Showing papers in "Journal of Contemporary Asia in 2010"
TL;DR: The wealth and poverty of nations has long been accepted as a normal phenomenon in economic development as discussed by the authors, however, questions have been ceaseless with respect to whether this is the case.
Abstract: Erik S. Reinert (New Delhi: Anthem Press, 2008) The wealth and poverty of nations has long been accepted as a normal phenomenon in economic development. However, questions have been ceaseless with ...
117 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors compared modern nuclear power and renewable electricity technologies according to six criteria: cost, fuel availability, land degradation, water use, climate change, and safety/security.
Abstract: This article judges modern nuclear power and renewable electricity technologies according to six criteria: cost; fuel availability; land degradation; water use; climate change; and safety/security. It concludes that when these criteria are taken into consideration, renewable electricity technologies present policy makers with a superior alternative for minimising the risk of fuel interruptions and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network and reducing environmental harm. These more environmentally-friendly generators cost less to construct, produce power in smaller increments and need not rely on continuous government subsidies. They generate little to no waste, have fewer greenhouse gas emissions per unit of electricity produced and do not substantially contribute to the risk of accidents. In contrast, the costs for nuclear plant construction, fuel, reprocessing, storage, decommissioning and further research are expected to rise. Modern nuclear reactors are prone to accidents, ...
94 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors track the trajectory of Cambodia's industrialisation and insertion into the global economy over three interrelated phases: first, the beginnings of export-orientated garment production in the mid- to late 1990s; secondly, the promotion of Cambodia as an "ethical producer" from 1999; and, thirdly, privileging "competitiveness" in global production networks over labour compliance for its advantage.
Abstract: The expansion of the global economy and the governance deficit it has generated raise questions about the possibilities for regulating the practices of participants in global production networks. This paper focuses on the regulation of industrial relations in Cambodia's textile and garment industry – a unique ensemble of state, trade union, private sector and international institutions that is promoted as a “fair model of globalisation.” We track the trajectory of Cambodia's industrialisation and insertion into the global economy over three interrelated phases: first, the beginnings of export-orientated garment production in the mid- to late 1990s; secondly, the promotion of Cambodia as an “ethical producer” from 1999; and, thirdly, privileging “competitiveness” in global production networks over labour compliance for its advantage. In doing so we centre our analysis on the complex intertwining of global production, the genesis of the unique ensemble of actors in Cambodia and the anomaly of Cambo...
68 citations
TL;DR: The policies that are included under the terms multiculturalism, cultural diversity and "celebrating difference" are engaging substantial political debate in contemporary South Korea as discussed by the authors, and they have attracted substantial attention.
Abstract: The policies that are included under the terms multiculturalism, cultural diversity and “celebrating difference” are engaging substantial political debate in contemporary South Korea. Multicultural...
67 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of globalisation on the working class in South Korea has been explored and a new type of labor movement has emerged as an alternative to militant economic unionism of unions composed of reg- ular workers.
Abstract: This paper explores the impact of globalisation on the working class in South Kor- ea. Globalisation in South Korea has been distinctive in that it has taken place during the transi- tion to democracy. While democratisation has empowered workers to organise, globalisation has undermined the strength of the organised workers, segmenting regular workers from contingent workers. The abrupt neo-liberal economic reforms that followed the financial crisis of 1997-98 totally transformed the structure of the labour market, generating massive numbers of contingent workers who are vulnerable to economic insecurity and social risks. Under the system of company unions, the militant economic unionism that developed among unions in big corporations demon- strated its limitations in promoting the interests of contingent workers. As the struggles of con- tingent workers have expanded, social movement unionism, which unifies labour issues and social issues, has emerged as an alternative to militant economic unionism of unions composed of reg- ular workers. This movement could provide a glimpse of a possible new future for the union move- ment in other Asian countries that have experienced similar economic and political changes. Over the last two decades South Korea has experienced significant changes in its economy and politics due to democratisation and globalisation. These changes affect the working class in complex ways in which various actors engage in multifaceted interactions including contestation, compromise and fragmentation. Democratisa- tion in South Korea, as an important part of the contemporary political change, empowered workers as their rights were enhanced from 1987. Since 1997, however, neo-liberal globalisation, as the core of economic change, has undermined the power of the working class, fragmenting and demoralising workers via the demands for increasing flexibility in the labour market. At the same time, the rise of citizens' movements, at the core of social changes in the 1990s, had a negative impact on working class movements, marginalising unions as a movement of particular interest groups. However, the rise of essentially unorganised and contingent workers has given vent to struggles that display a new type of labour movement, showing the
58 citations
TL;DR: The ongoing conflict between the goals of environmental conservation and economic growth in China is partly a conflict between state agencies charged with these contrasting mis- sions as discussed by the authors, which illustrate this ongoing dynamic conflict through a study of the attempts to implement a green GDP accounting in China.
