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Showing papers in "Journal of political power in 2017"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the connections between articulations of resistance and technologies of power are analyzed by taking into consideration the connections of everyday resistance and more organized and sometimes mass-based resistance activities, in order to provide better theoretical tools for searching and investigating the interlinkage between different resistance forms that contribute to social change.
Abstract: Lately, the concept of ‘resistance’ has gained considerable traction as a tool for critically exploring subaltern practices in relation to power. Few researchers, however, have elaborated on the inter-linkage of shifting forms of resistance; and above all, how acts of everyday resistance entangle with more organized and sometimes mass-based resistance activities. In this paper, these entanglements are analysed by taking into consideration the connections between articulations of resistance and technologies of power. Empirical observations from Cambodia are theorized in order to provide better theoretical tools for searching and investigating the inter-linkage between different resistance forms that contribute to social change. In addition, it is argued that modalities of power and its related resistance must be understood, or theorized, in relation to the concepts of ‘agency’, ‘self-reflexivity’ and ‘techniques of the self’.

48 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine Rainer Forst's account of "noumenal power" and assess its usefulness for overcoming the shortcomings of alternative explanatory frameworks, arguing that, although it succeeds in avoiding the drawbacks of rival approaches, it suffers from significant limitations.
Abstract: The main purpose of this paper is to examine Rainer Forst’s account of ‘noumenal power’. Forst’s proposal for a revised ‘critical theory of power’ is firmly embedded in his philosophical understanding of ‘the right to justification’. Whereas the latter has been extensively discussed in the secondary literature, the former has – with the exception of various exchanges that have taken place between Forst and his critics at academic conferences – received little attention. This paper is an attempt to fill this gap in the literature. Given the increasing influence of Forst’s scholarly writings on paradigmatic developments in contemporary critical theory, it is imperative to scrutinize the key assumptions underlying his conception of ‘noumenal power’ and to assess its usefulness for overcoming the shortcomings of alternative explanatory frameworks. In order to accomplish this, the analysis is divided into four parts. The first part provides some introductory definitional reflections on the concept of power. The second part focuses on several dichotomous meanings attached to the concept of power – notably, ‘soft power’ vs. ‘hard power’, ‘power to’ vs. ‘power over’, and ‘power for’ vs. ‘power against’. The third part elucidates the principal features of Forst’s interpretation of ‘noumenal power’, in addition to drawing attention to his typological distinction between ‘power’, ‘rule’, ‘domination’, and ‘violence’. The final part offers an assessment of Forst’s account of ‘noumenal power’, arguing that, although it succeeds in avoiding the drawbacks of rival approaches, it suffers from significant limitations. The paper concludes by giving a synopsis of the vital insights that can be obtained from the preceding inquiry.

42 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors define domination as subjection to arbitrary power, and they consider three views of arbitrary power: unconstrained, uncontrolled, and not forced to track the interests of those subject to it.
Abstract: Republicans define domination as subjection to arbitrary power. But what is arbitrary power? We consider three views. According to the first, championed recently by Frank Lovett, power is arbitrary insofar as it is unconstrained. According to the second, advanced most prominently by Philip Pettit in his recent work, power is arbitrary insofar as it is uncontrolled by those subject to it. According to the third, found (among other places) in Pettit’s early work, power is arbitrary insofar as it is not forced to track the interests of those subject to it. We advance several objections against each of the first two views and offer support for the third. Pettit, we might say, got it right the first time.

26 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that democratic decentralization defined as the transfer of power and resources from central government to lower units of government to deliver downwardly accountable and responsive local representation does not entirely produce stronger local institutions for mass participation, good local governance and community development.
Abstract: In this paper, we argue that democratic decentralization defined as the transfer of power and resources from central government to lower units of government to deliver downwardly accountable and responsive local representation does not entirely produce stronger local institutions for mass participation, good local governance and community development. This is supported with selected cases from Ghana to demonstrate how in the name of decentralization and effective local governance, spaces have been created to subvert and disempower traditional authorities and their institutions thereby affecting their relevance and active participation in local governance and development through time and across space.

