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Showing papers in "Journal of Social History in 2006"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors look at existing and potential connections between two disparate subfields of historical enquiry: microhistory and Atlantic history, and discuss the author's own attempts to use microhistorical inquiry to answer macrolevel questions about the origins and breadth of anti-imperialism in the interwar British Caribbean.
Abstract: This article looks at existing and potential connections between two disparate subfields of historical enquiry: microhistory and Atlantic history. New research in the latter has utilized microlevel sources (those that allow the researcher to track an individual life) to challenge long-accepted generalizations about which kinds of people did what where in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Atlantic. But, the author suggests, such research raises specific methodological challenges and epistemological caveats. The risk is that we may borrow some of the more attractive elements of microhistory—in particular, the chance to tell extraordinary stories about ordinary lives—without addressing the elements of research design that give rigor and weight to the most persuasive microhistorical studies. Can microhistorical evidence from the Atlantic world serve as a basis for explanatory as well as descriptive claims? The article explores this question by discussing the author’s own attempts to use microhistorical inquiry to answer macrolevel questions about the origins and breadth of anti-imperialism in the interwar British Caribbean.

122 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the theoretical implications of these concepts and look at how ideas associated with governmentality in particular have been operationalised in recent historical writing, including the work of Mary Poovey and Patrick Joyce.
Abstract: In the 1960s and 1970s the emergent domain of social history was marked by a reconceptualisation of the concept of power. The dimensions of power and its operations were no longer understood to be confined to elite institutions such as parliament, but extended to the relations and institutions of everyday life. In the process, social historical writing helped to redefine the notion of the political itself. Since this early phase a number of different conceptions of power have been utilised by social historians, including the Gramscian notion of hegemony and, more recently, the Foucauldian idea of governmentality. This article explores the theoretical implications of these concepts and looks at how ideas associated with governmentality in particular have been operationalised in recent historical writing, including the work of Mary Poovey and Patrick Joyce. In conclusion, the article identifies some of the problems arising from governmentality approaches and sketches briefly an alternative way of thinking about power centred on analysis of the body.

72 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article studied the debates surrounding Baltimore's 1910 segregation ordinance in transnational context and found that three interconnected and transnationally traded political conversations were critical to urban segregationist discourse in places with otherwise very different histories: conflict between races, solutions of urban problems, and control of urban property markets.
Abstract: This article looks at the debates surrounding Baltimore's 1910 Segregation Ordinance in transnational context. It asks whether the beliefs and actions of Baltimore's segregationists were connected to those deployed in hundreds of other efforts to segregate cities by race worldwide-in Asia, Africa, Australasia, and elsewhere in the Americas—during the same period. Using a comparison focussed on India, South Africa and the U.S., it argues that three interconnected and transnationally traded political conversations—concerning conflict between races "commingled" in the same geographic areas; concerning solutions of urban problems; and concerning middle-class control of urban property markets—were critical to urban segregationist discourse in places with otherwise very different histories. Because of local and national conditions, including well-organized black resistance, supporters of Baltimore's Ordinance drew on some of these languages more than others. Their heavy reliance on the argument that blacks threatened white property values was typical of the politics of America's "marketized" form of segregation, which threatens to become a transnational export in its own right. The paper seeks to use closely textured social-historical research and a wide-ranging synthetic reading of the history of cities elsewhere in the world as a means to understand and document world-historical phenomena.

70 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that domination and subordination are best conceived as operating in relationship to one another, rather than as polar opposites, and argued that such hidden injuries are central to the maintenance of social inequality.
Abstract: This essay advances the proposition that the category of class, when historicized, offers a powerful interpretive tool for the understanding of early modern society. In particular, it develops Sennett and Cobb's insight that unequal social structures engender feelings of humiliation and subordination amongst poorer people; and that such 'hidden injuries' are central to the maintenance of social inequality. The essay suggests some ways in which the category of class might illuminate unexplored paths in the social history of early modern England. It then goes on to look at the relationship between social conflicts, plebeian identities and patterns of subordination and domination. Throughout, it seeks to engage with recent historical applications of the work of James C. Scott, arguing that domination and subordination are best conceived as operating in relationship to one another, rather than as polar opposites.