Abstract: The ongoing conflict between the goals of environmental conservation and economic growth in China is partly a conflict between state agencies charged with these contrasting mis- sions. In recent years, state environmental agencies attempted to implement a green national ac- counting (green GDP) exercise to publicise the extent to which environment-related costs of economic activity reduce actual GDP, and to promote a more comprehensive and realistic ac- counting of economic development and of GDP growth. Despite the difficulties and controversies associated with this type of accounting elsewhere, particularly in Europe, Chinese agencies imple- mented this project in 2006 and 2007. But there was widespread resistance from regional and lo- cal governments, apparently allied to proponents of economic growth within the central government. Chinese scholars and many officials have embraced the concept of ''ecological mod- ernisation,'' but the Party-State is also bound in many ways to the ''treadmill of production.'' We illustrate this ongoing dynamic conflict through a study of the attempts to implement a green GDP accounting in China.
55 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed the political economy of economic reform and the ways in which the characteristics of developmental states have been changed in this reform process, with attention to the experience of structural transformation in the manufacturing, information technology and financial sectors in Korea.
Abstract: This paper analyses the political economy of economic reform and the ways in which the characteristics of developmental states have been changed in this reform process. It does this with attention to the experience of structural transformation in the manufacturing, information technology and financial sectors in Korea. Using the coalition theory of policy reform, the main finding from these cases is that the relationships among politicians, bureaucrats and interest groups have been altered so that interest groups' power has been strengthened compared to politicians and bureaucrats. Although a crisis is important in promoting economic reform, broader-ranging trends, such as democratisation, globalisation and technological progress, have also been important fundamental forces. Even with change, the reform process in Korea continues to reflect the legacies of the developmental state, with the state still playing an important role in planning, implementing and sustaining economic reform.
54 citations
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the social dimensions of immigration by investigating immigration and immigrant policies along with the realities of immigrant life, and people's perceptions of immigrants from a comparative perspective, and found that the needs of the labour market, the embracement of returning ethnic Koreans and the increase in international marriages characterise South Korea's immigration and immigration policies and outcomes.
Abstract: This article argues that, despite the huge influx of immigrants over the past two decades, immigration and immigrant policies in South Korea are needs-based and ethnicity-based rather than cultural diversity-based; yet South Korea has the potential to become a culturally diverse society. In order to test these arguments, this article analyses the social dimensions of immigration by investigating immigration and immigrant policies along with the realities of immigrant life, and people's perceptions of immigrants from a comparative perspective. The article finds that the needs of the labour market, the embracement of returning ethnic Koreans and the increase in international marriages characterise South Korea's immigration and immigrant policies and outcomes. It also finds that the treatment of immigrants has improved since the implementation of the Employment Permit System in 2003. Finally, the article draws the optimistic conclusion that the future of immigration in Korea will be more ethnically ...
45 citations
TL;DR: It is argued that despite the success of the anti-sweatshop movement in a global context, the neo-liberal state in Malaysia continues to place certain restrictions on transnational labour migrants which breach garment industry codes of conduct.
Abstract: In the last decade factory owners, in response to brand-name Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) parameters, have joined associations that verify (through a monitoring and audit system) that management does not exploit labour. There have been no reports of violations of codes of conduct concerning Malaysian workers but for foreign workers on contract there are certain areas that have been reported. These areas, including trade union membership, the withholding of workers' passports and unsuitable accommodation, generally escape notice because auditors who monitor factory compliance do not question the terms of contracts as long as they comply with national labour standards. This paper is based on research with foreign workers in Malaysia and argues that despite the success of the anti-sweatshop movement in a global context, the neo-liberal state in Malaysia continues to place certain restrictions on transnational labour migrants which breach garment industry codes of conduct. Available evidence does not support the assumption that CSR practices provide sufficient protection for both citizen and foreign workers on contract in the garment industry.