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors conducted an interview-based study of Palestinians who experienced life under Israeli military rule (1948-1966) and found that contemporary research often either overlooks or describes them as acquiescent.
Abstract: Contemporary research often either overlooks Palestinians who experienced life under Israeli military rule (1948–1966) or describes them as acquiescent. This interview-based study draws on wide-ran...

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the emotions of pride and shame occur as adaptive reactions to high and low status in social dominance hierarchies, and they used a corpus of 563 life-historical interviews with Australian Aborigines and Euro-Australians.
Abstract: The emotions of pride and shame occur as adaptive reactions to high and low status in social dominance hierarchies. We argue that pride and shame are secondary emotions that comprise anger and joy, and fear and sadness. After considering dominance, proto-pride, and proto-shame in animals, we present a theoretical model showing that, for humans, pride and shame are elicited by oppositely valenced experiences of authority-ranked and communally shared social relations. Using pride and shame as criterion variables, we test two models through analysis of a corpus of 563 life-historical interviews with Australian Aborigines and Euro-Australians. The results of covariance-structure analyses support these hypothesized causal models.

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Mona Lilja1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore why extra cultural meaning is attached to resisting bodies that are involved in demonstrating assemblies, and explore how and why resisting bodies signify something else/more than the vocalised or linguistic demands that they are making.
Abstract: Departing from Judith Butler’s ground-breaking book Notes toward a Performative Theory of Assembly, this article will explore why extra cultural meaning is attached to resisting bodies that are involved in demonstrating assemblies. Across the globe resistance is played out by bodies that occupy pavements, streets and squares. The participants in public assemblies, are taking part in various emotional processes while coming together to struggle against, for example, disenfranchisement, effacement and abandonment. In embodied, coordinated actions of resistance the gathering itself signifies something in excess of what is being said at the event; there is a distinction between forms of linguistic performativity and forms of bodily performativity. By bringing in the concepts of emotions and matter, this paper will explore how and why resisting bodies signify something else/more than the vocalised or linguistic demands that they are making.

16 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Pansardi and Morriss as mentioned in this paper discussed the merits and limits of the two proposals and put forward an intermediate position which, I hope, adds some clarity to the debate over the two conceptions of power.
Abstract: Among the most prominent and interesting issues discussed by students of power is the conceptual divide between power to and power over. The discussion of this topic has been revived in an exchange between Pamela Pansardi and Peter Morriss hosted in the pages of the Journal of Political Power. Pansardi defended a strong position which involved denying the usefulness – if not the logical possibility – of distinguishing between power to and power over. In his reply, Morriss defended the distinction by pointing out a pertinence argument in support of his own favoured way of distinguishing between the two concepts. Unfortunately, the exchange between the two authors was inconclusive. In this paper, I discuss the merits and limits of the two proposals and I put forward an intermediate position which, I hope, adds some clarity to the debate over the two conceptions of power.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors follow the processes of sovereign exceptionalism from Marx to the capitalist estrangement of labour from Marx and their limit figures, and examine the ways in which different types of constituent power form structures that can then be used against the constituents themselves.
Abstract: Examination of the limit serves as a powerful tool for revealing the hidden characteristics of concepts, and also their relationship with other concepts. This article follows the processes of sovereign exceptionalism from Marx to the capitalist estrangement of labour from Marx to their limit figures. The paper builds on comparisons between the proletarian and the homo sacer; however, the focal point is not on the figures themselves, but their importance in understanding the effect of biopolitics on power relations. Building on the concept of pouvoir constituant as discussed by Carl Schmitt, this paper addresses the ways in which different types of constituent power form structures that can then be used against the constituents themselves. The limit figures suggest a process of abjection is co-created in the establishment of power structures, and that overcoming this process requires a conscious dis-agreement with the politics of policing.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a theoretical exploration of a layer of loyalty called self-loyalty is presented, which is defined as an emotion that is channelled through social forms.