65 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that social and environmental history are basically compatible and complementary fields, and argue for increased collaboration by making human-environment relations a key theme for future research.
Abstract: Since the 1960s, one of the great strengths of social history has been its willingness to respond to contemporary concerns. However, as environmental issues have pushed their way to the top of the global political agenda, social historians have been slow to meet this new challenge. This paper examines reasons for this reluctance and, more importantly, explores the opportunities for integrating social and environmental history. It is divided into three main parts. The first section deals with the failure of social history to strike up a dialogue with environmental history. Section two aims to show that social and environmental history are basically compatible and complementary fields, and argues for increased collaboration by making human-environment relations a key theme for future research. Drawing on studies—both rural and urban—that have begun to establish common ground between the two fields, section three outlines new areas for investigation, including: the interconnections between social inequality and environmental degradation; environments and identities; and consumption and the environment. By focusing attention on how ordinary people interacted with their environments in the past, social historians could make a significant contribution to current discussions about a sustainable future.

55 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In recent years, social history has benefited from the increased media interest in history and heritage as discussed by the authors, and the end result of this trend is the wave of'reality history' (such as Frontier House) programmes drawing huge audiences across the Anglo-American networks.
Abstract: In recent years, social history has benefited from the increased media interest in history and heritage. Yet social history on television today bears very little resemblance to the discipline traditionally understood. As such, social history within the public sphere has undergone a similar transformation to that within the academy. Whereas once filmmakers concentrated upon structure and process, now they are more interested in questions of identity and empathy. The end result of this trend is the wave of 'reality history' (such as Frontier House) programmes drawing huge audiences across the Anglo-American networks. At the same time, the proliferation of media together with growing popular interest in local and genealogical history has produced an impressive range of bottom-up films of the past—most notably, in the format of drama documentaries. However, what today's social history on television lacks—together with its progenitor within the academy—is any kind of political undercurrent. The ideological underpinnings of social history have been lost in one of the media best designed for its propagation.

37 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Following the Ansei Edo Earthquake of 1855, Japanese print makers produced hundreds of varieties of catfish picture prints (namazu-e), which provided the common people of Edo (soon to become Tokyo) an ideal vehicle for commenting on politics and society under the cover of discussing the recent earthquake.
Abstract: Following the Ansei Edo Earthquake of 1855, Japanese print makers produced hundreds of varieties of catfish picture prints (namazu-e). These prints afforded the common people of Edo (soon to become Tokyo) an ideal vehicle for commenting on politics and society under the cover of discussing the recent earthquake. Some were sharply critical of the existing situation, and some adumbrated alternative political and social visions. One of these visions was of \"Japan\" as a natural community. Some prints portrayed the earthquake that shook Edo as having shaken all of Japan, and others incorporated events of the recent past into new narratives of world-renewal and change. The solar deity Amaterasu, who played a prominent role in national ideology after 1868, first came to widespread attention in Edo via these prints. In this and other ways, the catfish picture prints helped lay the psychological groundwork for the process of \"making Japanese\" that would begin in earnest after 1868. Furthermore, owing to a coincidence in which 1855 and 1867 were both years of special religious significance, it is likely that the folk memory of the Ansei Edo Earthquake helped condition popular expectations of upheaval and change during the Tokugawa bakufu's final year.

35 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: English country dance, a recreational folk dance activity of largely professional managerial workers in the twentieth-century United States, provides a window on the subjectivity and political culture of a class fraction that illustrates how middle-class studies imbricate that of working-class history as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: English Country Dance, a recreational folk dance activity of largely professional managerial workers in the twentieth-century United States, provides a window on the subjectivity and political culture of a class fraction that illustrates how middle-class studies imbricate that of working-class history. Moreover the income level, status, cultural and social capital of this quintessential middle-class fraction provides a window on the culture of liberalism in America. Self-identified liberal professionals and semiprofessionals constitute the modern dance community at the end of this century which was reconstituted out of the 1960s counterculture. Feminists, environmentalists and "spiritual," the modern dance community, which identifies as left-wing or liberal, reflects the shoals of race on which the modern political culture of liberalism flounders: originally an Anglo-American group, the "white" ethnic dancers who now predominate in ECD celebrate the dance floor as an anti-materialist "safe" urban space at the same time as they bemoan the lack of people of color on the dance floor. The modern folk dance community has become an alternative space, not an oppositional one.