43 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed the networks promoting neo-liberalisation and democratic practices in Indonesia's forestry sector as rival transnational networks and found that the Asian economic crisis and collapse of the Suharto regime provided a political opening for alliances between the two rival networks that helped to bring down the ruling oligarchy in timber.
Abstract: Scholars interested in the promotion of “good governance” and those interested in transnational advocacy networks both are concerned with the potential power of external actors to alter domestic political structures. This article analyses the networks promoting neo-liberalisation and democratic practices in Indonesia's forestry sector as rival transnational networks. The analysis finds that the Asian economic crisis and collapse of the Suharto regime provided a political opening for alliances between the two rival networks that helped to bring down the ruling oligarchy in timber, but the power of domestic oligarchs controlling the sector remains strong. In brief, there are limits to the power of both external networks vis-a-vis domestic power relations. Given the financial resources and constraints on non-governmental organisations, they may be unable to alter the deep structures of capitalist accumulation and distribution based in Indonesia's forest resources.
37 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors highlight the multifaceted and multi-dimensional character of the state-nation nexus by introducing the case of the Republic of Korea and question the soundness of characterising the current transformation in those terms.
Abstract: The phrase “decoupling of nation and state” has increasing currency in discussions of the transformation of citizenship and the state-people connection in this age of global migration. This study questions the soundness of characterising the current transformation in those terms. Asserting that the nexus between state and nation is being renegotiated and readjusted rather than disconnected or attenuated, the study highlights the multifaceted and multi-dimensional character of the state-nation nexus by introducing the case of the Republic of Korea. In so doing, the study inquires into, and throws light upon: (i) Korea's (re)definition of the boundaries of citizenship in coping with its existence as a divided nation and the challenges posed by an expanded influx of North Koreans; (ii) the country's evolving policy of diaspora engagement and vision of transnational nationhood; and (iii) the unity and opposition between territory and people as demonstrated by contestations surrounding the political p...
TL;DR: Wang et al. as mentioned in this paper argued that the dramatic cutbacks in public financing for the health sector and the failure of the state to establish effective and strong regulatory institutions are two major reasons for the adverse consequences, particularly the declining service quality.
Abstract: This article examines the privatisation of China's health care, highlighting the adverse consequences on the accessibility and quality of health services within the public hospital sector and considering the recent government's efforts to de-privatise the health sector. It argues that the dramatic cutbacks in public financing for the health sector and the failure of the state to establish effective and strong regulatory institutions are two major reasons for the adverse consequences, particularly the declining service quality. The lack of effective regulatory institutions is in turn caused by the following factors: revenue-generation imperative, bureaucratic politics, poorly financed and unqualified regulators. Finally, this article discusses the weaknesses of the recent de-privatisation policy, including implementation problems, the difficulty of the government to reassert its ownership rights over public hospitals, and inadequate regulatory reform.
TL;DR: Lee et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the election of Lee Myung Bak through the terminal crisis of the Roh Moo Hyun government that preceded it and argued that this crisis involves a problem of articulation within progressive politics between a politics of reunification and one grounded in egalitarian economic reform, including the lack of an alternative to the different forms of neo-liberalism embraced by both the Roh government and the conservative government.
Abstract: This paper examines the election of Lee Myung Bak through the terminal crisis of the Roh Moo Hyun government that preceded it. I start with an analysis of the election of Lee Myung Bak and the electoral strategies of the liberal-progressive bloc in the December 2007 election and then move on to detail how these strategies shed light on tensions within Korean progressive politics since the transition to democracy in 1987. These tensions inform what I shall call the “terminal crisis” of Roh's “participatory government.” I argue that this crisis involves a problem of articulation within progressive politics between a politics of reunification and one grounded in egalitarian economic reform, including the lack of an alternative to the different forms of neo-liberalism embraced by both the Roh government and the conservative government of Lee Myung Bak. My hope is that thorough examination of these tensions that have informed the liberal-progressive bloc during the long decade since 1987 can spur refl...
