Showing papers in "Journal of Asean Studies in 2018"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the effectiveness of the de-radicalization program through theories, facts, and phenomenon, and yielded some recommendations for Indonesian government in strengthening and reshaping its policies.
Abstract: The counterterrorism approach is still harnessed to tackle the spread of radical movement and it is deemed to be a soft strategy for a long term purpose. In the several past years, the government has been conducting de-radicalization program in attempt to bring the terrorist inmates safely to social life after the prison release. This program commonly conducted in the prison while the inmates serving the jail time for terrorism-related offences. Nevertheless, debates rise due to the fail of the program result which prove some recidivists appear to execute another terror attack. An opinion of prison environment which is considered as a potential breeding ground for radicalization aggravates the government effort to reintegrate the prisoners into normal society. This worsened by the activities like recruiting other prisoners and supporting extremist groups from prison which still often occur in Indonesia. Taking two examples from international scope, France has announced to close its de-radicalization program, meanwhile United States under Trump’s leadership prefer to heightened the sentences related to terrorism and to ban Muslim migrants excessively. Meanwhile, Indonesia still convinces that de-radicalization program is one of the most strategic approaches in fighting terrorism, and it is deemed as a soft power with a long term oriented. Therefore, this paper will analyze the effectiveness of the program through theories, facts, and phenomenon. Thus it will yield some recommendations for Indonesian government in strengthening and reshaping its policies.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors apply the critical distinction between "politics" and "political" to unravel the narrative of Rodrigo Duterte's communitarian style and argue that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy.
Abstract: The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between “politics” and the “political,” we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte’s communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo . The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the president’s critics say that he is authoritarian, it will be argued that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy.
TL;DR: This article found that despite the absence of their right to work, the Rohingyas persistently entered into informal labor market as temporary, unskilled and low wage workers in various sectors such as trade, services and automotive.
Abstract: Unlike economic migrants, the refugee population is often portrayed as a burden to hosting governments. They are seen to be economically passive and highly dependent on the hosting government’s generosity and international organizations and donors’ humanitarian assistances. In Malaysia, refugee population including the Rohingyas are no longer living in sprawling tents, isolated villages or any refugee settlement in remote areas. They make their way to semi-urban and major city areas in search of economic opportunities to make a living while waiting for durable solutions accorded to them. The absence of the right to work coupled with the mounting pressure to make a living caused the Rohingyas to engage in informal economy, undertaking a variety of occupations and income-generating activities albeit risks of arrest and exploitation. This study aims to analyze the relationship between the Rohingyas’ participation in informal economy and their livelihood. Resulting from two series of field works engaging the Rohingyas in Klang Valley between 2013 and 2016, the study found that despite the absence of their right to work, the Rohingyas persistently entered into informal labor market as temporary, unskilled and low wage workers in various sectors such as trade, services and automotive. For the self-employed Rohingyas, they tend to engage in small-scale and unregulated income generating activities. Their goods and services are offered beyond the needs of the Rohingyas but to a larger extent of consumers including other migrant groups and local community. The Rohingyas’ active participation in informal economy is an attempt to not dependent or less depend on the UNHCR’s assistance and government’s generosity. This debunks the misconception that the Rohingya population in Malaysia are physically and economically isolated from the domestic economic structure.
TL;DR: This paper highlighted the synthesis of the normative tensions and the regional studies within the environmental studies of English School using the case study of Indonesia ratification to ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution.
Abstract: Despite of its advantages in social dimension, English School still has limited articles on environmental issues. Many global ecological crisis has been dealt with constructivism and green theory because the failure of English Scholars to adopt new norms such as climate responsibility, sustainable development and environmental justice. This article would like to highlight the synthesis of the normative tensions and the regional studies within the environmental studies of English School using the case study of Indonesia ratification to ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Pluralism and solidarism will be the conceptual instruments in criticizing the blindness of environmental analysis in the English School communities and also constructing the environmental-friendly English School theory. There are two main conclusions in this article. Firstly, Indonesia ratification of ASEAN Agreement of Transboundary Haze Pollution, the emergence of domestic environmental legislation and the adoption of environmental responsibility marked the end of pluralist hegemony in environmental studies. Secondly, Indonesia ratification of AATHP is one of the foundations of regional environmental governance in Southeast Asia.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the theoretical implications of a common market and the real implications, taking the European Union as an example, and try to indicate and evaluate the possible effects of the process of the common market creation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Abstract: In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at its 13th summit decided to create the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). In assumptions, the common market was to be established by the end of 2015, and the introduction of free movement of goods, services, capital and skilled labor was to lead to an increase in the degree of market integration among member states. But the creation of a single market is not an easy process, as illustrated by the case of the European Community/European Union, where a process of single market creation has been implemented slowly and with numerous difficulties. On the other hand, if the process of a common market creation is successful, the integration brings benefits to the participating countries. The primary goal of this article is to indicate potential effects as well as to show the progress of the implementation and functioning of the common market in the ASEAN Economic Community. To achieve the objective, the author will analyze the theoretical implications of a common market and the real implications, taking the European Union as an example. Having done this part of the analysis, the author will try to indicate and evaluate the possible effects of the process of the common market creation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
TL;DR: In this article, the representations of transit forced migrants in Indonesian major print media were different within two time spans: (1) during the arrivals of the Indochinese refugees in 1975-1996 and (2) in the period of the new generations of refugees from Middle Eastern and South Asian countries in 1997-2013.
