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Showing papers in "Journal of Social History in 2019"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A micro-history of the trajectories toward freedom of three generations of Afrodescendant women in a single household in early-nineteenth-century Buenos Aires (Argentina) during the gradual abolition of slavery is described in this paper.
Abstract: Abstract:This article offers a microhistory of the trajectories toward freedom of three generations of Afrodescendant women in a single household in early-nineteenth-century Buenos Aires (Argentina) during the gradual abolition of slavery. Their stories demonstrate the precariousness of freedom in a society often considered peripheral to geographies of American slavery and celebrated for its purportedly exceptional racelessness and class dynamism. But they also illuminate unremarked changes in the nature of slavery in postrevolutionary Buenos Aires and the spaces for maneuver leveraged by Afrodescendant women against a backdrop of political and economic transformation. The article pays special attention to the youngest of these individuals: Cayetana Warnes, afreeborn girl nonetheless repeatedly inscribed in notarial and probate records as a \"liberta.\" Cayetana's story provides the basis for a new examination of \"liberto/a,\" the juridical category in-between slavery and freedom created by the 1813 Free Womb Law that conditionally freed the children of slave mothers after a term of service to their mother's master. Though unusual and indeed illegal, the process by which the freeborn Cayetana became a fictional \"liberta\"—combining dynamics of contracted and coerced labor, spiritual kinship, gender, minority, tutelary servitude, and inheritance—exposes a range of more ordinary practices through which the racialized and coercive relations of slavery shaped Argentina's emerging free labor regime, and vice versa. In these ambiguous spaces, Cayetana's foremothers used their positions inside and outside the household to shape their own freedom and to negotiate, not disadvantageously, the terms of unfree labor across the generations.

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A cultural approach to the study of the French Revolution took off in the 1980s as a result of the coincidence of new intellectual and political currents with celebrations of the Revolution's bicentennial.
Abstract: Abstract:A cultural approach to the study of the French Revolution took off in the 1980s as a result of the coincidence of new intellectual and political currents with celebrations of the Revolution's bicentennial. By the turn of the new century, both the study of cultural phenomena (theatre, art and architecture, fashion, etc.) before, during, and after 1789 and an approach to social and political upheaval that stressed symbolism and the production of meaning had thoroughly remade mainstream understandings of this vital period in modern history. But a backlash was already underway. This article explores, first, the emergence and flourishing of the so-called cultural turn in French revolutionary studies between the 1980s and the present, including recent work on the study of race and gender, emotion, experience, violence, and conspiracy thinking. It then investigates the equally recent critiques that this approach has generated, especially among those interested in rethinking economic questions from a post-or modified Marxist perspective and/or decentering France in conceptions of modernity. The author hypothesizes that contemporary challenges to democracy in Europe, the United States, and elsewhere around the globe should, and will, lead to new questions both about what happened in France at the close of the eighteenth century and about how we should write about this moment of upheaval going forward.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the validity of the Permanent Voters List is seen as a manifestation of a direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair election and the problems that arise in determining the permanent voters list.
Abstract: In Article 22E paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, it is explained that General Elections (Elections) are held based on the principle of “luberjudil” (direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair). One of the manifestations of this principle is through the final voter list in the implementation of the election. This research is normative research with statute approach and conceptual approach. The issues discussed in this study are 1. Can the validity of the Permanent Voters List be seen as a manifestation of a direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair election? 2. What are the problems that arise in determining the Permanent Voters List? 3. How is the guarantee of political rights for citizens due to problems that arise in the determination of the Permanent Voters List? Based on this research, it was found that the validity of the Permanent Voters List was part of the realization of the election system which was direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair. This research also describes the problems in determining the Permanent Voters List and the mechanism for protecting the political rights of citizens in the event of problems in the final voter list

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the preservation of a preserved blue bird-of-paradise skin from New Guinea rainforests was used as a metaphor for the near-extinction of the species.
