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Showing papers in "Journal of Common Market Studies in 2001"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the development of the open method of co-ordination, addressing whether it is a new form of governance from two related perspectives: to what extent can the method be effectively applied outside the scope of economic policy, and will it lead to policy transfer to the EU and hence act only as a transitional mode of governance?
Abstract: Taking economic co-ordination in EMU as a starting point, this article explores the development of the open method of co-ordination, addressing whether it is a new form of governance from two related perspectives. First, to what extent can the method be effectively applied outside the scope of economic policy? Second, will it lead to policy transfer to the EU and hence act only as a transitional mode of governance? Identified at the Lisbon European Council, the method codified practices such as benchmarking, target-setting and peer review developed in the Luxembourg, Cardiff and Cologne processes. The method offers a new approach to governance of the EU as a heterarchical, decentred and dynamic process. It supports and radicalizes the principle of subsidiarity; offers an alternative to the treaty rules on enhanced co-operation; and addresses some of the legitimacy issues inherent in the EU. In EMU, the method arose out of a specific policy framework with a common monetary policy complemented by the coordination of national economic policies. The recent recommendation issued against Ireland is the first example of the operation of the method in EMU and shows how debate can be stimulated and how different and arguably equally valid perspectives defended. The particular experience of EMU with a sound money, sound finance paradigm, a long history of project-building by key elites and the central role of the European Council suggest similar conditions are required for the effective application of the method in other policy spheres. The context within which the method has operated to date is contingent and could change either over time or between policy fields. If so, the very openness of the method may serve to reconfigure the boundaries of competence between the Member States and the Union, after all.

445 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the study of European integration is divided into two distinct approaches: classical integration theory for which the shape of the Euro-polity is the dependent variable; and the governance approach for which it is the independent variable.
Abstract: This article argues that the study of European integration is divided into two distinct approaches: classical integration theory for which the shape of the Euro-polity is the dependent variable; and the governance approach for which it is the independent variable. An historical and conceptual overview of the approach focuses on the efficiency side of governance and excludes issues of democracy and legitimacy. From a sociology of knowledge perspective, the first part traces the roots of the present discussion back to three bodies of literature, namely studies on Europeanization, regulatory policy-making and network concepts. The second part presents the achievements of the approach: putting EU studies in a comparative perspective, directing attention towards democratic governance and bypassing old dichotomies on the future of the nation-state. The final section evaluates present shortcomings, most notably a bias toward problem-solving, the proliferation of case studies and the lack of a coherent theoretical perspective.

414 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the voting behavior of Members of the European Parliament in the first year of the 1999-2004 European Parliament was studied and the Nominate scaling method was used to locate each MEP in a multi-dimensional policy space, and to plot a "cutting line" for each vote.
Abstract: This article looks at the voting behaviour of Members of the European Parliament in the first year of the 1999–2004 European Parliament. The research applies the Nominate scaling method (developed to map voting in the US Congress) to the 1,031 ‘roll-call votes’ in the EP in this period. This method enables us to locate each MEP in a multi-dimensional policy space, and to plot a ‘cutting line’ for each vote. From this information we find that legislative behaviour in the EP is mainly along left—right lines, transnational party group affiliation is more important than national affiliation for determining how MEPs vote, different majority-commanding coalitions form on different issues, and the difference between the simple majority and absolute majority rules has no effect on the voting behaviour of the two main party groups.

257 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the main indicators of NGOs' ability to foster the Europeanization of civil society via political socialization and put forward seven key tests of their ability to carry out this function in the EU context.
Abstract: As a strategy for tackling the ‘democratic deficit’, attention is increasingly shifting towards the ‘Europeanization’ of civil society, the latter being traditionally viewed as a means both to limit state power and to promote intra-citizenry solidarity. However, this attempted change requires in turn actors who are both able and willing to act as agents of political socialization in the context of EU policy-making. This article examines the emphasis placed by both EU actors and the current academic literature on NGOs as such agents. Drawing on an analysis of similar claims made in development policy, I isolate the main indicators of NGOs' ability to foster the Europeanization of civil society via political socialization and put forward seven key tests of their ability to carry out this function in the EU context. These are then evaluated against the results of original empirical investigations. I argue that NGOs are currently unsuited to the task of Europeanizing civil society thanks to their inability to promote the political socialization of their supporters. As a consequence that task requires EU-level institutional reform informed by iterated public dialogue, as well as change in the working practices of NGOs.

