Showing papers in "Journal of International Relations in 2012"

FROM DEREGULATION TO DECENTERING IN THE SOUTH ATLANTIC AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF «Lusofonia»

Abstract: The papel shall rest on the geopolitics of the evolving security situation in the southern reaches of the Atlantic, and what this means for Portuguese and Lusophone interests. It will focus, mainly, on the growing threats the region faces and the risks of a rapid degradation which could result from the simultaneous ever louder affirmation of both regional and extraregional players (State and non-State ones) and the glaring absence of an overarching security architecture there. Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela, South Africa, Angola and Nigeria (to take a few obvious examples) have to contend with a growing US, Russian, and Chinese presence in the area, a presence with an ever-increasing clout economic, political, and military. Geostrategically, the region is subdivided into four sub-regions, as concerns these enhanced tensions, each raising thorny issues of its own. Special attention is given to Brazilian, Cape Verdian and Angolan interests and responses to this, and on the role Portuguese foreign policy has been playing in the developing and emergent regional tensions, potential and actual. The role of multilateral organization and coalitions, and the various degrees of formality of objectives they display, is also touched upon, albeit only lightly. More than simply on hard economic, political, and military data, the analysis endeavours to take stock of the discursive dimension of threats and tensions in the four sub-regions identified in the South Atlantic.

Vývoj multilaterálních dohod ve světovém obchodě v kontextu historie až po současnost

Abstract: Předkladaný clanek se zabýva zmapovanim vývoje multilateralnich obchodnich smluv ve světovem obchodě v kontextu minulosti až po soucasnost. Za timto ucelem jsou nejprve představeny druhy bilateralnich smluv, ktere historicky předchazely multilateralnim smlouvam. Ambici předkladaneho clanku je vymezit milniky ve vývoji světoveho obchodniho řadu, kdy ustřednim bodem v historickem kontextu bylo uzavirani bilateralnich zejmena mirových smluv až po soucasnost, kdy zejmena globalni problemy si vyžadaly zastitěni těchto problemů dohodami, ktere by byly otevřeny velkemu poctu ucastniků. Cilem přispěvku je objasnit vznik a vývoj bilateralnich a nasledně multilateralnich obchodnich smluv a nasledně zachytit zakladni multilateralni obchodni smlouvy, ktere jsou v soucasnem obchodnim systemu považovany za dominantni.

Emerging middle powers and global security challenges: the case of Brazil and Turkey - implications for Portugal

Abstract: Assistant Professor (Professora Auxiliar) in the Law Department at the University Portucalense. Scientific Researcher at OBSERVARE and at the Instituto Juridico Portucalense. PhD in “Political Science and International Relations” by the Catholic University of Lisbon. M.A. in “International Politics” by the Universite Libre de Bruxelles. M.A. in “European Studies” by the University of Reading, England. B.A. in “Political Science and Public Administration” by the University of Athens, Greece. She has been a consultant and researcher on European Union legislation and EU business opportunities in Brussels, Lisbon and Athens.

Japan´s lost decade: on the development of the Japanese economy in the 1990s

Abstract: The objective of this article is to describe and analyse the economic development and to summarize and explain the most important factors that have caused the long-term stagnation and instability of the Japanese economy in the 1990s (so called „lost decade“). The asset price bubble collapse at the beginning of the 1990s has probably activated and amplified impacts of other complicated processes in the economy, especially of the protracted deflation and insufficient final domestic consumption. The burst of the bubble has negatively affected both Japanese financial sector, production and investment activity of Japanese companies etc. It is also possible to identify some important structural deficiencies and rigidities that limit both the effectiveness of government anti-stagnation measures and development of the supply side of the Japanese economy.

The impossible partnership - premises and reasons of the failure of the Atlantic declaration

Abstract: During the Cold War, the most important attempt to carry the concept of transatlantic unity into effect was proposal of the Atlantic Declaration in 1973. The objective of this article is to present the origins and the breakdown of this plan. As the most serious transatlantic divergences concerned the economy, it can be stated that the idea aimed at regulation of trade and monetary issues according to American interest. The Europeans were reluctant to sign the document, which joined economic matters with the political and defence aspects of cooperation. The fiasco of the Atlantic Declaration was a proof of decline of the US hegemony.