Abstract: Abstract:This article takes as its starting point an encounter with a preserved blue bird-of-paradise skin. Though rare, the bird became wildly famous after it perched atop the head of Carrie Bradshaw during Sex and the City: The Movie. However, where in the movie the bird-skin acted as Carrie's something blue, I mobilize it in this article as a \"telling example\" of near-extinction. This is because the blue bird-of-paradise is but one of the millions of Paradisaea that were hunted, traded, shipped, and lusted after since their earliest forms of commodification. And as the theory of sexual selection confirms, biographical entitlement cannot be assigned to a singular agent in the blue bird-of-paradise's story, which is why this article will chart its biogeographies: from New Guinea rainforests to New York streets. Here, instead of tracing the blue bird-of-paradise's individual commodity biography, it becomes an act of tracing and placing the bird-skin within the life and death worlds of human-animal relations that produced, mobilized, and maintain(ed) it as a commodity over time and space. In doing so, the article makes two important contributions to the field of social history. First, by conceptually focusing on the relations that produce lives, things, and worlds, it challenges the certainty that anchors the narration of biographies to the singular and anthropocentric embodiment of \"a life.\" Second, mapping the biogeographies of a \"lively\" commodity, such as a preserved bird-of-paradise, offers the opportunity of highlighting the significant role so-called natural species and histories can play in shaping human histories.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The British class system was in fact perpetuated within the civilian internment camps established in the United Kingdom and among British subjects interned by the enemy, particularly in relation to the consumption of additional and superior food and drink that arrived in parcels from home and was provided at camp facilities for the privileged as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Internment in camps for enemy aliens during the First World War might have led to a commonality of experience given that all civilian prisoners of war (POWs) were theoretically enduring the same material conditions. However, the privileges associated with social rank and with wealth led to profoundly different bodily regimes within these camps. The British class system was in fact perpetuated within the civilian internment camps established in the United Kingdom and among British subjects interned by the enemy, particularly in relation to the consumption of additional and superior food and drink that arrived in parcels from home and was provided at camp facilities for the privileged. These class distinctions had tangible material consequences for the interned, as not all bodies were equally subjected to the privations of the camp regime. That some POWs had access to more and better food throughout much of the First World War underscores the British state’s lack of commitment to the ideal of equality of bodily sacrifice. Instead the British government was complicit in perpetuating class inequalities both among its own subjects and those it had interned, even during a moment of international crisis when the social order was clearly being upended.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors studied the ways in which seamen sailing to the Mediterranean on Dutch mercantile vessels during the seventeenth century exercised several forms of economic agency, including sending their own merchandise, trading abroad or at home, and engaging in maritime warfare.
Abstract: This article researches the ways in which seamen sailing to the Mediterranean on Dutch mercantile vessels during the seventeenth century exercised several forms of economic agency. Fully congruent with the entrepreneurial spirit of the Dutch Golden Age, seamen made an active effort to improve the socio-economic position of their households, transcending the narrow categorization of them as exploited maritime workers. They made use of three forms of economic betterment; first, seafarers shipped their own merchandise, which they traded abroad or at home. On domestic markets, a big role was taken up by seamen's wives, making the small-scale entrepreneurship of sailors very much a family affair. Second, mercantile ships could engage in maritime warfare. Letters of commission allowed skippers to attack enemy vessels, with the spoils divided amongst the crew. This option was regularly taken by Mediterranean-bound ships, which were more heavily armed. Third, several skippers, officers and ordinary seamen opted for a life of corsairing. Forced through the threat of slavery, or out of their own free will, seamen could choose to become renegades, and embark on, or even command, ships from the North African regencies. These options were most prominently available to crews setting out to the Mediterranean, with its dense commercial networks and its high presence of vessels sailing under the different flags of European nations, the Ottoman Empire, or the North African city states. The old Middle Sea provides thus the perfect testing ground to analyze the economic agency that seamen possessed during the early modern period.

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on those ideas that became evident at and around the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1788-89 and examine other competing discourses, especially those that challenged the church.