TL;DR: The authors compared research and development activities of four Asian developing countries (China, India, South Korea and Taiwan) with those of two advanced economies (the USA and Japan) to emphasise a neglected trend.
Abstract: Because of Asia's remarkable economic performance since the 1980s, some observers have predicted Asia's rise and the coming of a Pacific Century We doubt this optimistic view In the knowledge-based economy, ways of amassing wealth have changed, and better criteria for evaluating economic development are needed This study compares research and development activities of four Asian developing countries – China, India, South Korea and Taiwan – with those of two advanced economies – the USA and Japan – to emphasise a neglected trend The Asian cases do succeed in the information technology industry, a typical sector in the knowledge-based economy None the less, Asia may be lagging further behind in relative terms We show that this may not be the Asian century In addition, it is possible that the battlefield between multinationals will switch from markets to intellectual property courts
TL;DR: In this paper, the colonial surplus of the Netherlands East Indies has been estimated to be approximately US$10 billion or some US$156 billion in today's terms, which is considered large indeed.
Abstract: Surprisingly few previous contributions to estimates of Indonesia's colonial surplus have been made, all of them using the export surplus method. Having defined the colonial surplus, the export surplus method is rejected here as unnecessary and misleading. The Indies balance of payments data are used critically for the first time. Adding missing items and further analysing an odd but very big private item much larger estimates of the colonial surplus are produced. A comparison with the colonial surplus of British India is made. In all, the new colonial surplus for the Netherlands East Indies is estimated at almost 24 billion guilders, approximately US$10 billion or some US$156 billion in today's terms. Those figures are considered large indeed.
TL;DR: For more than 50 years, Pakistan has functioned as imperialism's "frontline state" as discussed by the authors, and the military has remained the country's dominant political player and the basic precepts of bourgeois democracy remain conspicuous by their absence.
Abstract: For more than 50 years, Pakistan has functioned as imperialism's “frontline state.” The military has remained the country's dominant political player and the basic precepts of bourgeois democracy remain conspicuous by their absence. Since the military coup in October 1999, the configuration of power in Pakistan has become subject to serious internal contradictions, in large part because of the “war on terror” and the loss of public prestige of the military. These contradictions have intensified in the wake of a lawyer-led street movement sparked by the military top brass' dismissal of the country's chief justice in March 2007. Since then the country's most well-known politician, Benazir Bhutto, has been assassinated and her Pakistan People's Party has swept to power in general elections held in February 2008. However, the crisis of the frontline state has not ebbed, and the oligarchic system of power remains subject to rupture.
TL;DR: In this paper, the existence of a power elite of tightly knit business-state networks in Hong Kong society and argues that this constitutes a systemic barrier against further democratic development is discussed, and an analysis of the formation and composition of the legislature and the relations to the elite-interlocks among influential organisations in society.
Abstract: A decade after retrocession to China, Hong Kong still has limited democracy. Only half of the legislature is directly elected by the people, and the Chief Executive – the leader of Hong Kong government – is chosen by an election committee of 800 people, most of them loyal to Beijing. In December 2007, the Chinese Central Government announced that the direct election of the Chief Executive and the whole legislature may be implemented from 2017 and 2020, respectively. Still, in this paper it is suggested that real democracy in the foreseeable future is unlikely. This paper demonstrates the existence of a “power elite” of tightly knit business-state networks in Hong Kong society and argues that this constitutes a systemic barrier against further democratic development. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the formation and composition of the legislature and the relations to the elite-interlocks among influential organisations in society. Mainly based on 2006‐07 data, the Elite Database which ...
TL;DR: The transition in Korea, however, is incomplete, leading to a combined system with complex criteria used by firms and universities to select applicants as discussed by the authors, which absorbs significant social and economic resources.
Abstract: Globalisation has produced changes in economic and social characteristics with no area more affected than job competitiveness and security A common response has been increased investment in education Korea has experienced this job insecurity and the associated heightened emphasis on education but the “localisation of globalisation” in Korea has had distinctive impacts Korea began absorbing these impacts with a pre-existing “organisation-specific” knowledge system Perceived failures in that system have pushed firms and the government toward an “individual-specific” knowledge system, like that found in US universities The transition in Korea, however, is incomplete, leading to a combined system with complex criteria used by firms and universities to select applicants Parents and students have lost faith in public education's ability to adapt, spawning a massive private education system which absorbs significant social and economic resources This peculiar localisation is the subject of this p
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined production organization and employment patterns in the export-oriented centers of Denizli (Turkey) and Tiruppur (India) and argued that the involvement of global value chains has resulted in segmented production patterns and insecure employment arrangements, and shed light on the relationship between new production forms and rising employment insecurity.
