Showing papers in "Journal of International Relations in 2016"

Celková faktorová produktivita a jej determinanty v európskej únii (total factor productivity and its determinants in the european union)

Abstract: Problematika europskej produktivity je ustrednou temou mnohých ekonomických a politických debat vzhľadom na fakt, že relativne nizka miera produktivity predstavuje seriozny problem pre europske ekonomiky. Cieľom prace je odhadnuť tempo rastu celkovej faktorovej produktivity v jednotlivých clenských statoch Europskej unie a identifikovať jej najvýznamnejsie determinanty. V praci aplikujeme metodu rastoveho uctovnictva a Bayesianskeho priemerovania modelov. Analýza je prevedena na rocných datach pre 19 clenských statov a pokrýva obdobie 1996-2014. Výsledky naznacuju, že najrobustnejsim faktorom s pozitivnym efektom je otvorenosť a že výrazný vplyv ma aj aktivna politika na trhu prace.The issue of the European productivity is a central theme of many economic and policy debates as a relatively low level of productivity constitutes a serious problem for the European economies. The aim of this paper is to calculate the total factor productivity growth for the European member states and find out its most significant determinants. As analytical tools we apply the growth accounting method and the Bayesian Model Averaging. The analysis is executed on yearly observations for 19 member states of the European union covering the period from 1996 to 2014. The results suggest that the most robust factor with positive effect is the openness and that the considerably high impact can be attributed to active labour market policies.

The Palestine-Israeli Peace Process after the Cold War

Abstract: This paper provides a detailed and intricate analysis of the impact of a New World Order on the Palestine-Israel peace process, which took shape after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The end of the bipolar World Order and the eventual emergence of a new unipolar World Order paved the way for the emergence of different opportunities as well as challenges in the Palestine-Israel peace process. In particular, the United States being the only remaining single superpower once the Soviet Union collapsed has managed to enjoy a substantial amount of influence and a form of hegemony with regard to matters of international relations (Aruri, 1992). This paper intends to provide a detailed and critical discussion of how the New World Order under the American superpower on the Palestine-Israel peace process. This paper explores and analyses the structural changes that took place both within and outside the Middle East region after the collapse of the Cold War as well as the political maneuvering involved in the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Israeli government. It looks at the effects of the structural changes that took place once the Cold War came to an end with regard to the Palestine-Israel peace process

Ruská makká moc v baltských krajinách (russia’s soft power in the baltic states)

Abstract: Predkladaný clanok sa zameriava na sucasný výskum, ktorý poukazuje na fakt, že Rusko okrem tradicných nastrojov hospodarskeho a vojenskeho natlaku na Baltske staty, rozsirilo svoje posobenie o nastroje makkej moci za ucelom legitimizovania svojich zaujmov v post – sovietskom priestore ako výsledok existencie veľkej rusko-jazycnej minority.Cieľom state je predstaviť nastroje makkej moci na zaklade výskumu Joseph-a Nye-a. Clanok je informativny a predklada financnu, organizacnu, diplomaticku, ideologicku, legislativnu a hospodarsku analýzu, ponukajuc tak nahľad do podstaty ruskej makkej moci a snažiac sa zaroveň analyzovať skutocne zaujmy Ruskej federacie v post – sovietskom priestore. Poukazuje na jej obmedzenosť v dosledku jej zamerania takmer výhradne na rusko-jazycnu mensinu. Jej pozitivom vsak može byť konstruktivna kritika USA. This paper focuses on the latest researches that show apart from traditional economic pressure and military policy, Russia has extended tools of influence in the Baltic States by soft power instruments to legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space as a result of the presence of large Russian-speaking minorities. The aim of the paper is to present the soft power sources and instruments of influence with factual backup from Joseph Nye. The paper is informative and provides financial, organisational, diplomatic, ideological, legal policy and economic analysis; providing an indication into the nature of Russia’s soft power and to transpose what Russia's real intentions are to advance pressure on the post-Soviet space. The result of which; Russia’s soft power is regarded as weak due to Russia’s influence directed to a particular audience of Russian-speaking citizens only. The advantage of this influence maybe, leading the constructive opposition to the United States, amongst authoritarian regimes

Teoretické východiská skúmania problematiky hybridnej vojny – vojny 21. storočia (theoretical background for the research of problems of the hybrid war – the war of the 21. century)