Abstract: Abstract:From the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, historians, politicians, and even the interested public believed radical ideas to be at the bottom of this upheaval. Upstaged by social explanations, particularly in the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, intellectual accounts have regained prominence, as recent scholarship has reiterated that ideas mattered. But what ideas? This essay focuses on those ideas that became evident at and around the outbreak of the revolution in 1788–89. For this period, a new wave of scholarship emphasizes not the idea of equality but rather historic rights and patriotism. In these accounts, Enlightenment notions of natural law provided the central justification for radicalizing the revolution as the decade proceeded. Beyond patriotism and rights, this essay also examines other competing discourses, especially those that challenged the church.

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of recent work on women, gender, and masculinity during the French revolutionary era can be found in this article, where a strong vein of new work investigates manhood within homosocial worlds, notably within the military, building on new approaches to the cultural history of war.
Abstract: Abstract:This piece reviews recent work on women, gender, and masculinity during the French revolutionary era. The older argument that women were enclosed in a private sphere and excluded from politics has given way to a more nuanced and wide-ranging exploration of diverse groups of women, including prostitutes, Parisian market women, cross-dressed female soldiers, female school-teachers, and enslaved women seeking emancipation through marrying soldiers, to name but a few groups. The latest scholarship recognizes limitations on women's formal political power but focuses attention instead on women's creativity and the malleability of gender identity, both in France and in the colonies. Much of this work arose in dialogue with au courant approaches in fields such as the histories of capitalism, sexuality, or the transatlantic world. Some scholars are taking part in a broader move toward theorizing the category of \"citizenship\" in wider and more nuanced ways. The piece also explores emerging research in the history of revolutionary masculinity. Scholars currently follow two countervailing tendencies that are not always in sync. A strong vein of new work investigates manhood within homosocial worlds, notably within the military, building on new approaches to the cultural history of war. A second, equally exciting strand within the scholar-ship analyzes manhood within the family—a move that makes sense as scholars have reacted against conceptualizing revolutionary gender dynamics in terms of separate spheres. The essay concludes with reflections on possible directions for future research.

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Mae Mallory as discussed by the authors was a radical political activist and a self-proclaimed "maladjusted Negro" who played a foundational role in developing and sustaining the black freedom movement through her school desegregation protests in the 1950s, Black Power advocacy in the 1960s, and Pan-African and prisoner's rights organizing in the 1970s and 1980s.
Abstract: Mae Mallory (1927–2007) was a radical political activist and a self-proclaimed “maladjusted Negro.” She played a foundational role in developing and sustaining the black freedom movement through her school desegregation protests in the 1950s, Black Power advocacy in the 1960s, and Pan-African and prisoner’s rights organizing in the 1970s and 1980s. She also espoused a politics defined by her commitment to a black, community-centered, working-class, gender-conscious, and anti-imperialist worldview. Mallory’s multifaceted organizing, intellectual production, and women-centered approach to radical politics have made her an outlier in traditional historical frameworks. However, her alternative intellectual and activist path is also generative in that it illuminates different aspects of black women’s political activism. This article examines Mallory’s organizing and intellectual production through the lens of “maladjustment.” It argues that her unconventional identifications, politics, and organizing trajectory not only showcase Mallory’s unique influence on the black radical tradition, they also offer an opportunity to rethink existing approaches to the study of black women’s activism. The essay offers one of the first overviews of Mallory’s life, organizing, and theorizing, in order to foreground her role in shaping multiple facets of black organizing. In doing so, it offers a larger commentary on how “maladjusted” women like Mallory challenge conventional narratives about the periodization, strategies, and legacies of the black freedom movement.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors reexamine a highly public dispute between a powerful and well-connected Episcopal bishop and his missionary priest, men both central to the government's campaign of war and assimilation against Indigenous Peoples in the Northern Great Plains of the United States.