34 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a comparative social history of 20th century pleasure crowds in the U.S. and Britain is presented, focusing on the meanings and behaviors of playful crowds in Coney Island, Blackpool, Disneyland, and the Beamish Museum.
Abstract: Comparative studies of the uses and changes of free time have been relatively rare in social history, especially in the 20th century. By reflecting on some of the ideas and findings generated by a new study that John Walton and Gary Cross conducted concerning the changes in the meanings and behaviors of playful crowds in the U.S. and Britain across the 20th century at Coney Island, Blackpool, Disneyland, and the Beamish Museum, this paper raises some of the possibilities and difficulties of doing a comparative social history of 20th century pleasure crowds. National and other differences will be considered in explaining why the Blackpool resort area survived much social change in the 20th century and Coney Island did not, as well as how Disneyland and the heritage site of Beamish reflected differing adaptations to middle class crowd and aesthetic sensibilities.

28 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Clifton Crais1
TL;DR: In the 1990s, during the negotiations for a new constitution, CONTRELESA lobbied for an important role of traditional authorities within the new South Africa as discussed by the authors, and the 1994 political settlement between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party, in which the ANC in effect conceded the ill-begotten IFP victory, also resulted in a recognition of the political salience of tribalism in rural areas of the country.
Abstract: Four eras of tribal and state formation have marked the modern history of South Africa. The conquest years of the nineteenth century saw the emergence of a colonial state and the reworking of ethnic identities tied to tribal political structures within an imperial context. The 1920s witnessed the rise of segregation and “retribalization” as set out in legislation such as the 1920 Native Affairs Act and the 1927 Native Administration Act. This and other legislation further bureaucraticized state administration of Africans and moved the country towards territorial segregation in what one scholar has described as a system of “decentralized despotism.” 1 In the 1950s, with legislation such as the 1951 Bantu Authorities Act, the third era began with the Bantustan policies of grand apartheid, wherein the former reserves would become sovereign nation-states. Apartheid was many things, but most obviously it was a system of tribalist social engineering and bureaucratic authoritarianism. The fourth era of ethnic and state formation began roughly a decade ago with South Africa’s first democratic elections. The new government inherited colonialtribalstructures,somewelloveracenturyold.Politicianswereacutelyaware that reconstructing the state in the former homelands would be a formidable undertaking. They inherited a weakened economy, diminished state resources, and a host of seemingly intractable problems. Considerable political instability and continued institutional collapse marked the Transkei and other rural areas. Just a few years after the 1994 elections, the government considered calling in the army into parts of the Transkei to restore order, a clear indication of political involution and the tenuousness of their grip on the former homeland. In one part of the former homeland, none other than Chief Matanzima, the former and considerably-hated Bantustan leader, headed a tribal court where people appeared before him as “Transkei citizens,” citizens of a polity that no longer existed. Apartheid, it seems, has had many deaths, some rather more drawn out than others. The situation in Kwa-Zulu/Natal posed acute challenges to the African National Congress. The 1994 political settlement between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party, in which the ANC in effect conceded the ill-begotten IFP victory, also resulted in a recognition—however begrudgingly—of the political salience of tribalism in rural areas of the country. Earlier, in the late 1980s, “traditional” rulers had formed the Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa (CONTRELESA). In the 1990s, during the negotiations for a new constitution, CONTRELESA lobbied for an important role of traditional authorities within the new South Africa. More generally, polling seemed to suggest that there existedwidespreadsupportfor“traditionalrulers”intheformerhomelands. 2 Given

