This paper finds that the choice of strategy and political interference are the two main reasons the automotive industry in Malaysia is less competitive than that in Thailand.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the relationship between military expenditure and economic growth, and empirically tested the causal relationship between the two variables by using the augmented sollow growth model, which showed that Indonesia's military expenditure has positive effect on the country's economic growth.
Abstract: World military expenditure in post-Cold War world shows increasing trend especially in ASEAN region; Indonesia is no exception. The trend may have been supported by the argument that military expenditure has positive multiplier effects on economic growth. Unfortunately, there have been not too many studies on the effect of military expenditure on economic growth in the Indonesia context. This paper examines the topic by first reviewing literature on the relationship between military expenditure and economic growth, then by empirically testing the causal relationship between the two variables by using the Augmented Sollow Growth Model. The result shows that Indonesia's military expenditure has positive effect on the country's economic growth, which is most possibly caused by development of human capital as effect of military expenditure.
TL;DR: What kind of framework ASEAN will need on preparation to widen its security agenda to cyber world in the future to complete its preparation of being connected is analyzed.
Abstract: Internet security is somehow being understated in ASEAN’s strategy facing 2015. ASEAN Connectivity as the blue print of ASEAN’s development strategy to strengthen the region al bond has not put proper attention in building security for guiding the connectivity plan among ASEAN member countries. This paper will discuss the future of cyber security cooperation particularly as ASEAN is planning to connect the region through ICT. This paper will try to analyse what kind of framework ASEAN will need on preparation to widen its security agenda to cyber world in the future to complete its preparation of being connected.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed the LNG export in the context of Asian economic crisis and its recovery, the peak of crude oil price in 2008 and followed by global financial crisis as the context as well as Indonesia's domestic political dynamics.
Abstract: Indonesia had been the largest LNG exporter for almost three decades since 1977 to 2005. During 1970s and 1980s, Indonesia’s energy industry boosted its economic growth that valued 80% of the country’s annual exports and 70% of its annual revenues. Meanwhile, Indonesia presents an exceptional case since it decreases its LNG export while it has been developing its largest LNG plant in Tangguh due to prioritizing domestic energy demand. But, since Indonesia eagerly links its economy to China, it uses LNG export as a medium to strengthen Indonesia-China strategic partnership. Tangguh LNG export to China, although it is not Indonesia’s largest LNG export contract, reflects a unique case of a developing country’s international energy trade. Because it presents evolution of Indonesia’s LNG export policy through dynamics of regional and global economic turbulences. This paper analyses the LNG export in the context of Asian economic crisis and its recovery, the peak of crude oil price in 2008 and followed by global financial crisis as the context as well as Indonesia’s domestic political dynamics.
TL;DR: The political-economic aspects of this policy are analyzed, and one conclusion is the fact that Southeast Asian workers take better care of the elderly in Taiwan when eldercare is provided through institutions, rather than if the care was provided by just one foreign caregiver engaged directly by families ofThe elderly.
Abstract: Taiwan is home to a rapidly growing aging population as life expectancy rates increase and birth rates go down in this island. The government of Taiwan opted to bring in migrant workers to care for the elderly following a shortage in adequate domestic manpower who were willing to take on the positions of caregivers for the elderly. In time, eldercare in Taiwan switched hands: from the actual families of the elderly to migrant workers coming in from across the Southeast Asian region. Questions have arisen in light of this development. Is the government policy that allows for Southeast Asian migrants to care for the elderly in Taiwan a good one, or a bad one? Who benefits most from this deal: the elderly, their families or the migrant care workers? Is providing care for the elderly in their own homes by just one caregiver the only option? And can such a policy help both ends: the elderly person who requires safer care, and the migrant care worker whose labor rights require full protection? This paper, drafted out following the review of relevant literature and the conducting of interviews by Hong-Ming Huang and Jenn-Jaw Soon, analyzes the political-economic aspects of this policy and offers certain recommendations and conclusions. One conclusion is the fact that Southeast Asian workers take better care of the elderly in Taiwan when eldercare is provided through institutions, rather than if the care was provided by just one foreign caregiver engaged directly by families of the elderly. The positive effects of ‘institution-style’ workers are reflected in the work performance, life quality and management as well as labor rights protection.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss on what the Indonesian students in Taiwan can do to maximize their capabilities to attract Taiwanese to learn more about Indonesia, and how the Taiwanese should respond to these trends, in order to create two ways of interaction.