The Euro area membership of Bulgaria in the context of the debt crisis

Abstract: This paper analyzes the perspectives of a Euro area membership for Bulgaria by systematizing the reasons for the debt crisis and by reviewing the macroeconomic specificity of Bulgaria. The focus of investigation is on institutional and structural causes of the crisis. Recommendations are made on possible crisis-exit strategies and on the macroeconomic policies Bulgaria should pursue on its way to the adoption of the Euro.

Spoločenské a ekologické dopady zvyšovania hladiny morí na mobilitu ľudskej populácie

Abstract: Clanok sa zaobera fenomenom migracie cloveka sposobenou zmenou stavu životneho prostredia v podmienkach klimatických zmien na Zemi. Identifikuje kauzalne vzťahy migracie obyvateľstva a degradacie životneho prostredia s dorazom na cezhranicnu dimenziu opatreni v kontexte zdieľania bremena medzinarodnej zodpovednosti. V uvode predstavujeme pokracujuci interdisciplinarny diskurz o vzajomných vplyvoch životneho prostredia a cloveka. Skumame socioekologicke elementy environmentalnej migracie metodou komparacie pripadových studii vysidľovania populacii v krajinach sveta a uvadzame jednotlive principy kauzality prepojenia prirodných zdrojov a migracných tlakov na cloveka. Venujeme sa konceptu adaptacie, rozboru migracie ako adaptacnej strategie a analýze politiky medzinarodných schem implementacie adaptacie do praxe. Osobitnu pozornosť zameriavame na problematiku zvysovania hladiny mora v ohrozených oblastiach, ako priklad nutenej migracie z environmentalnych dovodov.

Compliance with international sanctions commitments in the Czech Republic

Abstract: The Czech Republic belongs among those countries which only carry out sanctions which have been imposed by organisations. However, in compliance with adopted international norms, it contributes substantially to the sanctions’ success. At the same time, the question of joining multilateral sanctions’ regimes is not decided arbitrarily in the case of the Czech Republic. This means that the mechanisms ensuring norm-consistent behaviour are introduced first. The domestic sources of compliance in the newly independent state, as well as those international developments which influenced the sanctions’ cost-benefit ratio in the late 1990s, illustrate the difficulties in the implementation of, and compliance with, sanctions in the Czech Republic. This article emphasizes the influence of the rule setting institutions, and socialization mechanisms, primarily within the UN and the EU.

Súčasné a očakávané budúce trendy prílevu čínskych priamych investícií do Afriky

Abstract: Cinske investicie vo svete naberaju na význame. Niektore krajiny ich vnimaju ako priležitosť, ine zas ako hrozbu. Najviac kritizovane investicie Ciny prudia predovsetkým do afrických krajin a je za ne casto titulovana novodobým kolonizatorom Afriky. Na zaklade sledovania narastu cinskeho investicneho zaujmu v jednotlivých afrických ekonomikach v predkladanom clanku identifikujeme tie, ktore sa do stredobodu cinskeho zaujmu dostali len nedavno. Nasledne analyzujeme cinske investicie v týchto statoch zo sektoralneho hľadiska a skumame determinanty cinskych investicii v nich. Napokon na zaklade analýzy sucasných trendov cinskych investicii identifikujeme tie staty, do ktorých možno ocakavať ďalsi narast investicii a prichadzame k zaveru, že Cina novodobým kolonizatorom Afriky nie je.

In search of space for international integration: The pragmatism of Brazilian foreign policy in the first decade of the 21st century

Abstract: This paper focuses on the pragmatism of Brazilian foreign policy in the first decade of the 21st century and discusses its performance in the context of an international agenda characterized by United States pressures on securitization. The text also discusses the consequences of American foreign policy in terms of adopting unilateral and exclusively military actions in the international scenario, considering the US helped to create most governance structures in the world.