Abstract: Hybridna vojna predstavuje v posledných rokoch jeden z najpouživanejsich pojmov vo sfere vojenstva a bezpecnosti, a ciastocne aj politiky a medzinarodných vzťahov, zvlasť po vypuknuti konfliktu na Ukrajine. Coraz castejsie sa objavuje nielen vo vedeckých alebo odborných publikaciach, studiach ci clankoch z oblasti vojenstva a bezpecnosti, ale tiež v roznych casopisoch, spravach a debatach mimo vojensku a bezpecnostnu komunitu. Mohlo by sa zdať, že ide o nový termin alebo dokonca nový typ konfliktu, ale nie je to tak. Hybridna vojna nie je žiadny nový fenomen, je znama už veľa rokov, avsak po ruskej anexii Krymu je tento pojem oveľa popularnejsi a castejsie použivaný. Na druhej strane, vacsia casť sirsej verejnosti nevie, co tento termin naozaj znamena, co hybridna vojna predstavuje, a preto sa autor vo svojom prispevku zaobera teoretickými východiskami skumania problematiky hybridnej vojny a prostrednictvom dosiahnutých výsledkov realizovaneho výskumu objasňuje podstatu skumaneho problemu. (Hybrid war represents one the most used terms in the area of military and security affairs, and particularly also in politics and international relationships in the last years, especially after the outbreak of conflict in Ukraine. It appears still more frequently not only in scientific or specialized military or security publications, studies or articles, but also in various journals, news, reports or debates out of military or security community. It might be seemed it is a new term or even new type of conflict, but it is not. Hybrid war is really no new phenomenon, it is known for many years; however, after the Russian annexation of Crimea, it is much more popular and used. On the other hand, the majority of wider public do not know what the mentioned term exactly represents, and that is the reason why an author of the article deals with this topic from theoretical point of view, and, through gained results of the research, trays to explain the essence of examined problem.)

Bol putin k západu vždy prieteľský? interpretačná štúdia prvých dvoch funkčných období perzidenta vladimíra putina vo svetle teórií realizmu (was putin ever friendly to the west? an expository study of the first two terms of president vladimir putin, in light of the theories of realism)

Abstract: Medzi mnohými zapadnými analytikmi je zauživane vnimanie Vladimira Putina ako priateľa Zapadu, ktorý sa z dovodu pricinných a strukturalnych dovodov, ako vojna v Iraku, rozsirovanie NATO, protiraketova obrana vo východnej Europe alebo ceny ropy, zmenil na revansistickeho vladcu, ktorým je dnes. Tato esej toto vyvracia a dokazuje, že bol vždy presvedceným realistom vo vzťahu k taktickemu zbližovaniu so Zapadom, sledujuc primarne svoje vlastne zaujmy. Studia podciarkuje doležitosť prvých dvoch funkcných obdobi Putina v kontexte stanovenia jeho buducich politik. Studia je ma vysvetľujuci charakter a testuje teoriu realizmu na krokoch Ruska pocas prvých dvoch vlad Putina, ktore rozsiahlo koresponduju s obdobim vlady G. W. Busha. It is common notion among a lot of Western analysts that Vladimir Putin was a friend of the West, and due to causal and structural reasons, like Iraq War, NATO expansion, East Europe missile defense and oil price index, he turned into a revanchist ruler that he is today. I argue, that was not the case, and this essay highlights that he was always a shrewd Realist, on a tactical alignment with the West, looking to chart his own course at his earliest convenience. The study of this time period, of Putin’s first two terms, highlights the importance and suggests future policy course in dealing with him. This study is expository and tests the theory of Realism with Russian actions under the first two terms of Vladimir Putin, which broadly coincides with the George W Bush Administration.

Príčiny Znárodnenia Spoločnosti Suezského Prieplavu (The Causes Of Nationalization Of The Suez Canal Company)

Abstract: Koncom roku 1955 a zaciatkom roku 1956 sa Egypt usiloval ziskať veľku požicku od Svetovej banky na financovanie výstavby Vysokej priehrady pri Asuane. Režim stavil na planovaný rýchly hospodarsky rozvoj – co bol revolucný zamer na zlepsenie socialno-ekonomických podmienok obyvateľstva – svoje postavenie a prestiž. Avsak 19. jula 1956 USA, a po nich Veľka Britania, stiahli svoju podporu potrebnu na ziskanie požicky. V reakcii na toto odmietnutie Zapadu, prezident Džamāl Abdannāṣir 26. jula oznamil v Alexandrii znarodnenie Spolocnosti Suezskeho prieplavu. (Towards the end of 1955 and early in 1956, Egypt sought to negotiate massive loans from the World Bank to finance the construction of a High Dam at Aswan. The regime staked much of its reputation and prestige – in fact, its revolutionary intentions to improve the socio-economic and generally material conditions of the population – upon a projected rapid economic development via industrialization. But on 19 July 1956 the USA announced its withdrawal its support of the project and Britain followed suit. Reacting to such a rebuff from the West, President Jamāl cAbdannāṣir declared in Alexandria on 26 July the nationalization of the Suez Canal Company.)