229 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the recent debate among realists, liberals, rational-choice institutionalists, and constructivists regarding the nature of the integration process and the EU as an international organization.
Abstract: The explicit effort to theorize about the process of European integration began within the field of international relations (IR), where neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism long remained the dominant schools of thought. With the relaunching of the integration process in the 1980s and 1990s, however, IR scholars have begun to approach the study of the European Union using more general, and generalizable, theoretical approaches. This article examines the recent debate among realists, liberals, rational-choice institutionalists, and constructivists regarding the nature of the integration process and the EU as an international organization. Although originally posed as competing theories, I argue, realist, liberal and institutionalist approaches show signs of convergence around a single rationalist model, with constructivism remaining as the primary rival, but less developed, approach to the study of European integration.

217 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the institutional and normative challenges facing the integration of this highly political policy field by highlighting the contradictions inherent in domestic reforms and the Europeanization of refugee policy.
Abstract: Under the Treaty of Amsterdam, and in response to the experience of the Kosovo refugee crisis, the establishment of a Common European Asylum System has become a priority in the European Union. This project constitutes a major departure from the former transgovernmental mode of co-operation in asylum matters and addresses a normative question embedded in national constitutions and international notions of human rights. In this article I examine the institutional and normative challenges facing the integration of this highly political policy field by highlighting the contradictions inherent in domestic reforms and the Europeanization of refugee policy.

193 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the EU's character as a non-state political system makes little difference to how the EU ought to be legitimated and that the application of innovative legitimation strategies to the Union, requiring that post-parliamentary solutions be recast as complements, rather than substitutes, for a system of representative politics in the European arena, if the EU is to meet the core standard of democratic rule.
Abstract: This article argues that its character as a non-state political system makes little difference to how the EU ought to be legitimated. Minimum requirements for the legitimation of the liberal democratic state (performance, democracy and identity) also hold for the legitimation of Union power, both normatively and sociologically. This constrains the application of innovative legitimation strategies to the Union, requiring that post-parliamentary solutions be recast as complements, rather than substitutes, for a system of representative politics in the European arena, if the EU is to meet the core standard of democratic rule, which we take to be public control with political equality.

129 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The rapid development of justice and home affairs into a major field of EU policy-making since the beginning of the 1990s can be explained by a combination of specific laboratories which helped pave the way and driving factors which triggered development and expansion as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The rapid development of justice and home affairs into a major field of EU policy-making since the beginning of the 1990s can be explained by a combination of specific `laboratories' which helped pave the way ? and `driving factors? which triggered development and expansion. Whereas the Council of Europe, Trevi and Schengen have served as effective laboratories, new or increasing transnational challenges to internal security, Member States' interests in a `Europeanization' of certain national problems and the dynamic of its own generated by the launching of the `area of freedom, security and justice? as a major political project have all acted as major driving forces. Yet the rapid development has also had its price in terms of deficits in parliamentary and judicial control, complexity and fragmentation, an uneven development of the main justice and home affairs policy areas and a tendency towards restriction and exclusion.

125 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the functions of social citizenship in this emerging multi-level governance network and propose the concept of nested citizenship, which can help to overcome the fruitless dichotomy of Eurooptimism and Euro-pessimism concerning social policy and citizenship.