Uyghurs: Chinesization, Violence and the Future

Abstract: This study examines ethnic tensions and conflict in China's conflict-ridden Xinjiang region where Uyghurs, who share distinct traits such as language, culture, and religion, claim geographical domination The major thesis of this study is that Chinesization of Xinjiang region by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has fueled ethnic conflict and violence The study attempts to understand violence of both parties Each party's violence or violent attitudes against the other increases the sense of distrust between them This paper also discusses some fundamental historical factors that play a role in understanding Xinjiang's ethnic violence It finally suggests solutions to the protracted ethno-political conflict-partition or power sharingIntroductionIn July 2009, China's oil-rich and ethnically-sensitive far-western Chinese province of Xinjiang experienced violence between Uyghurs and Han Chinese Media reported that more than 100 people were killed and 800 injured from the disturbance which broke out in the provincial capital, Urumqi The disturbances occurred after a year of rising tensions between the dominant Han Chinese authorities and the Uyghur ethnic minority-the historical ethnic majority in Xinjiang-who say they have been socially and economically marginalized by Beijing's policies that introduce Chinesization of the region On August 4, 2008, four days before the start of the Beijing Olympics, two ethnic Uyghurs drove a stolen dump truck into a group of some 70 Chinese border police in the town of Kashi in Xinjiang, killing at least 1 6 of the officers The attackers carried knives and home-made explosive devices and had also written manifestos in which they expressed their commitment to jihad in Xinjiang1When violence broke out in Xinjiang, people living outside China had one simple question: "Why do Uyghurs rebel?" Ethnic riots do not occur in vain There are several scholarly explanations to understand ethnic violence2 Of these, one explanation is politicization of ethnic distinctions by major political parties that fuels ethnic violence and conflict3 The July 5 violence was the most brutal act of violence against the protesters since Tiananmen Square unrest some 20 years ago China's state- controlled media and ruling communist party officials identified those Uyghurs who had taken part in the riots against the Han Chinese as "terrorists", and accused the exiled groups, including the World Uyghur Congress, of fomenting violence4 But the questions are: Why have some young Uyghurs, a minority group comprising roughly half the population of Xinjiang province, lost trust in the state and its institutions?5 What causes have contributed to the anti-Chinese campaign-both violent and non-violent-by young Uyghurs? It is clearly difficult to rationalize human actions and motivations Instead, there are many factors that can lead to tensions between groups of people in divided societies This paper will first review many of these complicated factors, and then focus on how the politicization of ethnic tensions has triggered violence and tragedy in the Xinjiang provinceTheoretical FrameworksThe primordialist approach offers one simple yet powerful explanation about ethno- political conflict For primordialists, ethnic identity is inborn and, therefore, immutable6 as both culturally-acquired aspects (language, culture, and religion) and genetically- determined characteristics (pigmentation and physiognomy) in shaping ethnic identity Primordialism's socio-biological strand claims that ethnicity, tied to kinship, promotes a convergence of interests between individuals and their kin group's collective goals Consequently, even racism and ethnocentrism can be viewed as extreme forms of nepotistic behavior driven by feelings of propinquity and consanguinity Primordialists thus note nationalism as a natural phenomenonIn contrast, the constructivist theory views ethnic identities as a product of human actions and choices, arguing that they are constructed and transmitted, not genetically inherited, from the past …

Inštitucionálne modely hospodárskej diplomacie - príklad Nemecka, Rakúska, Švajčiarska a Slovenska

Abstract: Usporiadanie a institucionalna organizacia vladnych rezortov a organov, ktore realizuju hospodarsku diplomaciu, je v jednotlivých statoch rozna. Napriek tomu existuju niektore charakteristicke vlastnosti, podľa ktorých je možne zatriediť stat do odpovedajuceho modelu. Clanok je zameraný na definiciu modelov, poskytuje vseobecný prehľad jednotlivých modelov a ich zakladných charakteristik. Ako priklad su uvedene institucie, ktore sa zucastňuju na výkone hospodarskej diplomacie Nemecka, Rakuska, Svajciarska a Slovenska. Jednotlivým krajinam je priradený odpovedajuci model hospodarskej diplomacie. V zavere su rozanalyzovane institucionalne struktury hospodarskej diplomacie týchto krajin s ohľadom na pozitivne a negativne vlastnosti aplikovaných modelov.