12. efektivitas kerja sama pemerintah laos dan vietnam dalam mencegah dan memberantas human trafficking di laos periode 2011-2013

Abstract: Laos located in The Greater Mekong Sub-Region (GMS). Because of its nature of cross country, Mekong River flows through Laos used as a gate of entry and exit of human trafficking in Laos. Laos is a source country of human trafficking for women and children. Lao Women and Children are trafficked for sexual and labor exploitation. Furthermore, Laos is a transit country for victims trafficked from Vietnam to Thailand. Laos also is a destination country for women who are trafficked from Vietnam for sexual exploitation. Because of that, Laos cooperates with Vietnam for combating human trafficking contained in “Agreement between the Government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam on Cooperation in Preventing and Combating Trafficking in Persons”. The purpose of this study is to determine the cooperation is effective or not. Explanative type is use on this research to explain the effectiveness of the agreement between the Government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam on cooperation in combating human trafficking in Laos. The result of this research shows that this agreement is not effective in combating human trafficking in Laos because there are other factors that take effect in reduction of human trafficking in Laos.

Morálny hazard humanitárnej intervencie. pozitíva. negatíva. (moral hazard of humanitarian intervention. advantages and disadvantages.)

Abstract: Hlavným cieľom tohto clanku je prispieť ku komplexnemu zmapovaniu stavu sucasneho poznania konceptu moralneho hazardu tak, aby bolo možne v ramci buduceho výskumu vytvoriť kompaktný prehľad existujuceho teoretickeho zakladu moralneho hazardu humanitarnej intervencie. Vzhľadom k tomu, že jednou z najvýznamnejsich prekažok rozvoja tohto konceptu je nekoncentrovanosť a roztrusenosť informacii, clanok sa koncentruje specificky na identifikaciu slabých a silných stranok konceptu a ich analýzu, cim sa pokusa tento nedostatok prekonať. Ambiciou zvoleneho pristupu je priprava zakladneho teoretickeho ramca pre adresovanie otazky, do akej miery (a ci vobec) je moralny hazard využiteľným a efektivnym interpretacným prostriedkom analýzy okolnosti vzniku humanitarnej intervencie. (The main aim of this article is to contribute to a complex evaluation of the current stage of knowledge regarding the concept of moral hazard of humanitarian intervention so that it is possible to create a compact review of existing theoretical framework of the moral hazard of humanitarian intervention in the future research. Due to the fact that scattered and diffused information has been identified as one of the key obstacles hindering the development of the concept, the goal of this article is to specifically concentrate on the identification of the concept´s advantages and disadvantages as well as their analysis so that this drawback can be overcome. The ambition of this approach is to establish the basic theoretical framework of the concept so as the question to what extent (or rather whether) the moral hazard is an effective interpretation means of the analysis of circumstances leading to a humanitarian intervention can be addressed.)

7. Pergeseran Orientasi Gerakan Terorisme Islam Di Indonesia (Studi Terorisme Tahun 2000-2015)

Abstract: Aksi terorisme pada 11 September 2001 yang menelan 3000 korban jiwa di Amerika Serikat dan bom Bali di Indonesia pada 12 Oktober 2002 telah mengubah pandangan masyarakat terhadap terorisme. Terorisme identik dengan agama khususnya Islam. Tidak lain karena teror-teror tersebut diklaim dilakukan oleh kelompok Islam Al Qaeda dan Jamaah Islamiyah. Selain bom Bali, pada periode tahun 2000 hingga 2009 juga terjadi rangkaian aksi terorisme di Indonesia yang dilakukan oleh kelompok Islam. Namun, memasuki tahun 2010 hingga 2015, terjadi aksi-aksi teror yang berbeda dari periode sebelumnya, baik dari segi sasaran maupun pelaku-pelaku yang terlibat. Oleh sebab itu, rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui apakah telah terjadi pergeseran orientasi gerakan terorisme di Indonesia dan apakah orientasi saat ini tetap pada orientasi agama atau telah berubah menjadi berorientasi lain. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu The Four Wave of Modern Terrorism, Teori Pemberontakan Manusia, Teori Kemunduran Terorisme dan The Lone Wolf Terrorism. Penelitian ini bersifat eksplanatif dengan metode observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi di lapangan terhadap mantan teroris sebagai data primer, dan didukung sumber data sekunder berupa studi literatur sebagai bahan pendukung. Hasil yang diperoleh dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa telah terjadi pergeseran orientasi gerakan terorisme di Indonesia berupa munculnya lone wolf terrorism dan merebaknya paham takfiri yang memecah belah kelompok teror di Indonesia.