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored the risks involved in husband desertion to both the wife and her rescuers, common features of wife desertion, as well as contemporary attitudes held by both wives and society in general.
Abstract: With an acutely imbalanced power relationship, no financial control, and a Marian ideal of total passivity flaunted before them, wives are usually thought to have borne the brunt of medieval marriages. In particular, in a Catholic world where marriage was held up as a sacrament, and thus a permanent, monogamous union, it has often been assumed that medieval wives were caught in an earthly purgatory, suffering a life-time of marital violence and misery. Over the past two decades, historians like R.H. Helmholz, Sue Sheridan Walker and Henry Ansgar Kelly have challenged previous ideals about the permanence of marriage. Helmholz has suggested that "self-divorce" among the medieval English may have been more common than we think. Walker and Kelly have made similar suggestions. The goal of this paper is to use their work as a foundation, to explore the various licit and illicit means of separation in late medieval England. Using marriage litigation, bishops' registers, ecclesiastical actbooks, manorial courts, chancery records, and assize rolls, this paper will attempt to discern the risks involved in husband desertion to both the wife and her "rescuers," common features of wife desertion, as well as contemporary attitudes held by both wives and society in general.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored how power in the protectorate was encoded in manners, politeness, and conventional rituals of sociability built from complementary Ganda and British expectations that could be disrupted by activists using tactics of rudeness.
Abstract: This article asks how the people of colonial Uganda, especially the kingdom of Buganda, understood themselves in the 1940s not just as imperial subjects, but as citizens capable of mobilizing for change. To understand activism and agency in such a context, I explore how power in the protectorate was encoded in manners, politeness, and conventional rituals of sociability—built from complementary Ganda and British expectations—that could be disrupted by activists using tactics of rudeness. Activists lacked a clear issue-based politics, or the resources to engage in active state-building. Instead, they performed a rude, publicly celebrated strategy of insults, scandal mongering, disruption, and disorderliness that broke conventions of colonial friendship, partnership, and mutual benefit. They sought to delineate and make public the real clashes of interest both among Baganda, and between Baganda and Britons, as a way of opening up to public scrutiny the covert practices of negotiation that had produced land deals, cotton policy, bureaucratic appointments, and power within the kingdom and protectorate. By juxtaposing cultural analysis and political history, and using concepts, such as rudeness or manners, that are rooted in local practices, we can gain insights into big historical concepts such as popular activism and nationalist mobilization.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of French judicial procedures, together with evidence from 251 cases of intimate violence tried in the assize court of the Seine, showed that the high rate of acquittal was due to the transfer of a popular system of retributive justice into the verdict of the court.
Abstract: In fin-de-siecle France, jurists became alarmed by the high rate of acquittals in cases of "crimes of passion" tried by jury in the assize courts. The acquittal of so many defendants who readily admitted their crimes seemed to prove that the citizen jurors of the Third Republic were not competent to render justice. Through an investigation of French judicial procedures, together with evidence from 251 cases of intimate violence tried in the assize court of the Seine, this article contends that the high rate of acquittal was due to the transfer of a popular system of retributive justice into the verdict of the court. Surprisingly, judicial procedures worked to privilege the stories, knowledge, and standards of witnesses and defendants—not a strict application of the law. This analysis sheds light on popular attitudes about the use of violence in domestic disputes, as well as the complex interactions among multiple systems of judgment at stake in jury trials.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The patient struggle for autonomy at the US Public Health Service Hospital in Carville, Louisiana, in particular, must be located in the postwar period as discussed by the authors, and the conflict between patients and hospital administrators over control of institutional life in the 1950s exposes tension between Carville as home and as hospital.
Abstract: Historians strongly associate the 1960s as marking the beginnings of radical changes in patients' orientation toward their rights. Yet the social and political context of the decades prior to the Second World War distinctly shaped the patient experience in much the same fashion that it gave form to the Civil Rights Movement. The patient struggle for autonomy at the US Public Health Service Hospital in Carville, Louisiana, in particular, must be located in the postwar period. Against the backdrop of how the institution was organized and administered from the 1920s to the 1930s, I focus in this paper on the conflict between patients and hospital administrators over control of institutional life in the 1950s. Their encounters exposed tension between Carville as home and as hospital. Given this focus, the patient challenge to the institutions, which reached a national audience, began to coalesce around the home in general and the kitchen in particular, mirroring the growing prominence of the political dimensions of suburban domesticity as a powerful democratic ideal. At Carville, the private "surburban" home represented freedom from the state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Cooleemee Historical Association in North Carolina as mentioned in this paper has been criticised for becoming politicized and distorted, particularly in terms of issues of race relations and relationships between community and the outside world, ultimately projecting a highly selective historical memory.
Abstract: This article examines the experience of the Cooleemee Historical Association in North Carolina. It notes the many successes of this community history project, while examining the intellectual and professional trajectories of its principal sponsors, Jim and Lynn Rumley. The article argues that the project also became politicized and distorted, particularly in terms of issues of race relations and relationships between community and the outside world, ultimately projecting a highly selective historical memory.