Abstract: Besides businessmen and workers, Indonesian students have become one of the recent important actors in Indonesia - Taiwan bilateral relations Currently, Taiwan became one of the popular destinations among Indonesians to pursue their highest degree In 2013, the numbers of Indonesian students has reached 3000 persons, made them the third largest group of Southeast Asian students in Taiwan after Vietnamese and Malaysians The Indonesian students are quite organized and active Giving the lack of diplomatic relations between both countries, these students are potential to be one of the significant actors to bridge Indonesia - Taiwan relations However, they have some limitations on conducting their activities On the Taiwan side, this trend has not gained sufficient responds Indonesia is still considered an unattractive object to study, comparing to other Southeast Asian countries Therefore interaction tends to be one side only This paper would discuss on (1) what the Indonesian students in Taiwan can do to maximize their capabilities to attract Taiwanese to learn more about Indonesia; (2) How the Taiwanese should respond to these trends, in order to create two ways of interaction In that case, the counterparts are significant to bridge the limitations of mutual interaction between both states, especially to eliminate the unclear perceptions among Taiwanese to Indonesia, which might affect Indonesia – Taiwan bilateral relations, and to promote Indonesia in the better outlook
TL;DR: This article argued that due to the Indonesian people as promoter of ideas lead interactions with Taiwan, Indonesia is able to maintain its durable economic and socio-cultural relations with Taiwan despite under the absence of diplomatic relations.
Abstract: This paper analyzes the puzzle why did Indonesia maintain durable economic and socio-cultural relations with Taiwan? In order to answer that question, this paper argues that due to the Indonesian people as promoter of ideas lead interactions with Taiwan, Indonesia is able to maintain its durable economic and socio-cultural relations with Taiwan despite under the absence of diplomatic relations. People-to-people interaction builds three kinds of interactions between Indonesia and Taiwan on the issue of economic and socio-cultural: unofficial interaction, semi-official interaction, and official interaction. This paper employs Indonesian perspective approach that stressed on the pattern of relations that stem from people-to-people interactions between Indonesia and Taiwan. Thus, the paper aims to fill the gap in the literature on Taiwan and Indonesia relations that mostly focus on analysis of economic diplomacy, interest (Leifer 2001; Ku 1995, Leong 1995, Lee 1990, Klintworth 1995, Rich 2009), shifting on international order (Ku;1998), and the PRC’s factor on Indonesia and Taiwan relations (Ku 2002; Irawan 2006).
TL;DR: In this article, the authors evaluate the bases for ASEAN and demonstrate that the region has reasons to stay strong as regional cooperation, and that there are some dilemmas among members of a region that does not left much room for members but to cooperate with each other, such as the dilemma of risking higher tensions among members, risk the benefits of existing pooling of resources, and risk improving connectivity among members.
Abstract: How confident are ASEAN as a regional organization? Will ASEAN turn into a mere coffee-talk forum? This article evaluates the bases for ASEAN and demonstrates that ASEAN has reasons to stay strong as regional cooperation. Rather than denying tensions, this article agrees that there are tensions among members but it also recognizes such challenge as the one that unites ASEAN members together. There are some dilemmas among members of ASEAN that does not left much room for members but to cooperate with each other: the dilemma of risking higher tensions among members, the dilemma of risking the benefits of existing pooling of resources, the dilemma of improving connectivity among members and the dilemma of facing global pressure on good governance and liberal democracy.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors find and analyse initiatives taken by the Government and Higher Education institutions focussing in Indonesia, the largest population and largest economy country in ASEAN and how the initiatives positioned the education in the region.
Abstract: Education plays a significant role in all of the strategies made and initiatives taken to achieve various outcomes of ASEAN One of the core strategies which engage the Higher Education sector to meet the ASEAN Community in 2015 was “Cross‐border mobility and internationalisation of education—to promote regional sharing, cultivate a regional perspective among member states and contribute to the spirit of regional unity and excellence” The purpose of this practice note is to find and analyse initiatives taken by the Government and Higher Education institutions focussing in Indonesia, the largest population and largest economy country in ASEAN and how the initiatives positioned the education in the region This note is intended to contribute to the knowledge of ASEAN Community, especially on its education area
TL;DR: In this paper, the role of India's democratic identity in Indo-Myanmar policy during 1988-2010 is emphasized, and India has made efforts to promote democratic value in Myanmar differently from other western democratic countries.
Abstract: Since the 1990s, India has reengaged with Myanmar government. The Indian government’s engagement with Myanmar’s military junta provoked a controversial issue in international community, claiming that ‘the oldest democratic country in Asia' is not doing enough to promote democracy in her neighborhood. The question raised was what has motivated India to develop cordial relations with Myanmar’s military junta. The paper emphasizes the role of India’s democratic identity in Indo-Myanmar policy during 1988-2010. Previous literatures revealed India’s policy towards Myanmar in economic and security assumptions. They tended to sketch India Policy as ‘in-active’ in promotion of democracy practiced from west democratic institutions norms, such as ‘isolation’ and ‘totally disengagement’. The paper briefly explains Indo-Myanmar relations from 1988 to 2010. Security and economic interests play a larger role than the intention to promote democratic identity in Myanmar. The paper argues that in the background of Indo-Myanmar development cooperation, India has made efforts to promote democratic value in Myanmar differently from other western democratic countries. Engagement policy has shaped Indo-Myanmar relations in the 1990s. India ‘engagement policy’, ‘non-isolation’ and ‘development cooperation’ with Myanmar government has brought up contractions.