Abstract: The ‘European social dimension’ offers a strategic entry point for analysing the development of citizenship in the European Union (EU). The first part of this contribution discusses the functions of social citizenship in this emerging multi-level governance network. Second, the analysis deals with two prominent and stylized paradigms that have sought to grasp the new multiple-level quality of social citizenship in the EU: residual and post-national concepts of membership in liberal democracies and advanced welfare states. Although each of these approaches captures selected elements of social citizenship, they are unable to deal with rights and duties in multiple governance levels in a satisfactory way. Therefore, the discussion moves to an alternative concept–nested citizenship. This means that European citizenship is nested in various sites: regional, state and supra-state forms of citizenship function in complementary ways–while the associated norms, rules and institutions are subject to constant revision and further development on all governance levels. Third, the analysis shows that the concept of nested citizenship can help to overcome the fruitless dichotomy of Euro-optimism and Euro-pessimism concerning social policy and citizenship. This discussion suggests a conception of European social citizenship as a common project, evolving towards common present- and future-oriented understandings of substantial rights and democratic principles in the EU.

119 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors show that achieving an overlap between the functional and geographic borders of the EU is very unlikely given the huge degree of divergence that will result from the forthcoming enlargement, and also question the EU's ability to acquire one of the most fundamental attributes of a Westphalian type of state: a fixed and relatively hard external border.
Abstract: Debate about the final destination of European integration is again in vogue and it is largely state-centric. The future EU is usually seen as a new type of Westphalian (federal) state with a central government in charge of a given territory with clear-cut borders. An overlap between its functional and geographic borders is also envisaged with few complicating opt-outs, and no variable geometry. However, this article shows that achieving an overlap between the functional and geographic borders of the EU is very unlikely given the huge degree of divergence that will result from the forthcoming enlargement. The article also questions the EU's ability to acquire one of the most fundamental attributes of a Westphalian type of state: a fixed and relatively hard external border. It offers evidence suggesting that an enlarged EU would more closely resemble a neo-medieval empire rather than a neo-Westphalian state with serious practical and conceptual implications.

112 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a game between an inflation-conservative central bank and a fiscal authority subject to an upper limit on the budget deficit is analyzed, and it is shown that complementarity or substitutability between the policies and the preference of each authority for the other authority's behaviour crucially depends on the type of shock hitting the economy.
Abstract: The article analyses in a simple setting a game between an inflationconservative central bank and a fiscal authority subject to an upper limit on the budget deficit. It is shown that complementarity or substitutability between the policies and the preference of each authority for the other authority’s behaviour crucially depends on the type of shock hitting the economy. If the government attempts to stimulate output beyond its natural level, a ‘deficit bias’ emerges under non-co-operation; under co-operation, the equilibrium is characterized by both a ‘deficit bias’ and an ‘inflation bias’. However, if the government only pursues cyclical stabilization these biases disappear and there are positive gains from co-ordinating the policy responses to shocks.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the implications of the common European security and defence policy (CESDP) for shifts in both the politics and the policy-making procedures of the European Union.
Abstract: This article assesses the implications of the common European security and defence policy (CESDP) for shifts in both the politics and the policy-making procedures of the European Union. It analyses the emerging dynamics of the new institutional structures of CESDP launched in 2000 (COPS, EUMC, EUMS, HR-CFSP) and in particular the tensions between national capitals and the process of ‘Brusselization’ in the definition and formulation of European foreign and security policy. It argues that, in the field of crisis management, the requirements of rapid decision-making and efficient implementation will increasingly favour Brussels as the locus of policy formulation. This process will be enhanced by the growing role in CESDP of military officials and of defence ministries, which will take primary responsibility for the shape and remit of the nascent European Rapid Reaction Force (ERRF). The article also assesses the problems facing EU governments in selling CESDP to their publics. This involves the construction of a discourse which, both cognitively and normatively, can persuade electorates coming from very different security cultures of the necessity and appropriateness of the project. It also requires governments, sooner or later, to make the case for increased defence spending.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors highlight the potential importance of technical barriers to trade between the EU and the various CEECs, distinguishing between sectors according to the different approaches to the removal of these barriers in the EU.