After the arab spring: the problem of freedom of religion

Abstract: The 2011 �Arab Spring� arouses, in Western societies, expectations that often do not take into account the real context of the Islamic countries. As a matter of fact, the Western Secular tradition frequently obstructs the understanding of the strong religious feeling that pervades the social reality of the Islamic world, even if in a non-uniform way: the modernists, traditionalists and fundamentalists� school of thoughts have a different idea of the modern Islamic State. In order to clarify this diversity, the history of the relationships between State and Islam, the inter-relationship (in a degree that is unthinkable in Western culture) between State, religion and law and the consequent different perception of single individual behaviours have to be examined. This encounter-conflict with the Western political perspective became real in the Islamic States through the imposition of the Western law during the colonial period and � in the opposite direction � is taking place, today, in Europe through the increasing immigration of Islamic believers. The provision of concordats (a potential solution with other monotheistic religions) is not possible with the Islamic communities, because Islam does not take into consideration a hierarchically organized ecclesiastical structure and, therefore, the Western States cannot find a single and official interlocutor. This way, within each individual Western State, a frequently difficult coexistence between Western and Islamic States is growing, a coexistence that is leading to new forms of legal pluralism. On an international relations level, the economic difference between the Western States and those who took part in the �Arab Spring� make it difficult for these last countries to promptly build up a modern State. The potential models range from Iranian theocracy to Turkish Secularism, with innumerous intermediate solutions. Today, the tendency seems to go towards an Islamic State, as the Pakistani constitutional evolution shows: but any prediction is questionable, because the transformation process that started with the Arab Spring is just beginning. Finally, the Western constitution model struggles with the rigor of the Islamic religion that does not admit Muslim conversion to another religion. Whoever abandons Islam commits the crime of apostasy that the Coranic law punishes with death. The fundamental right of freedom of religion becomes, this way, an insurmountable obstacle for the introduction of a Western-style constitution in a State whose population is mainly Islamic.

Súvislosť čínskych priamych investícií a nerastného bohatstva v autokratických režimoch Afriky

Abstract: Nazory na cinske investicie v Afrických statoch sa lisia. Vacsinou su buď velebene alebo kritizovane, a to najma za zneuživanie skorumpovanosti a nedemokratickosti rentierskych statov pre vlastne ucely. Cieľom tohto clanku je na zaklade statistickej analýzy najsť suvislosť medzi cinskymi priamymi investiciami a nerastným bohatstvom autokratických režimov Afriky. Praca preto vycleňuje na zaklade indexu demokracie autokraticke režimy v Afrike, nasledne analyzuje prienik týchto režimov s najvacsimi recipientmi cinskych investicii v Afrike a skuma exporty nerastných surovin a ich kategorii z týchto statov do sveta, ako aj podiel Ciny na ich importe. Na zaklade týchto analýz dospievame k zaveru, že vzhľadom na veľký pocet autokratických režimov v Afrike, je ťažke ich pri obchodných a investicných vzťahoch obchadzať, co demonstrujeme na komparacii investicných tokov EU 27 a USA. Podľa tejto analýzy zohrava teda aj pre Cinu podstatnu, resp. nepodstatnu rolu uroveň demokracie v investicných destinaciach ako pre staty EU 27. Suvislosť medzi hojnosťou nerastneho bohatstva a tokmi cinskych PIZ je vsak podľa tejto analýzy nepopierateľna.