Journal ArticleDOI
Peter Gurney1
TL;DR: The National Anti-Corn Law League Bazaar (NALB) was held at Covent Garden Theatre London in the spring of 1845 as discussed by the authors, where the League was not only concerned with the abolition of excise duty on staple goods (especially 'the people's corn'), but was also keen to address the commodity world of Victorian capitalism more generally.
Abstract: This article attempts to reconnect the culture with the politics of the campaign for free trade through a case study of the National Anti-Corn Law League Bazaar held at Covent Garden Theatre London in the spring of 1845. Four major themes are considered. First, the ways in which the bazaar pulled together commerce and politics are explored. The League was not only concerned with the abolition of excise duty on staple goods (especially 'the people's corn') but was also keen to address the commodity world of Victorian capitalism more generally, and a focus on the bazaar helps unravel the significance of this preoccu pation. The article then goes on to consider the central role played by middle-class women in this area and suggests why their participation was thought vital. Third, contradictory attitudes toward consumption and continuing fears provoked by the commercialization of politics are discussed in more detail. Finally, the study suggests, more speculatively and in the longer term, that the culture of the League - embodied in the bazaar of 1845 - helped prepare the ground for the emergence, or rather invention, of the modern consumer in Victorian England.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a comparative analysis of forms and practices of writing and reading most often associated with the personal realm in the early to mid-nineteenth century in French urban workers.
Abstract: Throughout the early to mid-nineteenth century, French urban workers developed literacy practices—specific acts of writing and reading—that encouraged socially-oriented forms of self-reflection. By examining the letter writing, reading, and circulation practices and the autobiographical writing practices of several distinctly different groups of French urban workers, this essay presents a comparative analysis of forms and practices of writing and reading most often associated with the personal realm. In these literacy practices, French workers cultivated forms of socially-mediated reflection in which acts of self-disclosure and claims of authority were directly tied to their relations with others and their identifications with particular groups—such as their families, friends, and their fellow workers. The ways that literacy developed such complex, heterogeneous selves for French urban workers in the nineteenth century ultimately challenge the argument that links literacy, and writing in particular, to the formation of an individualist self, as part of the social transformations that lead to the formation of modern society in France.