Abstract: With trade in industrial products between the EU and the countries of central and eastern Europe (CEECs) now essentially free of tariff and non-tariff restrictions, the principal impact of accession to the EU on trade flows will be through access to the single market of the EU. A key element of this will be the removal of technical barriers to trade. In this article we try to highlight the potential importance of technical barriers to trade between the EU and the various CEECs, distinguishing between sectors according to the different approaches to the removal of these barriers in the EU: mutual recognition, detailed harmonization (old approach) and minimum requirements (new approach). We use two sources of information on technical regulations: a sectoral classification from a previous study of the impact of the single market and our own detailed translation of EU product-related directives into the relevant tariff codes. The analysis suggests that the importance of technical barriers varies considerably across the CEECs. The adjustment implications of access to the single market are likely to be greatest for those most advanced in their accession negotiations.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that without the recent establishment of concerns about human rights and democratic principles as an EU norm, it is unlikely that these particular sanctions would have been adopted collectively by all member governments.
Abstract: In February 2000, 14 EU Member States collectively took the unprecedented step of imposing bilateral sanctions on their Austrian EU partner. How can this be explained? Was it, as the 14 governments argued, because the inclusion in the Austrian government of Jorg Haider's extreme right FPo opposes many of the ideas making up the common identity of the EU? Or, were the sanctions motivated, as the Austrian government argued, by narrow-minded party political interests that lurked beneath the rhetoric of shared European norms and values? Our analysis suggests that, without the particular concerns about domestic politics of certain politicians, it is unlikely that the sanctions against Austria would have been adopted in this form. On the other hand, without the recent establishment of concerns about human rights and democratic principles as an EU norm, it is unlikely that these particular sanctions would have been adopted collectively by all member governments. Thus, while norms might have been used instrumentally, such instrumental use only works, in the sense of inducing compliant behaviour, if the norms have acquired a certain degree of taken-for-grantedness within the relevant group of actors or institution.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse the manner in which the Parliaments of France, the UK and Greece have reacted to the process of European integration, and argue that their reactions display an incremental logic marked by slow, small and marginal changes based on existing institutional repertoires.
Abstract: This article analyses the manner in which the Parliaments of France, the UK and Greece have reacted to the process of European integration. It is argued that their reactions display an incremental logic marked by slow, small and marginal changes based on existing institutional repertoires. In all three cases Parliaments have used familiar mechanisms and procedures which they have modified only marginally. This reaction was path dependent, i.e. it was consistent with long-established patterns reflecting the subordinate position of these Parliaments within national polities.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a research project cofinanced by the European Fund for Regional Development and Fundación Caixa Galicia was presented as part of a project co-financing by the Spanish Ministry of Education and Culture under grants SEC 99-1189 and SEC99-0820.
Abstract: This paper was written as part of a research project cofinanced by the European Fund for Regional Development and Fundacion Caixa Galicia. Additional financial support was provided by the Spanish Ministry of Education and Culture under grants SEC99-1189 and SEC99-0820.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the spread of multiple identities is seen as a prerequisite for the legitimization of the European level of governance, i.e. national as well as European identities.
Abstract: Following a multi-level governance approach, this article sees the spread of multiple – i.e. national as well as European – identities as a prerequisite for the legitimization of the European level of governance. Using Eurobarometer data and comparing France and Germany, a decline of multiple identities is seen, especially in Germany, since the 1980s. The article asks whether national and European identities stand in contradiction to each other and traces the emergence of a new cleavage along social and ideological lines. The results show the growing impact of social stratification variables indicating a potential social base for national-populist parties.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The recent White Paper on European Governance concludes that a renewed and reinvigorated "Community method" should be at the heart of EU policy-making, with the Commission itself playing an enhanced role as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The White Paper on European Governance can be seen as a bid to make a major contribution to the strategic leadership of the Union. By centring its deliberations and proposals on the concept of ‘governance’, the Commission signalled an intention to explore the limits of conventional hierarchical law and policy, and propose alternatives. Yet the White Paper concludes that a renewed and reinvigorated ‘Community method’ should be at the heart of EU policy-making, with the Commission itself playing an enhanced role. Moreover, the paper criticizes the Member States and ‘intergovernmental’ institutions, rather than the Commission itself. These features are neither good politics nor a full response to the questions raised by the White Paper or set for it by Prodi. Enlargement and the increased importance of the issues of (re)distribution and related emergence of new modes of governance, such as the open method of co-ordination, pose challenges and provide opportunities for the Commission and the Union more generally. A White Paper that was both more modest and self-confident about the part to be played by the Commission might have made a more important intervention in current debate.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the Treaty of Nice from a dynamic perspective and observe that the major decisions on institutions and procedures are part of an historical evolution of the EU's legal constitution; in quantitative terms the Nice results extended fundamental trends of the European process over the last 50 years.