Abstract: This article reexamines a highly public dispute between a powerful and well-connected Episcopal bishop and his missionary priest, men both central to the government’s campaign of war and assimilation against Indigenous Peoples in the Northern Great Plains of the nineteenth-century United States. The bishop claimed that the priest had engaged in sexual intercourse with a Dakota woman named “Scarlet House,” and used this allegation to remove the priest from his post. No historian ever challenged this claim and asked who Scarlet House was. Employing Dakota-resourced evidence, government and church records, linguistics, and onomastics, this study reveals that in actuality there was no such person as Scarlet House. Furthermore, at the time of the incident, the person in question was not a woman but a child. The church created a fictional personage to cover up what was taking place at the agency: sexual violence against children. After “naming” this violence, this article makes four key historical contributions about the history of US settler colonialism: It documents Dakota Peoples’ agency, by demonstrating how they adapted their social structures to the harrowing conditions of the US mission and agency system. It situates the experiences of two Dakota families within the larger context of settler-colonial conquest in North America, revealing the generational quality of settler-colonial violence. It shows how US governmental policies actually enabled sexual predation against children and women. And, it argues that “naming violence” means both rendering a historical account of the sexual violence experienced by children and families in the care of the US government and its agents, as well as acknowledging how this violence has rippled out through communities and across generations.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the ways in which conceptions of gender and the public sphere affected Mexican print journalism in the period 1940 to 1970 and find that women were generally relegated to writing about household affairs and society news, and that gendered ideas of what could and could not be written also had profound effects on the nature of midcentury journalism.
Abstract: This article examines the ways in which conceptions of gender and the public sphere affected Mexican print journalism in the period 1940 to 1970. Though the Mexican Revolution (1910–20) opened up some spaces for female journalists to write about politics, the expansion of industrial press operations in the immediate postrevolutionary period once again cut back opportunities. After 1940, women were generally relegated to writing about household affairs and society news. But, gendered ideas of what could and could not be written also had profound effects on the nature of mid-century journalism. On the one hand, the perceived link between femininity and the discussion of private spaces vaccinated against the exploration of corruption in the public sphere. On the other hand, in order to breach these regulations, both male and female journalists often adopted and subverted women’s voices or their traditional discursive spaces.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a social history of the labor relations established by the English East India Company at its Blackwall Dockyard in East London from 1615 to 45 is presented, and a more agile account of the hierarchies within the yard to suggest how and why the workforce used its considerable power to challenge management and when and why it was successful.
Abstract: This essay offers a social history of the labor relations established by the English East India Company at its Blackwall Dockyard in East London from 1615–45. It uses all of the relevant evidence from the company’s minute books and printed bylaws and from petitions to the company to assemble a full account of the relationships formed between skilled and unskilled workers, managers, and company officials. Challenging other historians’ depictions of early modern dockyards as sites for class confrontation, this essay offers a more agile account of the hierarchies within the yard to suggest how and why the workforce used its considerable power to challenge management and when and why it was successful in doing so. Overall, the essay suggests that the East India Company developed and prioritized a broader social constituency around the dockyard over particular labor lobbies to preempt accusations that it abdicated its social responsibilities. In this way, the company reconciled the competing interests of profit (as a joint stock company with investors) and social responsibility by, to some extent, assuming the social role of its progenitor organizations—the livery company and the borough corporation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors recast the 1950s as a global moment for Afro-Asia, in which internationalists built networks that were elastic enough to encompass a wide variety of actors and ideas and resistant enough to withstand the pressure of bodies larger and more powerful.