NATO, Balkán a verejná diplomacia

Abstract: Clanok analyzuje, ako vnimaju organizaciu NATO na Balkane a objasňuje rozdiely medzi statmi. Nasledne využiva poznatky teorie konstruktivizmu a odbornikov, ktori vysvetľuju, že negativne postoje k NATO sa menia k pozitivnemu vďaka dlhorocnej pritomnosti organizacie a EU na Balkane. Autor sice suhlasi s daným tvrdenim, argumentuje vsak, že vzhľadom na to, že verejna mienka o NATO na Balkane je specificka, NATO by vo svojej verejnej diplomacii nemalo zostavať len na urovni informacnej kampane. Na zmenu postojov by malo zakomponovať tretiu, avsak zatiaľ malo objavenu dimenziu verejnej diplomacie – spolupracu.

Portugal: participation in peace missions as a factor of external credibility

Abstract: portuguesPortugal e um dos mais importantes contribuintes europeus para operacoes de paz internacionais Ocupa actualmente o 45o lugar numa lista de 115 paises que contribuem para as operacoes de paz das Nacoes Unidas (ONU) e 7o na Uniao Europeia (UE) A multiplicidade de forcas utilizadas, bem como a diversidade dos locais de sua projeccao, reflecte bem a ambicao e esforco feito pelos governos portugueses nos ultimos 20 anos A participacao em missoes de paz tem sido vista como um meio para reforcar a posicao de Portugal no mundo: o envolvimento em operacoes de paz sob a bandeira de organizacoes internacionais, reforca a influencia da nossa politica externa e diplomacia Neste artigo, defendemos que o envolvimento portugues em missoes de paz reflecte propositos de interesse nacional e politica externa O objectivo e reforcar a capacidade de Portugal para influenciar o processo decisorio nos principais foruns internacionais, como a ONU, NATO e a UE Ele segue a meta estabelecida desde finais dos anos 80, de reforcar a visibilidade e o peso especifico de Portugal no âmbito multilateral A contribuicao do pais para a manutencao da paz aumentou o poder negocial de Portugal, que se tornou um parceiro mais activo, com uma voz mais audivel no seio dessas organizacoes Essa voz levou a uma melhor posicao, quando se tratava de negociar cargos importantes e assuntos da agenda internacional relevantes para Portugal EnglishIn per capita terms, Portugal is one of the most significant European contributors to international peacekeeping operations around the world It presently ranks 45th in a list of 115 countries contributing to the United Nations (UN) peace operations and 7th in the European Union (EU) The multiplicity of forces used, as well as the diversity of the locations of deployment, reflect the ambition and effort made by the Portuguese governments in the last 20 years Portuguese participation in peacekeeping missions has been seen as a vehicle for strengthening Portugal's position in the world: the involvement under the flag of international organisations raises the profile of Portuguese foreign policy and diplomacy In this paper, we argue that Portuguese involvement in peace missions reflects Portugal's pursuit of its national interest and foreign policy The aim is to bolster Portugal's capacity to influence the decision-making process in major international fora, such as the UN, NATO and the EU The goal established since the late 1980s aims to strengthen the visibility and specific weight of Portugal in the multilateral framework The country's contribution to peacekeeping operations has increased the bargaining power of Portugal, which has become an active partner with a more audible voice within those organisations That voice led to gaining a better position when it came to negotiating major international posts and policies