Abstract: This paper aims to explain how and why the representations of transit forced migrants in Indonesian major print media were vastly different within two time spans: (1) during the arrivals of the Indochinese refugees in 1975-1996 and (2) in the period of the new generations of refugees from Middle Eastern and South Asian countries in 1997-2013. Employing media content analysis of 216 news articles from three major print media in Indonesia, this study found out that the Indochinese refugees were portrayed with positive labels and thus, mainly discussed in connection with the non-security theme. In contrast, the new generations of forced migrants were portrayed with negative labels such as ‘illegal immigrants’ and were framed as security threats. Grounded within Securitization Theory, this paper thus argues that the changing representations were caused by the securitizing move made by specialized agencies in Indonesia.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed the reasons why the Southeast and East Asia region needs regional maritime cooperation and challenges that ASEAN have to deal with in order to implement their unity and centrality in promoting maritime cooperation.
Abstract: Southeast and East Asia region has emerged as a global strategic maritime. Yet, maritime in the region remains vulnerable with overlapping claims on sea borders, piracy attacks and other transnational challenges at sea. For these purposes, some major powers in the region such as the US, China and Indonesia have launched their respective strategies in securing maritime for their interests. To harmonize the various interests, ASEAN with its counterparts in East Asia region need an ASEAN-led, inclusive and comprehensive regional maritime mechanism and strategic partnership between ASEAN member states and its dialog partners to maintain good order at sea. In November 2015, the East Asian Summit eventually launched a joint statement on Enhancing Regional Maritime Cooperation to justify the centrality of ASEAN and to counter the failure of ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting. In such case, ASEAN member states need to manage their disunity to minimize hindrances of the realization and implementation of the plan. This paper mainly elaborates the reasons why the region needs regional maritime cooperation and challenges that ASEAN have to deal with in order to implement the ASEAN unity and centrality in promoting maritime cooperation and regional stability. To explain the maritime strategies of ASEAN and its dialogue partners, this study uses qualitative methods and utilizes states’ documents as well as ASEAN statements particularly on maritime issues.
TL;DR: The AUN and ASEAN+3 UNet have both sought to promote the development of a distinct higher education research community within Southeast Asia and East Asia, respectively as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The AUN and ASEAN+3 UNet have both sought to promote the development of a distinct higher education research community within Southeast Asia and East Asia, respectively. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. Firstly, it aims to assess the success of these organisations in delivering against this aim, reviewed against inter-regional comparators. Secondly, the paper undertakes an assessment of which countries (if any) might be predominant in driving this agenda forward, at the intra-regional level. In both levels of the investigation, a statistical analysis of changes in international co-authorship patterns across time is utilised as the means of assessing the question at hand. In accordance with the paper’s core hypotheses, the findings indicate broad fulfilment of the AUN and ASEAN+3 UNet’s objectives, although it seems that efforts directed at building an East Asian research community have been comparatively more successful than those directed specifically at Southeast Asia. It is also found that, in a relative sense, South Korea is acting as a principal locus for higher educational regionalisation. The paper concludes by considering the implications of the analysis for East Asian higher education regionalism, with the contention being that the establishment of the aforementioned research communities provides a robust basis for the development of more formal integrative measures .
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used Gereffi's Global Commodity Chains (GCCs) framework to explain the fast-growing textile and garment industries (TGI) in Vietnam from 2000 to present.
Abstract: The goal of this research is to explain the fast-growing textile and garment industries (TGI) in Vietnam from 2000 to present. This research is important in the context of Indonesia’s competition with Vietnam as among top TGI exporters in the world. This research adopted Gereffi’s Global Commodity Chains (GCCs) framework which situates TGI under the category of buyer-driven chains. Under this category, actors interested in industrial upgrading must develop both forward (marketing) and backward (production) linkages and learning process between this continuum. This research found that Vietnam’s fast growing textile and garment industries from 2000-present represents its successful industrial upgrading through its learning process in developing forward and backward linkages. Following these findings, therefore, Indonesia as competitor must also develop similar attitude and learning process in both linkages.