Abstract: Analysing the Treaty of Nice from a dynamic perspective we observe that the major decisions on institutions and procedures are part of an historical evolution of the EU’s ‘legal constitution’; in quantitative terms the Nice results extended fundamental trends of the European process over the last 50 years. By increasing the complexity of the procedures and the modes of governance, the masters of the Treaty have again taken decisions according to a pattern which I characterize as a three-step model of ‘ratchet fusion’.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The impact of exogenous developments associated with the supranational regulation of food safety in the World Trade Organization (WTO) relative to internal pressures associated with food safety crises and the breakdown of the internal market on food safety regulatory reforms underway in the European Union (EU) is investigated in this article.
Abstract: This article, first, weighs the impact of exogenous developments associated with the supranational regulation of food safety in the World Trade Organization (WTO) relative to internal pressures associated with food safety crises and the breakdown of the internal market on food safety regulatory reforms underway in the European Union (EU); and second, probes the capacity and propensity of the Commission to act as a policy entrepreneur, leveraging the two arenas – the domestic and global – to expedite policy reforms. It finds evidence of Commission policy entrepreneurship at home and abroad, but cautions that the former is constrained by a mediative policy style dictated by the EU's institutional and legal framework and exacerbated by food safety crises.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Cotonou Agreement as discussed by the authors represents a radical overhaul of EUACP relations: it both consolidates the EUACP relationship through political dialogue, and provides for the long-standing trade preferences to be replaced with regional free trade agreements.
Abstract: The Cotonou Agreement represents a radical overhaul of EUACP relations: it both consolidates the EUACP relationship through political dialogue, and provides for the long-standing trade preferences to be replaced with regional free trade agreements. This analysis examines the various forces at work in the negotiations, using two-level game theory to assess how domestic interests influence an international negotiation. This analysis is set against the internal dynamic of EUACP relations, as well as the constraints posed by the multilateral trading system. Finally, the article examines the implications of this analysis for the forthcoming negotiations between the EU and regional ACP groups.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explain why legalization is an important aspect of European foreign policy, how legalization has taken place, and the impact of legalization on the evolution of EU foreign policy.
Abstract: One of the unique features of European integration involves the creation of a constitutional order for the European Union (EU). This order clearly governs many aspects of EU Member State economic and social policies, yet its impact on European foreign policy is less well understood. Although most Member States resist the legalization of their foreign policy co-operation, this policy domain has in fact become more legal, and in ways that have been neglected by most theorists of European integration and international law. To address these gaps in our understanding, this article explains (1) why legalization is an important aspect of European foreign policy; (2) how legalization has taken place; and (3) the impact of legalization on the evolution of EU foreign policy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the end of cold war bipolarity and German unification provided a window of opportunity for normative change and that a number of influentially situated domestic actors have purposefully sought to generate and reshape debate on German European policy norms.