Abstract: This article examines production organisation and employment patterns in the export-orientated centres of Denizli (Turkey) and Tiruppur (India). It argues that Denizli and Tiruppur's involvement in global value chains has resulted in segmented production patterns and insecure employment arrangements. Larger producers use sub-contractors as a strategy to mediate the instability of international contracts and pass the uncertainty in their global linkages on to smaller firms and their workforces. Such flux, then, has become a regularised feature of manufacturing work within the ranks of sub-contractors. Employers have solidified these production arrangements by recruiting rural and female workers. The article sheds light on the relationship between new production forms and rising employment insecurity.
TL;DR: The authors argued that this friction is a useful deflection from the politically difficult policy action needed to remedy the US economy and cannot easily be removed by the Chinese side alone, and that the structure of global trade and the reality of China's political economy, which forces Chinese leaders to develop policies for a "harmonious society" in the face of growing inequality also makes it difficult for China to respond positively to US pressure on the exchange rate.
Abstract: American politicians and policy makers have blamed China's exchange rate for the large US trade deficits This paper explains why the USA treats its trade deficits with China as a security issue that have become a source of friction in Sino-US relations The essay argues that this friction is a useful deflection from the politically difficult policy action needed to remedy the US economy and cannot easily be removed by the Chinese side alone The structure of global trade and the reality of China's political economy, which forces Chinese leaders to develop policies for a “harmonious society” in the face of growing inequality also makes it difficult for China to respond positively to US pressure on the exchange rate
TL;DR: The special issue as mentioned in this paper addresses the challenges of globalisation that face contemporary South Korea and provides some basic contextualisation, suggesting that Korea is a useful case for understanding the pressures and resistances associated with neo-liberal globalization that define domestic responses to exhortations for internationalisation made by both domestic and global actors.
Abstract: This paper introduces the special issue that addresses the challenges of globalisation that face contemporary South Korea. Before briefly introducing each of the articles that comprise the special issue, this paper provides some basic contextualisation, suggesting that Korea is a useful case for understanding the pressures and resistances associated with neo-liberal globalisation that define domestic responses to exhortations for internationalisation made by both domestic and global actors.
TL;DR: In this paper, the health system is conceptualized as an articulation of component sub-systems (provision, financing, treatment accessories, support services, research and product development, education and training, etc.), which are increasingly brought within the circuit of capital, in the process reconfiguring the fine structure of the system along with its built-in incentives and disincentives which interactively modulate the system's overall operating characteristics.
Abstract: This paper begins with a theoretical perspective on privatisation which links it with systemic tendencies towards over-accumulation in the global capitalist economy. To analyse health system dynamics, the health system is conceptualised as an articulation of component sub-systems (provision, financing, treatment accessories, support services, research and product development, education and training, etc.). These sub-systems are increasingly brought within the circuit of capital, in the process re-configuring the fine structure of the system along with its built-in incentives and disincentives which interactively modulate the system's overall operating characteristics. The rest of the paper provides an update on the evolving role of the Malaysian state as provider, as financier, as investor and as regulator of the health system.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that, at its extreme it can fall into the paternalistic social welfare measures of the colonial Ethical System, or the top-down social engineering of the New Order, characterised by the weary lament from officials of "rakyat masih bodoh" (the people are still stupid).