Journal ArticleDOI
Jan Dumolyn1
TL;DR: In the later medieval period, Flanders belonged to one of the most urbanised regions of Western Europe and it witnessed therise of a new power elite as mentioned in this paper, which created a new regional political elitewhich was partially created by the state formation process.
Abstract: The county of Flanders belonged to one of the most urbanisedregions of Western Europe. In the later medieval period, it witnessed therise of a new power elite. As a consequence of the state formation processimpoverished noble lineages who survived by serving the prince fusedwith rich patrician families who also took up princely offices. They didthis by forming social networks based on marriage alliances. The nobilitydid not at all close itself off from newcomers. During the fifteenth century,the possibilities for interaction between nobles and non-nobles werefrequent Burghers and members of the rural elites were ennobled indifferent ways. The ducal officers constructed family and social networksthat went beyond their class and geographical origins. The elite groups ofthe city and the surrounding countryside had a tendency to overlap.Important layers of this composite political elite developed into whatcould be considered a new 'state nobility'. Along with ennoblement andupward social mobility, high officials adopted the family structure of thepatrilineal 'lineage' typical of the nobility. The new regional political elitewhich was partially created by the state formation process also constructeditself subjectively by adapting what we could call a 'state ideology'.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that social historians have felt no reason to take scholarly risks for the last ten or fifteen years and there is simply no incentive for them to do so.
Abstract: This article established its theoretical framework by criticizing the way in which social historians have practiced their scholarship in the last three decades and how and why they have not responded to the challenges of postmodernism and poststructuralism. The focus is on the Journal of Social History and the academic debate since its inception—how scholars have responded to the challenges and problems facing the discipline at different times. Connections are drawn between these developments found in JSH and the authors' own ideas and experiences of academic work, with the aim of assessing the state of the discipline in the early years of the 21st century. As a result of the very success of social history, it is argued that social historians have felt no reason to take scholarly risks for the last ten or fifteen years—there is simply no incentive for them to do so. Hence, the image becomes ossified and scholars are tempted to start treating social history as nothing more than a series of \"sites of memory\", as monuments that can neither be moved nor challenged, like a statue that is polished up solely so as to be able to gleam back resplendently into the eyes of those that behold it. The article severely critiques the conventional theoretical framework of social-historical research—the institutionalization of history—and an attempt is made to redefine the aims and parameters of history in order for it to achieve its full potential.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article reviewed several important works, in several disciplines, that have appeared over the past seven years and discussed their relationship to earlier historicalfindings and their implications for recent emotional history and its implications in culture and politics.
Abstract: Fear has become the emotion du jour, among scholars and, mostof themargue, among wider publics as well. This essay reviews several importantworks, in several disciplines, that have appeared over the past sevenyears. The essay discusses their relationship to earlier historicalfindings and their implications for recent emotional history and itsramifications in culture and politics.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors consider the potential of histories of transnational movements of people, and the erosion of boundaries between British domestic and imperial history, to expand and revise the history of nineteenth- and twentieth-century British domestic life and work.
Abstract: This essay considers the potential of histories of transnational movements of people, and the erosion of boundaries between British domestic and imperial history, to expand and revise the history of nineteenth- and twentieth-century British domestic life and work. Literatures on migration demonstrate how far the history of home involves transnational themes, including the recruitment of migrants and refugees who crossed national borders to do domestic work—in Britain and empire—and their development of what has been called the 'transnational family'. Domestic life, including motherhood, cannot be fully understood outside the history of the control and orchestration of national borders: which people were allowed inside for settlement, which people were refused entry, which people were positively encouraged to enter. The essay considers refugee movements as part of transnational movements—a neglected area in historical work, including work on Britain—developing a case study that compares the recruitment of people from displaced persons camps to the Australian and British labour markets in the late 1940s, situating both recruitment schemes in the context of post-war British migration to Australia.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In South Africa, as elsewhere, illegitimacy has been identified as an important focus of inquiry respecting the history of sexual behavior and family formation as discussed by the authors, and there was some correspondence with respect to the incidence of, and the responses by church and state to out-ofwedlock births.
Abstract: In South Africa, as elsewhere, illegitimacy has been identified as an important focus of inquiry respecting the history of sexual behavior and family formation. Illegitimacy and prenuptial pregnancy increased significantly in Europe from the late 1700s until c. 1845. Cape Town was tied to Europe by the flow of immigrants, by incorporation in its trading networks, and by the modes of governance which were imported from the Netherlands and, after 1806, from Britain. Inevitably, there was some correspondence with respect to the incidence of, and the responses by church and state to out-of-wedlock births. Nevertheless, distinctive "patterns of family formation and sexuality" emerged from the complex demography and social relations which were particular to Cape Town from the point of European settlement, in 1652, to the immediate aftermath of slave emancipation in 1838. This article asks: what is the evidence for illegitimacy within relationships of concubinage and promiscuity? Do the records of cohabitation and out-of-wedlock births reveal trends over time? How did the law treat extra-marital reproduction, and what sanctions did the church apply? Finally, what conclusions respecting family formation in Cape Town, until the mid-1800s, does the evidence suggest?