Abstract: This article is a theoretical exploration of a layer of loyalty called self-loyalty. We define self-loyalty as an emotion that is channelled through social forms. To show the usage and relevance of ...

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored connections between resistance and emotions by scrutinising empirical observations and activists' narratives during and after participation in a ceremony for a 16-year-old Kurdish boy who had been killed by Turkish forces.
Abstract: Violence, deaths, fear and sorrow characterise the everyday lives of those in Turkey’s Kurdish region, also known as Northern Kurdistan. Through ethnographic field research, this article explores connections between resistance and emotions by scrutinising empirical observations and activists’ narratives during and after participation in a ceremony for a 16-year-old Kurdish boy who had been killed by Turkish forces – a ‘martyr’ in the eyes of the activists. By fusing empirical ethnographic data with James Scott’s theoretical works on hidden resistance and Arlie Russell Hochschild’s theorisations of emotional management, two distinct forms of what will be termed emotional resistance will be pointed out. Emotional resistance refers to conscious attempts to manipulate or manoeuvre around one’s own emotional expressions or reactions in order to undermine the power of psychological or direct violence in political contexts.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors reconstructs Michel Foucault's account of pornography by placing it into his theory of power and counter-poises it with anti-pornography feminism and its analysis of the modern state.
Abstract: This paper reconstructs Michel Foucault’s account of pornography by placing it into his theory of power. To explain the novelty of Foucault’s position, it counterpoises it with anti-pornography feminism and its analysis of the modern state. The paper argues that Foucault considered pornography to be a strategy of biopower to regulate individual sexual conduct. By inciting the discourse on sex, pornography participates in the production of truth about sex. Through confession, its consumers discover their sexual identities, becoming self-regulating. The result is a proliferation of sexualities, but also their rigidification and categorisation, leading to a mass deployment of perversion.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study emotion management by focusing on emotion labour in relation to organisational resistance in psychiatry and find that emotions are harboured alone and resistance strategies created in solitude can be characterised as everyday resistance and organisational misbehaviour.
Abstract: The purpose of this article is to study emotion management by focusing on emotion labour in relation to organisational resistance in psychiatry. Drawing on focus group interviews and individual interviews with 11 therapists in psychiatry, and on theories of emotion management and harbouring work (i.e. managing emotion work and renewing energy in a team), we argue that individual workers in psychiatry have to create strategies on their own. The main findings show that emotions are harboured alone and resistance strategies created in solitude can be characterised as everyday resistance and organisational misbehaviour, performed in deep backstage spaces such as the bathroom.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Haugaard and Pettit as discussed by the authors discuss the nature of the eye-ball and tough-luck tests, including: how they apply to culture, parent-child power, gender, and economic inequalities.
Abstract: In this exchange Haugaard and Pettit begin by discussing power and agency. They agree that while many inequalities are linked to deliberate agency, a significant number of inequalities comprise structural effects that are the unintended effect of social action. These are of normative concern: to prevent arbitrary domination and create a society in which everyone can pass the eyeball test. Some of these structures are naturalized, or reified, which often makes them appear less contestable. This includes private property, which is presented as part of the natural order of things, thereby often naturalizing domination. From these beginnings, the authors discuss the nature of the eye-ball and tough-luck tests, including: how they apply to culture, parent–child power, gender, and economic inequalities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The power of occlusion as discussed by the authors is the ability of power to pre-emptively exclude certain ideas and descriptions of relevant phenomena before questions about what should be done about that phenomena can even be asked.
Abstract: The ability to control the terms of debate has powerful consequences for what is and is not considered a valid argument, and what does and does not get taken seriously as a description of the world. In this paper, we focus on the ways in which power is at work to pre-emptively exclude certain ideas and descriptions of relevant phenomena before questions about what should be done about that phenomena can even be asked. We describe this as the power of occlusion. Beginning with Gilbert Ryle’s notion of the category mistake, we go on to consider the various ways that have been employed to understand the market, focusing primarily on the (mutually exclusive) descriptions employed by Friedrich Hayek and Karl Polanyi. The essay ends with a survey of the ways in which unconditional basic income has been occluded from debates surrounding welfare reform, arguing that in order to confront the power of occlusion it is necessary to challenge many of our assumptions surrounding work and reciprocity.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that norm critique replaces the emotionally overt subject with a rationalist style of emoting, which paradoxically sides with contemporary forms of power and its demands for emotional competence.