Abstract: invariably need expert assistance in economic, logistical, legal, scientific and other specialised fields if they are to have any hope of success. Outside guidance is unavoidable. Yet, at its extreme it can fall into the paternalistic social welfare measures of the colonial Ethical System, or the – often well-intentioned – top-down social engineering of the New Order, characterised by the weary lament from officials of ‘‘rakyat masih bodoh’’ (the people are still stupid). In no sense do these authors fall into those traps, quite the contrary. However, abstract general prescriptions cast in the passive voice (certain changes . . . ‘‘will be needed’’ etc.) leave open troubling uncertainty about where outside experts might exceed their brief. We are told that intervention to achieve governance reforms and institutional linkages at various levels need ‘‘to be reformulated’’, and so on. No doubt, but by whom exactly; and how? Crucial political and organisational dimensions are never fully addressed when the language takes this turn. Elsewhere in the book we read of aspiration to democratic forms of governance that will secure ‘‘equity and sustainability.’’ It rolls off the tongue so easily, yet what are the underlying implications of such aims? The studies show that decentralisation has opened up hope for the redress of longneglected rights and other problems. It has produced failures as well as successes, but then it ought to be expected that democratic change will take time. But democracy and equity? Yes, the two are intimately connected but really, it is not as simple as this easy formulation suggests. Most of the nations that claim to be democracies, and that have been democratic for many decades, still fall a long way short in the equity stakes. And sustainability – that is the hard one. Democracy and equity need time, but one can hope that we will all get there eventually. By contrast, so many environmental issues are of such urgency that gradual institutional change may be too late. Again, the dilemmas are so troubling that one could wish that the authors had pressed even further into the full implications of their fascinating investigations. Readers, however, should not be put off by such grumblings at the margins. The book deserves to be widely read in the prospect of serious debate about the important concerns that it poses with such clarity.
TL;DR: It is shown how the street facilitates displacement and exacerbates the marginalisation of underemployed kampung men and is set against the struggles over the use of public space between Surabaya's kampsung residents and the municipality since independence.
Abstract: This focus of this paper is not Surabaya's increasingly free-flowing streets, but the people those streets displace. Based on research in a low-income neighbourhood, or kampung, of Indonesia's second largest city, this paper shows how the street facilitates displacement and exacerbates the marginalisation of underemployed kampung men. This argument is set against the struggles over the use of public space between Surabaya's kampung residents and the municipality since independence and is grounded through the biographical detail of seven kampung men over the ten years since the economic crisis of 1998.
TL;DR: This paper examined how companies determine which location offers the best opportunity to establish an assembly-type manufacturing site in China and found that the major factors influencing location selection are economics, politics, the cluster effect and bureaucratic efficiency.
Abstract: An upswing in labour costs and currency appreciation during the 1980s caused companies from more advanced Asian economies, such as Hong Kong, Japan and Taiwan, to search for new manufacturing sites in order to obtain lower costs. China was one of the main options for these outward investments, with its huge and rapidly growing market, plentiful, low-cost labour and vast territory. The literature on foreign direct investment has analysed the location strategies of multinational enterprises across national borders, but there have been fewer studies of location decisions by foreign investors within the borders of a single country. We examine how companies determine which location offers the best opportunity to establish an assembly-type manufacturing site in China. We surveyed 17 Taiwanese enterprises that have established this kind of manufacturing base in China, and found that the major factors influencing location selection are economics, politics, the cluster effect and bureaucratic efficiency. ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that Thailand is at a critical juncture and that Thailand cannot avoid shifting to an intensive growth regime based on increases of labour productivity in order to control labour costs and, unlike past regimes, seek ways to ensure that the benefits of growth are better shared.
Abstract: Exploring the relationship between labour and economic growth in Thailand over the past half century, the article shows that Thailand can no longer rely on an extensive growth regime based on abundant and cheap labour. We argue that Thailand is at a critical juncture and that Thailand cannot avoid shifting to an intensive growth regime based on increases of labour productivity in order to control labour costs and, unlike past regimes, seek ways to ensure that the benefits of growth are better shared.
TL;DR: Chang et al. as mentioned in this paper described women's movements in Twentieth-Century Taiwan, as the University of Illinois Press advertises it, is the first academic work in English to describe women's movement in Taiwan.
Abstract: Doris T. Chang (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009) Women's Movements in Twentieth-Century Taiwan, as the University of Illinois Press advertises it, is the first academic work in English t...
TL;DR: Li Minqi, a professor in the Department of Economics at the University of Utah, has produced a new interpretation of China, The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World Economy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2008) that deserves critical attention as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Li Minqi, a professor in the Department of Economics at the University of Utah, has produced a new interpretation of China, The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World Economy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2008) that deserves critical attention. In this review article, I acknowledge Li’s contributions and take up the implicit challenge of debating Marxism and China’s potential future(s) with him.