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This is a scholarly contribution of the first-order to the history of health care policy in America that asks the right questions and contains more than its share of provocative answers.
Abstract: shunted aside, with tragic consequences for those on the edges of American society. Derickson has written a very short and very heavily footnoted monograph. Toward the end of the book, one page of text calls forth one whole page of notes. Usually one finishes academic monographs of this sort with a sense of relief. In this case, however, I had the feeling that the book was too short. It dwells at considerable length at well-known events, such as the National Health Conference of 1938, and then just races through the period after Medicare, particularly the time between Jimmy Carter and the present. To be sure, Derickson puts new twists on old stories, such as the animosity between the American Medical Association and the cause of national health insurance. He points out, for example, that the AMA was an early proponent of the idea of universal access but was reluctant to endorse a state-centered solution. One only wishes he could have put his considerable talent to work on the events of the period between 1980 and 2000. Maybe some of the notes could have been trimmed in the interest of a longer text. But what’s here represents a scholarly contribution of the first-order to the history of health care policy in America. This is a book that asks the right questions and contains more than its share of provocative answers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the tensions between these groups after emancipation in the municipality of Sao Carlos, which was on the coffee frontier and attracted large numbers of immigrants, and found that Italian fears of leveling with blacks, which were heightened by planter and police mistreatment of immigrants.
Abstract: Recent advances in studies of Brazilian slavery and abolition contrast with the lack of attention to what happened to freedmen and women after emancipation. Some scholars compare the trajectories of Afro-Brazilians and immigrants in the state of Sao Paulo, but rarely study everyday relations between them. This article, based on police investigations and criminal trial records resulting from violent conflicts between Italians and blacks, complemented by census data, examines the tensions between these groups after abolition in the municipality of Sao Carlos, which was on the coffee frontier and attracted large numbers of immigrants. Italians and Afro-Brazilians often worked in the same occupations, leading to Italian fears of leveling with blacks, which were heightened by planter and police mistreatment of immigrants. Interactions leading to violence between the two groups and depositions of witnesses reveal acute symbolic conflicts. Afro-Brazilians insisted that they be treated with dignity and respect, refusing to humble themselves in interactions with Italians, but Italians demanded deference. The insults in these fights constituted classification struggles, in which each side tried to associate the other with negative characteristics. The demographic preponderance of immigrants, combined with collective rancor against blacks, favored group aggression by Italians against isolated black individuals.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a 1985 protest organized by black and white parents in two Queens, New York School districts to fight the New York City's Board of Education policy allowing children with AIDS to attend public schools is described.
Abstract: This article details a 1985 protest organized by black and white parents in two Queens, New York School districts to fight the New York City's Board of Education policy allowing children with AIDS to attend public schools. I examine the Queens anti-AIDS protests to assess the effectiveness of this cross-racial alliance as well as how it functioned in relationship to the rise of political conservatism in the 1980s. I argue that it is necessary to situate these community activists in a context not over-determined by the bifurcated national politics of the period. By revisiting this community-based movement of the 1980s and understanding participants' motivations as well as those of the leadership, we begin to see that this activism acquired its coherence not from ideology, but from the specific circumstances that forced these activists to confront AIDS. While many anti-AIDS and anti-gay activists used phases like "family values," to differentiate themselves from people with AIDS, particularly gay men, parents in Queens, both black and white, found a shared enemy instead in the combined power of the municipal bureaucracy and a remote scientific establishment, paving the way for a political alliance that bridged an otherwise tense racial divide in New York City

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the changes in people's experience concerning the rise of the community-based collectivist spirit and inter-personal cohesion in about three decades of time based on the observations of Cucumber Lane, a migrant community-turned-socialist "model community" in Shanghai.
Abstract: This paper examines the changes in people's experience concerning the rise of the community-based collectivist spirit and inter-personal cohesion in about three decades of time. Based on the observations of Cucumber Lane, a migrant community-turned-socialist "model community" in Shanghai, the author emphasizes that the rise of community-based collectivism was mediated by, among other factors, a moral politics that involved traditional forms of morality. Since any collective action intensified the conflict between individual and group interests, the residents and local cadres/leaders tended to apply moral yardsticks originating from the traditional Chinese worldview to understand, evaluate, and argue whether particular state-led collective campaigns should be supported or resisted, and to what extent. The paper argues that the mediation of moral politics as perceived and constructed by the residents under specific ideological landscapes and systems for the distribution of resources shaped the ways in which they engaged in collective action and individual resistance.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe the behavior and customs of Yorkshire working-class women who used their sexuality to define their female adulthood through sexual experimentation during courtship, to discipline male aggressiveness and patriarchy, and to advance their status as working women.
Abstract: Fiction and historical tests carefully positioned in Anglo-American historiography provide new perspectives on the elusive world of female working-class sexuality. Working women are portrayed, not as victims or objects, but as active players in gender and class conflicts. Yorkshire lasses and older women used their sexuality to define their female adulthood through sexual experimentation during courtship, to discipline male aggressiveness and patriarchy, and to advance their status as working women. These antagonisms included sexually charged customs and behaviors, such as the ritual of "sunning": the sexual humiliation of young men by working women, and new meanings for female agency in premarital sexual activities. The behaviors and customs of Yorkshire working-class women reveal their uses of individual and collective activities to confront on their own terms both gender and class conflicts in the family, the workplace, and the trade union. The threatening power of female sexuality exercised collectively, openly, and dramatically was a reminder to all that the private world of sexuality and the workplace were deeply intertwined but not always at the expense of women.