Abstract: Across 1950s Afro-Asia, the ongoing process of political decolonization occurred in tandem with increased connection between the local, the regional, and the global. A variety of internationalist movements emerged, much more polyphonic than the voices of the political leaders who had gathered at the Bandung Conference. Trade union networks played a particularly important role not just in organizing labor but in connecting local unions to regional and global ones. These networks were held together by exchanges between local African and Asian trade unions and large international federations such as the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. But they were held together at least as much by more horizontal connections in pursuit of Afro-Asian solidarity. Many of the latter built on anti-imperialist alliances, revived or reconstituted, dating back to the interwar years. A focus on the trade-union internationalism of the period can recover a “chronology of possibility” in early Cold War Afro-Asia that has since become obscured by the internationalist failings of the 1960s. It also demonstrates the limited analytical value of the term “non-alignment” for the broader Afro-Asian moment during the early years of the Cold War. Instead, it recasts the 1950s as a global moment for Afro-Asia, in which internationalists built networks that were elastic enough to encompass a wide variety of actors and ideas and resistant enough to withstand the pressure of bodies larger and more powerful.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors take a material culture approach to the fate of the unicorn, that ultimate symbol of irrationality and credulity, in the natural history collection of the age of enlightenment, exploring the interplay between unicorn horns, narwhals, rhinos, and other kinds of horn present in the eighteenth-century French collection.
Abstract: Abstract:This essay takes a material culture approach to the fate of the unicorn, that ultimate symbol of irrationality and credulity, in the natural history collection of the age of enlightenment. Exploring the interplay between unicorn horns, narwhals, rhinos, and other kinds of horn present in the eighteenth-century French collection, it shows that in fact unicorns never disappeared from the cabinet but rather presided over new narratives of what enlightenment was about. Further, it argues that this change in the status of unicorns was associated with changing patterns of the global whaling industry, which made narwhal horns widely available to Europeans and the narwhal into a natural historical object. What real objects could, or could not, be represented in the collection as specimens had an important bearing upon the credibility of animal kinds outside the space of the cabinet, yet within that space, the juxtaposition and financial value of specimens produced important narratives of the relationship between horn specimens and natural species like rhinos and narwhals existing in the real world—species which never completely shed their fictive character, like the unicorn itself.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the low-wage service economy did not only come after the high-wage industrial economy: it grew out of it, sped by the decline of steel manufacturing and shaped within the distinctive matrix of the postwar public-private welfare.
Abstract: This article argues for a view of “actually existing neoliberalism,” identifying points of continuity from midcentury social democracy and showing how American neoliberalism developed unevenly across a preexisting landscape. It does so with a case study of labor market transformation in Pittsburgh, showing a causal relationship between the New Deal state’s institutional structures and the rise of low-wage employment in health care in the 1970s and 1980s. The low-wage service economy did not only come after the high-wage industrial economy: it grew out of it, sped by the decline of steel manufacturing and shaped within the distinctive matrix of the postwar public-private welfare. In establishing this historical process, the article also suggests that social history can play a useful conceptual role linking Foucauldian and Marxist accounts of neoliberalism, by showing concretely the role of the production of subjectivity and the governance of population in the establishment of the neoliberal economic regime. Pointing to a homology between the structural role of incarceration in neoliberalism and that of health care, the article suggests the term “biopolitical Keynesianism” for understanding this conceptual synthesis, which uncovers new contradictions within neoliberalism.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article analyzed the strategy and rhetoric of the National Federation of Settlements' 1928 project on unemployment, which portrayed the unemployed as the undeserving victims of economic change and called for policies to protect them.
Abstract: Abstract:This article analyzes the strategy and rhetoric of the National Federation of Settlements' 1928 project on unemployment. During the Hoover years, settlement workers assembled an extensive catalog of case studies, which offer a glimpse into the home life of the jobless and their families at the beginning of the Great Depression. From their research, the NFS Committee on Unemployment published a series of books and articles that depicted the unemployed as the undeserving victims of economic change and called for policies to protect them. Throughout, settlement workers focused on the families of the unemployed, drawing on gendered notions of work and family and supporting policies that protected male-breadwinner households. Thus, settlement leaders recast unemployment as a social, rather than an economic, problem. In all, settlement research, writing, and reception presented a skeptical voting public with a palatable argument for social insurance that brought the experiences of the jobless to the voting public and policymakers, demonstrating a process of \"policymaking from the middle.\" In so doing, they redeemed the newly unemployed and the insurance plans intended to protect them.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the direct election of regional heads by the people and the election of the regional heads through the Regional House of Representatives, and the aspects that must be improved, which certainly is not only improvements to political parties.