Abstract: Norm critique is a recent discourse and practice in Sweden that is associated with queer resistance. It is taken up as a mode of governance in several Swedish institutions and companies. At face value, norm critique allows queer resistance to have a direct impact on institutional sources of norms in society. However, this article argues that such a shift in queer resistance replaces the queer emotionally overt subject with a rationalist style of emoting. It also argues that norm critique (re)institutes a subject position that paradoxically sides with contemporary forms of power and its demands for emotional competence.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace some of the attempts that have been made to analyse time and emotions in order to gain a broader understanding of how power and resistance entangle in online administrative systems in university spaces.
Abstract: This article traces some of the attempts that have been made to analyse time and emotions in order to gain a broader understanding of how power and resistance entangle in online administrative systems in university spaces. Rising levels of Internet usage in the university sector, and society in general, imply a new era for public administration. Online administrative systems have moved into the university sector, creating different reactions, new practices, temporalities and emotions. The administrative online systems, which govern through, as our respondents understand it, various time-consuming scripts (for example, the travel expenses programmes or programmes regulating working hours or duty periods) or through online communication systems (for example, emailing), give rise to a rich and varied resistance against the different systems, which informs the employees’ temporalities and spent time (clock time). Among other things, people reacted emotionally with avoidance, time-travel, manipulations...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an account of exploitation in romantic love relationships is given, with a starting point drawn from Vrousalis' analytical Marxist definition of economic exploitation under capitalism, which is used in this paper.
Abstract: The article elaborates an account of exploitation in romantic love relationships. As a starting point, I borrow Vrousalis’ analytical Marxist definition of economic exploitation under capitalism. S...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors distinguish between the different foci of emotion management carried out front-stage and back-stage, and distinguish between different types of emotional management in civil resistance activities, such as civil resistance.
Abstract: Civil resistance requires significant forms of emotion management by activists. In this paper, we distinguish between the different foci of emotion management carried out frontstage and backstage – the frontstage focus is typically oriented to influencing the emotions of onlookers, opponents and other targets, the backstage focus is typically concerned with managing the emotions of the activists themselves in preparation for their frontstage performances. Of course, in any particular resistance activity the two dimensions of emotion management interact more or less continuously. Activists need to continually engage in impression-management to ensure they are maintaining their display of the appropriate emotions intended to evoke the desired emotional response in the targets of their performance.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between power-to and power-over is explored in this article, where the authors explore the extent to which the two phenomena coincide relative to a host of combinations of unilateral, bilateral and top-down asymmetric relationships.