Abstract: Germany's role in the European Union has been the subject of intense political speculation and academic debate. The key question is whether Germany has made, or is undergoing, a re-evaluation of the goals and means of European integration policy in the aftermath of unification. This article sheds new light on the debate by examining shifts in German political elites' normative understandings of Germany's role in European affairs. It uses a constructivist approach that challenges rationalist accounts of German Europapolitik and provides a more nuanced understanding of how German policy towards the EU is changing. The authors argue that the end of cold war bipolarity and German unification provided a window of opportunity for normative change and that a number of influentially situated domestic actors have purposefully sought to generate and reshape debate on German European policy norms. This is illustrated by three case studies that focus on Germany's strategic partnership with France; the shift in German security policy in the 1990s and its embedding in the EU's European security and defence policy; and the role and aims of the Lander in German EU policymaking. The authors conclude that German political elites are engaged in a process of ‘constructing normality’ that will have important implications for the future direction of the European integration process.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present their views on the already successful existence of the euro and monetary union, and the conditions and prospects for their further success, and draw their attention to why the euro has been successful from the outset.
Abstract: Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great pleasure and an honour for me to be speaking here, in London, at the invitation of the Journal of Common Market Studies, in front of such a distinguished audience. I am particularly happy to express my views on the already successful existence of the euro and monetary union, and the conditions and prospects for their further success. On 1 January 1999, a unique event in the history of Europe occurred. The euro was born and the irreversible nature of this change has convinced an increasing number of economic players that the success of the euro is necessary for Europe. It is a keystone of the European single market, which will ensure prosperity in Europe for the benefit of the rest of the world. I would like to draw your attention to why the euro and monetary union have been successful from the outset, and to the conditions and prospects for building on this success.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the changing patterns of support for EU membership in Poland, the largest of the central and east European applicant states, and argue that apathy and low turnout pose a greater threat than outright rejection in a future referendum.
Abstract: This article examines the changing patterns of support for EU membership in Poland, the largest of the central and east European applicant states. It argues that we should not be surprised that Poles have become increasingly cynical about EU membership since accession negotiations began and examines the particular concerns that underpin Polish Euroscepticism. However, the overall level of support remains high, and it is apathy and low turnout that pose a greater threat than outright rejection in a future referendum on EU accession.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the Europeanization of domestic citizenship policy by focusing on the attempt to introduce the principle of multiple nationality in the Dutch Nationality Act, and they show that the importance of Brussels could increase after a landmark ruling by the Court of Justice, and also that Strasbourg-based European norms should not be underestimated as they can substantially frame domestic discourses.
Abstract: This article analyses the Europeanization of domestic citizenship policy by focusing on the attempt to introduce the principle of multiple nationality in the Dutch Nationality Act. Considering that citizenship is often seen as a last bastion of national sovereignty, it is not surprising that neither the European Union nor the Council of Europe could play a decisive role. Nevertheless, the evidence from the Netherlands shows that, resulting from negative integration, the importance of Brussels could increase after a landmark ruling by the Court of Justice, and also that Strasbourg-based European norms should not be underestimated as they can substantially ‘frame’ domestic discourses.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors conclude that a method is needed for assessing democracy in a political system where there is fundamental agreement on what would constitute adequately democratic institutions, and explore two suggestions for such a method: the development of well-specified indicators of democratic performance for contrasting ideal-types of Euro-democracy; and the attribution of self- and peer assessments to institutional actors with competing perspectives on democratic standards in the EU.
Abstract: After reviewing difficulties with the literature on the democratic deficit, this article concludes that a method is needed for assessing democracy in a political system where there is fundamental agreement on what would constitute adequately democratic institutions. It then goes on to explore two suggestions for such a method: the development of well-specified indicators of democratic performance for contrasting ideal-types of Euro-democracy; and the attribution of self- and peer assessments to institutional actors with competing perspectives on democratic standards in the EU.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a framework is proposed which takes account of the impact of globalization on the underlying economic structure and on European regulation, and it is argued that only such a comprehensive approach can provide a greater insight into the development of European integration.
Abstract: European integration theory is currently dominated by a debate about the role of domestic changes, state‐society relations, and policy networks within Europe. This article seeks to contribute to this debate by dealing with what is understood as a generally poor conceptualization of the interaction between globalization and Europeanization. A framework is offered which takes account of the impact of globalization on the underlying economic structure and on European regulation. It is argued that only such a comprehensive approach can provide a greater insight into the development of European integration. These issues are addressed through the analysis of the common agricultural policy (CAP).