The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia

Abstract: Visits (or attempts to visit) to the Yasukuni Shrine by Japanese officials have generated a series of controversies and tensions between the countries occupied by imperialist Japan during the Pacific War. The central dilemma is that Yasukuni, emblem of Japanese militarism, questions the coherence and consistency of the requests for forgiveness made by different Japanese prime ministers to countries in the region in repentance for atrocities and violations of human rights committed in the past. The weakness of the apologies is not an exclusive problem of Japan. On the contrary, the official pardon granted by one state to another has become an increasingly common practice, but questioned in international relations. The limits of apologies in the process of reconciliation between states have led to a new research strand, aligned with the debates on transitional justice, which discusses dimensions of the level of forgiveness in terms of rectification processes. From this perspective, previous research shows that there is a tendency to analyse the case of Yasukuni without delving into the social groups that support the shrine and define the agenda of prominent personalities of local politics, especially linked to the ruling party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), who claim Yasukuni. Faced with this gap, this article examines the characteristics and modes of action of the groups in favour of Yasukuni and the responses from China and South Korea to the visits to the shrine by officials, in order to understand the peculiarities and scope of forgiveness in East Asia.

Recent ASEAN Developments on Peat Fires and Haze: National Responses

Abstract: The recent haze episodes of 2013 and 2015 have been especially severe. With satellite imagery and news reports pinpointing sustained peatfires as a major source of the haze, national and regional responses have focused on peatlands. At the ASEAN level, ongoing efforts to address peat and haze issues focus on two documents, namely the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (ATHP) 2002 and the ASEAN Peatland Management Strategy (APMS) 2006-2020. This paper analyses the latest national responses within the context of these documents. Singapore's Transboundary Haze Pollution Bill ties in closely to the ATHP's Haze Monitoring System (HMS) as it needs accurate land maps so tat Singaporean prosecutors can correctly assign blame. The HMS is however constrained as concession maps are available on a case-by-case basis only. Indonesia has finally ratified the ATHP and this has renewed regional interest in the establishment of the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Haze in Riau, which due to its location close to some of the most severe peatfires, is hoped to encourage more local ownership of the issue. However, Indonesia has announced that it needs at least another three years before a marked reduction of haze episodes.

Vymezení regionálních mocností blízkého východu ve 20. a 21. století (delimitation of regional powers in the middle east in the 20th and 21st century)

Abstract: Clanek se zabýva vymezenim vrcholu regionalni mocenske hierarchie na Blizkem východě. Ma za cil představit koncept regionalni mocnosti, poskytnout nový způsob měřeni a komparace moci tohoto typu statů a zjistit, ktere staty Blizkeho východu lze v obdobi let 1945–2007 považovat za regionalni mocnosti. Text ukazuje, jak jsou v tomto regionu distribuovany materialni kapacity moci statů a bliže se zaměřuje na ctyři nejsilnějsi z nich, jmenovitě Egypt, Saudskou Arabii, Iran a Turecko. U nich pak zjisťuje, zda jsou schopny ovlivňovat ostatni aktery v regionu, zda maji ambice stat se vůdcim statem v oblasti, zda je jejich mocenske postaveni uznavano jinými aktery a zda je proto lze považovat za blizkovýchodni regionalni mocnosti. (The article deals with the delimitation of regional powers in the Middle East. Its aim is to introduce the concept of regional power and to offer a new way of measuring and comparing the power of this type of states. It also aims at discovering which states of the Middle East could be considered as regional powers from 1945 until 2007. The text shows how material capabilities are distributed within the region and it closely focuses on strongest states – Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey. In their case, the article describes if they are able to influence other actors within the region, if they have ambitions to become the regional leader, if their power status has been recognized by other actors and thus are the Middle East regional powers.)