Abstract: This issue of the Journal of Political Power opens with a sophisticated article, by Francesco Battegazzorre, on the relationship between power-to and power-over. This article is framed against an exchange that took place in this journal between Peter Morriss and Pamela Pansardi (Morriss 2012, Pansardi 2012a, 2012b). Under the influence of Weber’s conflict-based definition of power or Macht, which was conceptualized in terms of one actor overcoming the resistance of another (Weber 1978, p. 53), in the power literature there has been a tendency to emphasize power-over at the expense of power-to. Morris and Pansardi both redress this imbalance by pointing out that power-over presupposes power-to, in the sense that power-over is premised upon agency, the capacity for action, hence power-to. However, this perception raises issues whether, in fact, power-to is the primary form of power, and/or to what extent the two aspects of power are coterminous. This is a complex conceptual issue, to which Battegazzore adds significant nuance by exploring the extent to which the two phenomena coincide relative to a host of combinations of unilateral, bilateral and top-down asymmetric relationships. Power-over is not only in a complex relationship with power-to but is also directly related to power as a constitutive force. Building upon Honneth’s work since The Struggle for Recognition (Honneth 1995), Marco Angella explores normative issues concerning the relationship between authority-based power-over and constitutive power. In particular, he explores the extent to which power-over impacts positively and negatively upon those subjected to constitutive power. Possibly the archetypal relationship of power-over leading to constitutive power is the parent-child relationship, which can either be emancipatory or dominating. For normative desirability what is key is a level of mutual reciprocity and reflexivity combined with an orientation toward freedom. In general, those exercising subjectifying power-over must be reflexively aware that they are powerful in the relationship. Simultaneously, they should direct their constitutive endeavor toward increasing autonomy, and therefore potential freedom, of those in their power. In Honneth’s work there exists a tendency to link the significance of autonomy with an implicit narrative of democratic progress, in which society becomes increasingly rational. However, as explored by Prince Osei-Wusu Adjei, Abrefa Kwaku Busia and George Bob-Milliar in their article, the underlying principles of democracy are often thwarted by modernist assumptions of progress. Weber assumed that traditional authority was an irrational – thus a regressive form of authority. This assumption has informed much of democratic theory, with the result that the institutionalisation of democracy is often tied to the dismantling of traditional authority structures. In the European experience this meant facilitating democracy by dismantling feudal structures. In contrast, in Ghana the traditional authority of chieftains constitutes a way of articulating local needs within a habitus, or tacit interpretative horizon, that resonates with the everyday social practices of that society. Since democratisation entails a form of modernisation that disarticulates political institutions from the habitus of citizens, these institutions are no longer democratic, in the deep sense of constituting an appropriate vehicle for expressing the will of the people. So, structures and institutions that in other contexts, such as Western Europe, may be democratic, once introduced into this alien cultural habitus lose their democratic credentials.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that if parents do act paternalistically towards their children, this is a form of power over others, for their own good, and without their consent.
Abstract: Paternalism involves exercising power over others, for their own good, and without their consent. In this paper, I argue, first, if parents do act paternalistically towards their children, this is ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the eventual performance of critical resistance to neoliberal capitalism in the discourse of a marketing campaign that promotes the organisational form of cooperatives is investigated, and the authors conclude that critical resistance in the context of cooperative marketing campaigns can be seen as a form of resistance.
Abstract: This article investigates the eventual performance of critical resistance to neoliberal capitalism in the discourse of a marketing campaign that promotes the organisational form of cooperatives. Th ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze Axel Honneth's theory against the background of some of the criticisms that Amy Allen levelled against it and conclude that his endeavor seems to partially compromise his ability to id...
Abstract: In this paper, I will analyze Axel Honneth’s theory against the background of some of the criticisms that Amy Allen levelled against it. His endeavor seems to partially compromise his ability to id...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The power of occlusion as discussed by the authors is defined as the will to exclude by rendering invisible, which is the power to make social justice invisible, and irrational, in the context of political power.