Politico-Economic Aspects of Sino-Indian Relations: Emerging Trends and Issues

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to analyze the recent scenarios in Sino-Indian relations. It examines the background of relations between India and China, highlighting the tensions in the ties between the two countries since the 1962 war, which shocked Jawaharlal Nehru, the architect of India's foreign policy. The Nehruvian policy of India's self-image was punctured by India's defeat in the 1962 Sino-Indian war. Incursions into India by China are continuing. The Sino-Indian relations will define the 21st century in a more complicated manner than the Soviet-American conflict that characterized the second half of the 20th century. The paper also gives an assessment of India's foreign policy, and presents some conclusions about the future of Sino-Indian relations. There are emerging trends and issues in Sino-Indian relations. China and India are the largest and the most populated countries and are described as the Asian giants and have their own peculiarity, commonality of economic interests, and divergence on geopolitical perceptions.IntroductionThe Communist Party of China was founded on July 1, 1 921 in Shanghai. In 1 927, Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek launched attacks on Communist strongholds in Shanghai. During 1934-35, Mao Zedong began his ascent to power during the Long March, a series of retreats by the Red Army to evade Chiang's pursuing Nationalist forces. On October 1, 1 949, Zedong proclaimed the establishment of the People's Republic of China. Chiang Kai-Shek and the defeated nationalists fled to Taiwan.The Communist Party has transformed China. The party marked its 90th anniversary on July 1, 2011. India was the second country to accord recognition to the People's Republic of China and supported the Chinese representation in the United Nations.India rejected the two China policy pursued by the US. At the Bandung Conference in 1955, India and China signed the Panchsheel Agreement (five principles of peaceful co-existence) and also recognized the Chinese sovereignty over Tibet and accepted the Chinese claim over Tibet as a province of China. After the Lhasa revolt, Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of the Lamas, took asylum in India and formed a government-in-exile in Dharamshala in Himachal Pradesh. The asylum to Dalai Lama became a major irritant in Sino-lndian relations. China also made claim over many parts of the Indian territory and sent troops to the Indian border. The Chinese People's Army occupied Aksai-Chin and the Chinese map also showed Arunachal Pradesh as a part of China.Jawaharlal Nehru, the architect of India's foreign policy, was shocked by the Chinese aggressive behavior and a border war broke out in 1962 between India and China, and the Nehruvian policy of India's self-image was punctured. The Chinese aggression gave a grave shock to Nehru from which he could not recover, and in May 1964, he died.Military incursions into India by the Chinese forces are continuing, which are tracked by Beijing's diplomatic assault on India's territorial integrity and pluralistic nationalism. The Chinese embassy in New Delhi is issuing irregular visas to Kashmiris of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (ΡΟΚ) in an effort to legitimize separatism. Beijing officially condemned Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Arunachal Pradesh.Officially, however, India maintains that it is on good terms with Beijing. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh also met his Chinese counterpart, Wen Jiabao, at the ASEAN Summit in Thailand.There are two reasons for China's aggressive behavior towards India. The first is historical. At the Bandung Conference in 1955, there were differences between the Chinese Prime Minister Chou-in-Lie and Nehru, who was an idealist in implementing and realizing foreign policy goals. The second reason is that there is a virtual competition between India and China. Both are aspiring to be the economic giants in Asia. It is rightly observed that the Sino-lndian relations "will define the 21st century in a more complicated manner than the Soviet-American conflict that characterized the second half of the 20th century. …

The strategies of portuguese civil society organizations in the field of the environment

Abstract: "The strategies of civil society organizations in the field of the environment" is the result of research conducted as part of the Project "strategies of international players in the area of the environment" carried out at OBSERVARE, the Observatory for External Relations of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa. The objective of the study was to understand and characterize the involvement of Portuguese NGOs, or of those based in Portugal, in the field of the environment, identifying and evaluating the relationships they have established with external partners, namely with regard to the following: privileged countries; types of partners; intervention areas; methodologies and tools. The study was based on the concepts of development cooperation, including players and tools, partnership in international relations, and social and environmental sustainability, taking also into account the Millennium Development Goals, in particular as regards the Seventh Target: Guaranteeing Environmental Sustainability. Given the broad scope of the study, a short questionnaire was built following the principle of guaranteed anonymity and made available online. After making a list of NGOs (ENGOs and DNGOs), the questionnaire was sent to many of these organizations, requesting them to respond to the questionnaire (N=43). From the data analysis and by confronting it with the concepts previously explored, it emerged that the majority undertake joint activity in Portugal and in partner countries, mostly with other similar organizations after the establishment of partnerships. The activity focuses on social and environmental projects of local relevance, with mixed funding that is mostly international in nature, and has clear objectives for promoting development.