Gay Rights and U.S. Foreign Aid: A Look at Nigeria and Uganda

Abstract: The LGBT community is explicitly targeted in many areas of the world through discriminatory state policies and practices including lengthy imprisonment and death. Research examining the relationship between foreign aid and human rights conditions has yet to fully situate gay rights within the aid allocation relationship. In 2011, President Obama issued a memo directing U.S. foreign aid policy to explicitly take gay rights levels into consideration in aid allocation. This article begins to explore the effect, if any, of the policy change. This article traces gay rights practices and U.S. foreign aid amounts from 2009-2014 in Uganda and Nigeria. The descriptive analysis sheds light on the relationship between gay rights and foreign aid during a time of foreign aid policy change. Through these two cases, I find that U.S. foreign aid increased slightly over time while violence and policies against the LGBT population worsened in Nigeria and Uganda. In conclusion, I call for future research to further explore the relationship between foreign aid, development, and gay rights. INTRODUCTION “The very first article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims that, ‘All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.’ All human beings – not some, not most, but all. No one gets to decide who is entitled to human rights and who is not.” (United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki –Moon, December 11 2012) The international community increasingly recognizes gay rights as an intrinsic part of human rights. The above quote highlights the United Nations expansion of the definition of human rights to include all groups and all peoples. Some states actively oppose the inclusion of gay rights issues into the definition of human rights. Islamic majority states in particular maintain that human rights as a concept does not extend to sexual orientation and gender identity. Despite opposition of some states, the trend in global attitudes, policies, and rhetoric is towards the advancement of gay rights. The landmark 1994 Toonen v. Australia decision ruled the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights applies to issues of sexual orientation discrimination and prompted Australia to expand its domestic laws towards the recognition of gay rights. The United Nations launched the Free & Equal Campaign focusing specifically on the promotion of gay rights globally. The U.S. made moves to expand its recognition of gay rights internationally as well. The U.S. shifted from being silent through abstention during a 2008 United Nations General Assembly statement decriminalizing homosexuality to vocally supporting and promoting gay rights in 2011. In 2011, the U.S. sent a clear message in support of gay rights at the international stage. Both President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called for recognition of gay rights as human rights. In doing so, they called for the United States to use its position as global hegemon to promote gay rights around the world. To that end, President Obama directed that U.S. foreign aid be used to advance gay rights. One way for a state to reward other states with good human rights records is to increase foreign aid. Academic research has analyzed whether human rights practices do, in fact, determine what The Journal of International Relations, Peace and Development Studies A publication by Arcadia University and the American Graduate School in Paris 101, boulevard Raspail, 75006 Paris – France Tel: +33(0)1 47 20 00 94 – Fax: +33 (0)1 47 20 81 89 Website: www.ags.edu (Please cite this paper as the following: Audrey Comstock (2016). Gay Rights and U.S. Foreign Aid: A Look at Nigeria and Uganda. The Journal of International Relations, Peace and Development Studies. Volume 2. Available from: http://scholarworks.arcadia.edu/agsjournal/vol2/iss1/2) Page 2 states receive U.S. foreign aid. Findings have been weak in support of any such connection. Given the growing recognition of gay rights as human rights and the 2011 U.S. policy shift linking U.S. foreign aid to gay rights practices, the relationship between aid allocation and gay rights practices merits a closer look. In doing so, this article builds upon earlier research in international relations that focuses on foreign aid allocation by adding the new dimension of gay rights practices to the broader concept of human rights. This article centers on two related questions 1) Has foreign aid policy change resulted in changed foreign aid allocation? 2) Does the relationship between U.S. foreign aid and gay rights practices mirror that between foreign aid and human rights more broadly, or is there a new relationship that is unique to gay rights? The article begins by briefly reviewing the existing literature on foreign aid and human rights. Next, I discuss U.S. positions on foreign aid and human rights over time highlighting the changes between the Ford, Carter, and Obama administrations, which culminated in the 2011 policy change linking gay rights with foreign aid. This is not an exhaustive discussion but provides a framework through which to compare changes in policy overtime. Next, I examine gay rights conditions before and after the 2011 policy change by looking specifically at the cases of Nigeria and Uganda. The result of these case studies reveals that gay rights conditions did not noticeably affect U.S. foreign aid amounts. In fact, foreign aid remained stable or actually increased in Nigeria and Uganda while conditions worsened for gay individuals. I conclude by situating the findings of this study in foreign aid and human rights scholarship more broadly and discussing future directions for research in the area of gay rights and foreign aid. THE LITERATURE: DO HUMAN RIGHTS CONDITIONS DETERMINE AID AMOUNTS? Within scholarly research, a debate exists about how effective foreign aid can be and what the relationship is between human rights and foreign aid is. While scholars find some support for a correlation between foreign aid and human rights, the direction, size, significance, and factors affecting said relationships varies greatly among studies and even within the same study. Some of the reasons that research continues to offer an unclear image of the relationship between rights and aid allocated has to do with time period, states examined, methods used, what specific types of rights are included (civil and political vs. physical integrity rights), and what kind of foreign aid is measured (military vs. economic vs. other types). This section highlights the varying arguments and findings for both of positions on the relationship between aid and human rights – that positive human rights conditions result in more foreign aid or that worse human rights conditions result in more foreign aid. For a more exhaustive discussion of literature on human rights and foreign aid see Apodaca and Stohl 1999. A Positive Relationship: Good Human Rights can lead to More Foreign Aid Prompted by the Carter Administration policy linking aid to human rights practices, there was a notable increase in scholarly research on U.S. foreign aid allocation in the 1980s. Early research was supportive of the role of human rights in determining aid allocation. These studies frequently argued, and found support for the argument that a state’s human rights practices were a significant indicator for how much foreign aid the state would receive. Even studies that offer some support for this argument depict a complex story of how aid allocation works. 1 e.g. Lebovic and Voeten 2009 and see Poe 1990 for a comprehensive review of earlier studies on human rights and US foreign aid. The Journal of International Relations, Peace and Development Studies A publication by Arcadia University and the American Graduate School in Paris 101, boulevard Raspail, 75006 Paris – France Tel: +33(0)1 47 20 00 94 – Fax: +33 (0)1 47 20 81 89 Website: www.ags.edu (Please cite this paper as the following: Audrey Comstock (2016). Gay Rights and U.S. Foreign Aid: A Look at Nigeria and Uganda. The Journal of International Relations, Peace and Development Studies. Volume 2. Available from: http://scholarworks.arcadia.edu/agsjournal/vol2/iss1/2) Page 3 The gate-keeping model suggested that human rights conditions did not determine whether or not states received aid, but human rights conditions did influence the amount of aid received. The model only focused on the determinants of U.S. foreign aid allocated in fiscal year 1982 to Latin American states. Although critiqued, notably by McCormick and Mitchell, the Cingranelli and Pasquarello finding has been supported to some extent by later works. iii Subsequent research expanded the analysis beyond the time of the 1980s and location of Latin America. For example, Trumbull and Wall found a positive relationship between human rights levels and aid allocation. iv Neumayer found that states with better and improving human rights practices received more bilateral foreign aid. v There appears to be some consensus on the difference that comes in analyzing economic aid versus military aid. In examining allocation of economic aid during the Carter and Reagan administrations, Poe found that human rights conditions were important in U.S. aid allocation. vi Apodaca and Stohl also concluded that human rights conditions mattered in determining the allocation of economic, but not military, aid, but that human rights are not the only or most important variable in explaining aid allocation. vii Together, these studies suggest that human rights can, at times, determine some types of U.S. foreign aid allocation. A Questionable Relationship: Worse Human Rights lead to More Foreign Aid Despite the research discussed in the prior section, numerous studies support the argument that positive human rights do not result in increased foreign aid. These studies point to the finding that the U.S. sends more aid to states with worse human rights practices. Meerni