Abstract: The purpose of this research is to compare the direct election of regional heads by the people and the election of regional heads through the Regional House of Representatives, and the aspects that must be improved, which certainly is not only improvements to political parties. This study uses a normative legal research method, with the statutory approach, conceptual approach, and case approach. Based on the discussion of the weaknesses and strengths of the two regional head election mechanisms that have been carried out in Indonesia, the best regional head election mechanism is still to maintain the direct election mechanism by the people. Elections are the best way to carry out the process of changing positions in government. Keywords: Comparison; Direct-election; People; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkomparasi antara pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung oleh rakyat dengan pemilihan kepala daerah melalui DPRD, dan aspek-aspek yang harus dilakukan perbaikan, yang pasti tidak hanya perbaikan terhadap partai politik saja. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, dengan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konseptual , dan pendekatan kasus. Berdasarkan pembahasan atas kekurangan dan kelebihan kedua mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah yang pernah dilakukan di Indonesia, mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah yang terbaik adalah masih dengan tetap mempertahankan mekanisme pemilihan secara langsung oleh rakyat. Pemilihan umum merupakan cara yang terbaik untuk melakukan proses penggantian jabatan dalam pemerintahan. Kata K unci : Komparasi; Pemilihan-Langsung; Rakyat;

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The French Revolution was a supremely political event as discussed by the authors, marking the invention of modern politics, and it can be seen as marking the origin of modern political ideas and its evolution.
Abstract: Abstract:The French Revolution was a supremely political event. Indeed, it might be seen as marking the invention of modern politics. Broadly speaking, virtually any work of scholarship dealing with the French Revolution might be said to address revolutionary politics. This essay focuses more narrowly, however, on recent works that have explicitly addressed aspects of the political history of the Revolution, paying particular attention to three broad areas. The first is a growing body of work focusing on the French Revolution in the provinces, including important provincial cities, as well as village studies and regional studies. Some of this scholarship explores the dialectical relationship between political currents in Paris and developments in the provinces. Paris has hardly been ignored, however, and a number of important books in recent years have been devoted to important political events centered in the capital. These include works on the Night of August 4, the king's flight to Varennes, and the massacre on the Champ de Mars. A spate of recent works on the origins and nature of the Terror promise to generate continuing debate on that topic. Finally, an array of historians has produced significant scholarship over the past twenty years on the period of the Directory, making it clear that the revolutionary dynamic did not end with the fall of Robespierre. Thus, the historiography of the Revolution since the bicentennial has broadened our understanding of revolutionary politics both geographically and chronologically.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Linck collection in Saxony, one of the oldest and best-documented collections of early modern naturalia still in existence, and particularly on the animal embryos that were taken out of alcohol and taxidermized in the fashion of fully grown animals as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Abstract:Historians unanimously describe the shift from private cabinets of curiosities to public museums in the first half of the nineteenth century as a major transformation in the contents, purpose, and practices of exhibition. On closer inspection, however, this shift was far more clearly defined in the great metropolitan museums than in the hundreds of smaller museums that relied on the second-hand market to furnish their collections. This article examines the changes that cabinets of natural curiosities underwent as they were absorbed and reorganized in public museums during the early nineteenth century. It focuses on the Linck collection in Saxony, one of the oldest and best-documented collections of early modern naturalia still in existence, and particularly on the animal embryos that were taken out of alcohol and taxidermized in the fashion of fully grown animals. Contrary to the outspoken educational purpose of these new museums, the transition from private cabinets to public exhibits did not lead to the creation of anatomically accurate displays. Instead, it often perpetuated the fashions of the \"curiously set up\" displays of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the origins of social reformism are explored, which constitutes the immediate precedent of the modern welfare state and social citizenship, as well as the social inequalities and the rise of the labor movement as evidence of the liberal regime's failure to fulfill the promise of an egalitarian, stable, and harmonious social order.