Reconsidering the origins of the southern african regionalism thirty years later: towards a constructivist approach to the origins of sadc

Abstract: Summary The creation of SADCC has generated a debate over the real origins of the southern African model of regionalism. This paper develops the idea that the origins of SADC are both internal and external. Thus, southern African regionalism is understood as a constructivist articulation of internal and external inputs, which determined the creation of SADCC and its transformation into SADC.

First OBSERVARE International Conference: International trends and Portugal's position

Abstract: The Conference was an important occasion for the confluence of Portuguese and foreign experts in International Relations, and focused on the topic “International Trends and Portugal’s position. In addition to researchers from OBSERVARE and lecturers from UAL, the event was attended by several researchers from other universities, particularly those with which a partnership was agreed to that effect: The Carolina Foundation in Madrid, NOREF from Oslo, NICPRI from the University of Minho, IPRI from Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisbon), Instituto de Estudos Superiores Militares (Institute for Higher Military Studies), Instituto de Defesa Nacional (National Defence Institute), Instituto de Estudos Estrategicos Internacionais (Institute of International Strategic Studies), Rede Portuguesa de Estudos de Seguranca (Portuguese Network for Security Studies), and Observatorio Genero e Violencia Armada (Gender and Armed Violence Observatory) of CES, of the University of Coimbra. As Conference Coordinator, I made the opening and closing speeches. Both are recorded here, notwithstanding the fact that the complete texts can be accessed at http://observare.ual.pt.

Možnosti a bariéry vstupu malých a stredných podnikov SR na jednotný trh EÚ - výsledky marketingového prieskumu

Abstract: Male a stredne podnikanie sa oznacuje v Europe i vo svete za doležitý pilier a stabilizacný faktor ekonomiky krajiny a jej regionov. Male a stredne podniky prispievaju k rieseniu ekonomických, politických a spolocenských problemov statu. Slovenske MSP nastartovali svoj rozvoj po roku 2000, po transformacii planovanej ekonomiky na trhovu. Napriek kratkemu vývoju tvoria dnes viac ako 99% vsetkých podnikov v SR s podielom 68,5% na celkovej zamestnanosti. Vstup Slovenska do europskych integracných struktur otvoril veľke priležitosti aj pre male a stredne podniky etablovať sa na veľkom europskom trhu. Ako slovenske MSP využivaju výhody nasho clenstva v EU v oblasti podpory a pomoci ako aj pri vstupe na spolocný trh sme zisťovali v ramci on-line dopytovania na vzorke 256 podnikateľských subjektov.

Vplyv subvencií na celkovú užitočnosť v malom a veľkom štáte - neoklasický grafický model

Abstract: Predkladaný clanok analyzuje ucinky vývozných subvencii na celkovu užitocnosť v malých a veľkých statoch. Analýzu vykonavame pomocou neoklasickeho geometrickeho modelu založeneho na krivkach PPF a CIC. Prichadzame k zaveru, že subvencia je pre oba typy krajin menej výhodna ako slobodný medzinarodný obchod. Vývozna subvencia v smere komparativnych výhod ma pritom negativnejsie ucinky na celkovu užitocnosť vo veľkých krajinach ako na užitocnosť v malých krajinach. Pri vývoznej subvencii v protiklade s komparativnymi výhodami nemožno jednoznacne urciť, ci su jej dopady negativnejsie v malej alebo vo veľkej krajine.

Imidž Slovenskej republiky v činnosti orgánov pre zahraničné styky

Abstract: Predkladaný clanok je pokracovanim aktivit, ktore FMV EU v Bratislave ako výskumne pracovisko realizovala v ramci projektu VEGA Postavenie a ulohy diplomacie v procese jednotnej prezentacie statu (1/0763/10). Autor hodnoti niektore sporne pristupy k problematike jednotnej prezentacie statu v zahranici, osobitne sa venuje terminologickej neujasnenosti. Teoreticke a metodicke postupy skumanej problematiky konfrontuje na priklade Slovenskej republiky.