Foreign Policy Strategy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1960-2012:The Missing Link

Abstract: The study examined Nigeria Foreign Policy from 1960-2012. The objective was to find out whether there is any change in foreign policy orientation among the various regimes or administrations within the period of study. The method of study employed was historical and descriptive research study methods. To this end, the analysis was done thematically and the results or findings show that the logic and the instrumentality of domestic development linkage theory in foreign policy is virtually lacking in Nigerian foreign policy behaviour. This is because Afrocentric foreign policy commitment overwhelmingly overshadows domestic reality. Although the Obasanjo’s and Jonathan’s economic diplomacy try to aligned the nation’s economic reality (The NEEDS policy and Transformation agenda) with her international interaction, however, much of the foreign policy resources were not deployed to bear on the welfare of the citizenry hence, the current economic crisis in the country. Based on this, the study recommends a paradigm shift of using foreign policy as an instrument for the revitalizations and the diversification of the nation’s economy to engineer national development.

Greed, grievance, leadership and external interventions in the initiation and intensification of the civil war in Angola

Abstract: Understanding the initiation of conflict is fundamental for the success of efforts in conflict prevention The validity of the mechanisms of the “Greed and Grievance” model, alongside leadership and external interventions are tested in four periods of initiation and intensification of the conflict in Angola All mechanisms are present but their relative relevance varies throughout the conflict Among the mechanisms identified in each period the most relevant in the Cold War period are the international and regional interventions in 1961 and 1975 and in the post-Cold War period, the “greed” factors in 1992 (oil and diamonds, poverty and war capital) and the UNITA leadership of Jonas Savimbi in 1998 The case study provides evidence that “greed” and “grievance” can be interlinked (such as in 1992) and confirms the relevance of leadership and external interventions mechanisms

Love Thy Neighbor: Current and Potential Responses to Young, Male, Syrian, Refugee Students in the European Union Higher Education Sector

Abstract: Since the start of the Syrian civil war, the media has been flooded with images of Syrian refugees fleeing their war torn nation. All over the world, receiving countries and their higher education sectors have responded in a variety of ways. Via a quantitative, website analysis, this report investigates whether and how institutes of higher education (HEIs) in the European Union (EU) are providing support for their young, male, Syrian, refugee population. I discuss existing strengths, weaknesses, and challenges of Syrian refugee support efforts on the part of the top three HEIs in seven EU nations that have received the most Syrian, asylum applications of all EU nations. With this analysis in mind, I make specific policy recommendations to assist HEI policy-makers in improving their Syrian refugee support mechanisms. While integration of young, male, Syrian refugees into their host nation’s society is certainly important, EU policy-makers have largely ignored support of this particular population in the way of cultural and developmental sensitivity. This report fills that gap in order to support a safer future for all those residing in the EU.