Abstract: Abstract:The object of this paper is to explore the origins of nineteenth-century social reformism, which constitutes the immediate precedent of the modern welfare state and social citizenship. The rise of social reformism has usually been attributed to factors such as the economic transformation of capitalism, the design of new instruments of social and political control, the pressure of the labor movement, and the initiative of one ideological-political party or other. However, as the Spanish case shows, social reformism seems to have emerged as the outcome of the internal crisis of the modern liberal imaginary or discourse. In light of this imaginary, the persistence of social inequalities and the rise of the labor movement—the so-called social problem—appeared as evidence of the liberal regime's failure to fulfill the promise of an egalitarian, stable, and harmonious social order, as well as of an historical anomaly that needed repairing. It was this frustration of expectations with the liberal regime that led some liberals to rethink and reformulate the assumptions of classical individualism and to implement a set of social reforms as a means of solving the social problem and rectifying this historical anomaly. Thus, social reformism emerged and paved the way for the welfare state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored how frontier residents simultaneously defended, created, and strategically transformed a vernacular, local landscape around the village of Zapotitlán Lagunas during this period.
Abstract: Abstract:Officials in Oaxaca, Mexico, attempted to formalize the state's borders in cooperation with the surrounding federations of Guerrero, Puebla, and Veracruz throughout the period 1856–1912. These efforts, which were aimed at rationalizing rural property to facilitate more effective government, in large part failed due to the persistence of ongoing, intervillage conflicts on the frontier that routinely worked to disrupt these campaigns. Drawing on cartographic and spatial history as well as classic works on state formation and resistance, this article explores how frontier residents simultaneously defended, created, and strategically transformed a vernacular, local landscape around the village of Zapotitlán Lagunas during this period. By manipulating the legal system to their own purposes, carrying out surveys, boundary markings, and occasionally land invasions—even by allegedly fabricating novel evidence of contradictory boundaries—border residents successfully obfuscated the state line's whereabouts in defiance of state aims. Ultimately, these strategies frustrated the state and federal governments' efforts to implement and enforce a permanent boundary and enabled residents to retain considerable local autonomy in the decades prior to the 1910 revolution.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors adopt a spatially grounded approach to the study of everyday urban crime involving ruffians (lutis), seminarians, and sayyids (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad).
Abstract: Abstract:This article adopts a spatially grounded approach to the study of everyday urban crime involving ruffians (lutis), seminarians, and sayyids (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad). It begins by considering the types of crimes and punishments prevalent in Qajar Iran before examining the spatial exceptions to the operation of law in the form of sanctuaries (bast). It then explores exceptional circumstances under which crime and violence went unpunished, such as largescale mobilizations involving powerful urban notables. Conflicts over Islamic endowment resources, embedded spatially in shrines and mosques, pitted neighborhoods against one another, with the state playing the role of a mediator and trying to manage social conflict. Raids into Jewish quarters reflected spatially structured conflicts, as well, because the appropriation of economic resources was at stake. Much like sanctuaries, Jewish quarters had an exceptional spatial status since violence, pillage, and plunder could occur there with relative impunity during specific historical moments. This article then analyzes the economic activities of lutis, who were often part of extortion rackets as a supplementary or primary form of employment. The article ends by considering the social biography of a well-known luti whose life exemplifies how lutis faced state sanction when engaged in petty crimes but acted with impunity when operating as part of a powerful vertical social network. I argue that the daily patterns of violence involving marginal groups revolved around access to the resources of the specific aforementioned spaces and that sanctuaries created opportunities for these marginal groups to evade the implementation of the law.