Abstract: This volume is the tenth of the Journal of Political Power. The very first issue of this Journal opened with an article co-authored by Steven Lukes and Clarissa Hayward (2008). Similarly, this volume opens with an article co-authored by Lukes, in collaboration with David Jenkins this time, entitled ‘The power of occlusion’. Jenkins and Lukes open with the following observation: ‘To not be right is one thing, but to be told that what one says or believes is ‘not even wrong’ is an even harder pill to swallow’. This is followed by a discussion of Douglas Adam’s The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy (Adams 1995), where the supercomputer Deep Thought is asked for the meaning of life and the universe, and replies that it is ‘42’. We, the readers, do not know the meaning of life or the universe. Yet, we do know that the answer cannot be ‘42’. That is not even wrong, it is so wrong as to be unquestionably wrong. The answer 42 has a startling effect upon the reader in much the same way that quotation from the (purported) Chinese Encyclopaedia, which Foucault quotes in the opening of the Order of Things (Foucault 1970, p. xv). It unsettles the reader, because we do not understand how it is possible to think that. The third dimension of power covers epistemic elements of domination, which includes a broad range of phenomena. Lukes and Jenkins theorize the phenomenon they are describing as category mistake, drawing from the work of Gilbert Ryle. Being influenced by Kuhn, I tend to think of this phenomenon also in terms of the paradigms that inform social life. These are not just the big scientific paradigms but, also, the paradigms of everyday life. As emphasized by Goffman (1971) and Weber (1978), in their accounts of various forms of action, all social situations entail a local interpretative horizon, which is made to count for a given situation. Who gets to decide which system of meaning counts also determines what is considered locally reasonable. In that sense, to use Jenkins and Lukes’ example, Hayek’s claim that the economy is a spontaneous order and therefore cannot include justice is an attempt to validate a paradigm that would make the welfare state appear an irrational or inappropriate social construct or a category mistake. The capacity to exclude by rendering invisible, Jenkins and Lukes refer to as the power of occlusion. Emphasizing spontaneous order is a will to power through occlusion, with the aim of making social justice invisible, and irrational. As argued by Haugaard and Pettit, in ‘A conversation on power and republicanism’, establishing the dominance of a local paradigm, or system of thought, is a complex process. Those whose interests are served by that paradigm must somehow convince the less powerful that the interpretative horizon in question represents the natural order of things. When a social norm is interpreted in this manner, social actors conclude (mistakenly) that this is the only possible description of things, and that there is a perfect correspondence between concepts and reality. They reach that conclusion, even when it is contrary to their interests to do so, and thus become compliant in their own domination, in the desire to remain rational. To accomplish this interpretative incorporation, techniques of reification are often required. Nature, science and religious belief are the most common armoury for these defensive (status quo) or offensive (in the case of social change) strategies. It is precisely in this manner that the science of economics reproduces the perception of the market as some kind of natural spontaneous order.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that a potential movement from violence to power understood as human ability to act in concert exists in Ukraine and argue that members of Ukraine's sub-elites have a chance to become a driving force of this process.
Abstract: This article discusses authority culture in Ukraine. ‘Russian power’, i.e. a particular configuration of power relationship that has been prevailing in the Russian, Soviet and post-Soviet empires, is used as a point of reference. Two features of Russian power explain its closeness to violence: mostly negative associations (such as force, money and corruption) and a high power distance. It is argued that a potential movement from violence to power understood as human ability to act in concert exists in Ukraine. Members of Ukraine’s sub-elites have a chance to become a driving force of this process. Under certain conditions they could take a lead in transitioning to less violent models of power in politics and elsewhere. The data were drawn from three mass surveys conducted in Russia (N = 2939 and N = 11,096) and in Ukraine (N = 2040) from July 2016 to January 2017.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Camus managed to both embody the spirit of his time and transcend it as discussed by the authors, and there is something deeply compelling about the writing and life of Albert Camus, a writer, essayist, journalist, playwright.
Abstract: There is something deeply compelling about the writing and life of Albert Camus. Novelist, essayist, journalist, playwright – Camus managed to both embody the spirit of his time and transcend it. B...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Power and International Relations as mentioned in this paper opens with an account of Robert Dahl's theory of power, followed by an analysis of the implications of this perspective for international relations (IR) and concludes with a discussion of the relationship between power and international relations.
Abstract: Power and International Relations opens with an account of Robert Dahl’s theory of power, followed by an analysis of the implications of this perspective for international relations (IR). The latte...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Abu Fekheideh was harvesting olives on his family's land in the village of al-Janiya near Ramallah in the central West Bank with his brother Hassan and cousin Muhammad in early Novemb...
Abstract: Jaber Barakat Abu Fekheideh was harvesting olives on his family’s land in the village of al-Janiya near Ramallah in the central West Bank with his brother Hassan and cousin Muhammad in early Novemb...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the late 6th century BCE Greek philosopher Heraclitus as mentioned in this paper stated that war is the father of all and king of all; and some he manifested as gods, some as men; some he made slaves, some free.
Abstract: ‘War is father of all and king of all; and some he manifested as gods, some as men; some he made slaves, some free.’ Attributed to the late sixth century BCE Greek philosopher Heraclitus, this quot...