The social production of communication when the world becomes globalized

Abstract: This work is framed within the context of the researches and papers on the changes arising from the convergence of globalization and the ICTs that enable globalization. It resumes the theoretical approaches of Manuel Martin Serrano to study some of the transformations in the mediating function of the public communication linked to the technology advancements introduced in the Communication System. It tackles the technical developments that enable the access to more information – in many cases immediately, which does not necessarily imply that users have a better undersanding of what is happening in the world. The current use of ICTs may lead to a reproduction of stereotypes within affinity groups – making each group more closed rather than opening them to different groups with whom they may discuss or share interpretations of the change in the environment.

3. upaya amerika serikat dalam menangani counterfeit goods dari china tahun 2011-2014

Abstract: In the era of globalization, trade liberalization characterized by problems of counterfeit goods Definition of counterfeiting according to the International Trademark Association is a practice of manufacturing goods which are low in quality, and sold under a famous brand, without having a license, and without supervision of a brand and patent owner of the goods Counterfeit goods activity is not only on the production process, but also on the stage of distribution, and import-export process Counterfeiting is closely related to IPR theft and became a global problem Therefore, the United States as the country with the biggest IPRbased industries in the world, it is necessary to eradicate the source of counterfeit goods from China This study was conducted to measure the effectiveness of the efforts made by the United States, so it can be a guide to the establishment of policies and strategies for achieve the desired results In this research, the authors encountered several limitations related to operating results, the result of criminal cases, as well as the lack of understanding of US citizen related to counterfeit goods This type of research is qualitative descriptive study, in which the analysis is done by collecting data through library research by using books, journals, government documents, and other written sources Comprehension of this research was formed by theory of neo-realism and theory of effectiveness by William N Dunn Thus it is capable to explain the limitations of the results that have been done by the United States

Power-sharing: concepts, debates and gaps

Abstract: Academic literature tends to reflect the two main objectives of power-sharing: promoting the construction of sustainable peace and serving to structure the foundations for growth and development of democracy in divided societies. reflecting this, two dimensions and discourses of analysis and evaluation stand out: a classical dimension centred on powersharing as theory and a normative proposal for democracy in divided societies, and another focused mainly on power-sharing as a meachanism of conflict management. This article aims to introduce the reader to discussions about power-sharing, reviewing and critically analysing power-sharing literature to show its gaps and tensions, as well as suggesting some points where one can continue the debate.

Identitas kolektif amerika serikat dan meksiko dalam merida initiative 2008 untuk menanggulangi peredaran gelap narkotika (periode 2008-2014)

Abstract: The Merida Initiative 2008 showed the anomalous relationship between United States and Mexico that have a history of disharmonious relationship over hundreds of years ago. In addition, this study also aims to determine the efforts that have been made between United States and Mexico in implementing the points of agreement on the Merida Initiative 2008. Using constructivism paradigm of collective identity, the research method used in this research is descriptive explanatory method with the variable dependent lies on the collective identity of the United States and Mexico under the Merida Initiative, and the independent variables lies on three determinants of collective identity, which are structural, systemic and strategic factors. Merida Initiative can be regarded as an effective cooperation, since the two countries have implemented the points of agreement in this cooperation positively. It is characterized by the high number of drug seizures, arrested officials of drug cartels, and the continuation of this cooperation. United States and Mexico also described Merida Initiative as a new paradigm in their security cooperation. Merida Initiative has successfully renew the relationship between the two countries, especially in diplomatic relations on security cooperation.

Forming coalitions: the case of brazil in the brics

Abstract: This article examines the importance of belonging to a group that puts pressure internationally through a coalition pursuing similar goals. The process of coalition building has been central in Brazil’s multilateral negotiations to balance the centre-periphery forces, but also with regard to the possibilities that this country has of belonging to the club of the powerful. We hold that the BRICS group is a step in Brazilian ambitions towards that end. We also emphasize the common views and differences of these five countries at multilateral level. The aim of this article is to analyse Brazil’s strategy of coalition building to understand what kind of coalition the so-called BRICS countries form and ascertain the advantages and disadvantages of Brazil’s participation in it.

Escalation and de-escalation of war objectives: the analysis of asymmetric war in lebanon (2006)

Abstract: This article tries to enrich the conceptual debate and discussions among international relations and strategic studies scholars regarding explanations of weak actor‟s victories against strong actors in military conflicts. For longtime strategic studies scholars have tried to find the most relevant and valid explanations on the reasoning on how a weak actor can achieve victory in asymmetric conflict despite overwhelming inferiority in terms of power. Previous strategic studies scholars have proposed competing hypothesis ranging from regime type, balance of interests to the types of strategic interaction between the two actors. In this essay, the author would like to underline the significance of fog of war or uncertainty as a significant contributing factor during strategic interactions at tactical-operational towards shaping either a favorable or vice-versa unfavorable war conditions for the weak actor to modify pre-war political objectives of the asymmetric conflict. In this analysis, the 2006 Lebanon War is taken as a case study of the asymmetric conflict between the strong and weak actor. The result strengthened the notion that there is no single variable but a multitude of variable which explains asymmetric conflict outcomes.

The use of military force in the management and conflict resolution

Abstract: The end of the Cold War changed the paradigm of the role and scope of military force in the management and resolution of conflicts. With increasing intervention by the international community, the new generation of peacekeeping operations has adopted a multidimensional approach to military force to be used in coordination with other instruments of power, ensuring a proper strategic framework considering the desired end state. This new approach and the increasing complexity of conflicts, predominantly intrastate in nature, have led on the one hand to understandings of the traditional principles of peace operations being addressed, and on the other to military forces facing diverse challenges. The most complex is related to the effective use of combat capabilities, as it seems that there is a lack of political will, after making the deployment of forces, to ensure their effective use. However, the effective use of force being the most critical element, but simultaneously more differentiating and characterising of the use of the military instrument, the management and resolution of conflicts has elevated the range of capabilities of military forces that goes beyond traditional capabilities combat, showing themselves useful in support, complement or replacement of non-military capabilities.

The UNSC Resolution 1325 and Sudan: Solving the ‘silent security dilemma’?

Abstract: The overall aim of the paper is to investigate the implementation and consequences of the UNSC Resolution 1325 in the case of post-war Sudan from 2005-2011. By applying a theoretical framework comprised by critical security studies (the Copenhagen School) and feminist poststructuralist contributions, the goal is to examine if the UNSC Resolution 1325 (and selected follow-up resolutions) has been a solution to the so-called ‘gendered silence.’ The underlying assumption is that the exclusion of women from the peace negotiation table, and in post-conflict public life, compromises the chances for lasting peace and stability. Historically, women have been silenced and, no matter their role during conflict, they have been deemphasized and pushed in the domestic sphere of post-conflict. The “groundbreaking” UNSC Resolution 1325 is seen by many as a call for change and presents the opportunity to give agency to women in post-conflict settings. However, the question remains if this is the reality on the ground, and if issues of gendered security have been accepted in post-conflict policies. The paper concludes on the resolution being an attempt of securitization, which has not been accepted by the relevant audience in Sudan. Therefore, it has not solved the ‘silent security dilemma’ and rather ‘subsuming security’ has occurred.

The power balance in central asia: the strategic partnership of russian federation with republic of kazakhstan (2010-2014)

Abstract: The strategic value of the Central Asia region attracts Russia, United States (U.S.) and China to try to get closer with the region. The abundant energy reserves and strategic location to spread military influence leads Central Asia becoming a strategic arena. Seeing the competition of external interested parties in Central Asia, it increases the awareness of Russian Federation as the major power which has already become a dominant actor on that region since the collapse of Soviet Union; as the big brother of former Soviet Union, Russia feels the stabilization of the region becomes Russian responsibility. To prevent the spreading of external major powers on the region and to manage the power balance in Central Asia, Russia sets its military strategy to keep its military influence in the region. The main focus of this article is presenting the implementation of Russian military strategies by utilize its strategic partnership with Kazakhstan as the shortcut to succeed the implementation of those military strategies.

Pacifist approaches to conflict resolution: an overview of pragmatic pacifism

Abstract: This article explores pragmatic pacifist approaches to conflict resolution, i.e. the aspects that justify pacifist norms based on its strategic effectiveness and not on actors’ belief systems. The article initially proposes a conceptualisation of pacifism and non-violence, seeking to show how these concepts interrelate and how they integrate in the field of conflict resolution. From this conceptual basis, the article focuses on the examination of pragmatic pacifist approaches, highlighting their theoretical base, their techniques and methods of action, as well as the major future challenges of research agendas on the theme

Idealism and realism in international relations: an ontological debate

Abstract: The debate between realism and idealism continues to mark the discipline of International Relations. On the one hand, realism argues that international politics is a struggle for power and a quest for survival, which results in a condition of permanent conflict between States without any possibility of evolution or progress. On the other hand, idealism considers it possible to build a world of peaceful coexistence, prosperity and well-being, achieved through cooperation and based on values and aspirations shared by humans. The object of this article is to analyse the debate between idealism and realism, considering it as an ontological debate and taking into account the controversy it has generated. The argument presented here is that both realism and idealism are two responses to the creation and maintenance of international order, that is, how States relate in international society; however these responses are not mutually exclusive and can coexist in constant tension with one another. An analysis of internationalist thought of two authors, Hans Morgenthau and Raymond Aron, is also presented, which relates to how they are positioned in this debate as well as International Relations as a whole.