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: Abstract:In 1954, the Portuguese political police (Polícia Internacional e da Defesa do Estado: PIDE) created posts in the Azores island of Terceira, with a view to detecting activists against the authoritarian Portuguese regime and strengthening control over a part of the remote archipelago in the Atlantic. The PIDE agents were entering a difficult setting. The local elites and regular police units, and the Portuguese army units in the island, were far from delighted to have to work with the repressive arm of the regime. Exiles and opposition sympathizers from the mainland who lived in the Azores sometimes had a good reputation locally and enjoyed the support of the islanders and the regional elite. This situation created frustration and scorn in the ranks of the police.But Terceira was not only an example of a peripheral zone of a Southern European authoritarian state but also the location of one of the most essential US airbases of the Cold War, on the Lajes Airfield. The massive US troop presence complicated the task of the PIDE agents. It led to questions of access for controlling potential opponents of the regime inside the base, but it also led to a whole range of conflicts and worries about the \"Americanization\" of the island and (from the point of view of regime hardliners) unwanted cultural exchange. This article analyzes the complex interactions through the interpretation of the formerly unknown PIDE series on Angra do Heroísmo (the island capital) and US American documentation on the Azores from the NARA.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Kunci et al. as mentioned in this paper carried out a legal research aimed at finding a common ground and meeting point of reversing the burden of proof to obtain clarity, firmness, and legal certainty and not to violate human rights.
Abstract: This legal research is carried out aimed at finding a common ground and meeting point of reversing the burden of proof to obtain clarity, firmness, and legal certainty and not to violate human rights. The system of reversing the burden of proof of corruption is proof beyond the norm of the evidence system in Indonesia, besides that the application of the reversal of the burden of proof tends to violate human rights (HAM). This legal research uses the normative legal research method with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of the study concluded that between the legislation resulting from the ratification Act has a different character, so that the reversal of the burden of proof needs to be harmonized so that in its implementation there is no overlapping. Keywords: Corruption; Harmonization; Proof. Penelitian hukum ini dilakukan bertujuan untuk mencari suatu kesamaan dan titik temu dari pembalikan beban pembuktian agar diperoleh kejelasan, ketegasan, dan kepastian hukum serta tidak melanggar HAM. Sistem pembalikan beban pembuktian tindak pidana korupsi merupakan pembuktian diluar kelaziman sistem pembuktian di Indonesia, disamping hal tersebut penerapan pembalikan beban pembuktian cederung melanggar hak asasi manusia (HAM). Penelitian hukum ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normative dengan pendekatan Perundang-undangan ( Statute Approach) dan pendekatan konsep ( Conseptual Approach). Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa antara undang-undang hasil legislasi dengan Undang-undang hasil ratifikasi memiliki karakter yang berbeda-beda, sehingga pembalikan beban pembuktian perlu dilakukan harmonisasi, agar dalam pelaksanaannya tidak terjadi tumpang tindih ( overlapping) . Kata Kunci : Harmonisasi; Korupsi; Pembuktian.

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TL;DR: The authors traces the shifting meanings of the tarbush (or fez) among Oriental Jewish men in late-Ottoman and British Mandate Palestine and demonstrates how the seemingly superficial issue of what men wore on their heads in fact reveals much about the broader historical changes in Oriental Jewish social identities and political loyalties during a period of rising Jewish and Arab tension in Palestine.
Abstract: Abstract:This article traces the shifting meanings of the tarbush (or fez) among Oriental Jewish men in late-Ottoman and British Mandate Palestine. It demonstrates how the seemingly superficial issue of what men wore on their heads in fact reveals much about the broader historical changes in Oriental Jewish social identities and political loyalties during a period of rising Jewish and Arab tension in Palestine. Under late-Ottoman rule, many urban Jewish, Christian, and Muslim men alike donned this red, felted headgear as a unifying symbol of local and Ottoman identity. Over time, however, as the Jewish-Arab national boundary grew more rigidly defined under British rule, the tarbush increasingly became a marker of difference: It came to signify predominantly Arab, non-Jewish identity. While some Oriental Jewish men in Palestine continued to wear the tarbush for decades, thereby preserving a visible sartorial link with Palestinian Arabs, most eventually abandoned this headgear. Some did so in favor of more \"modern\" clothing endorsed by the British rulers and European-dominated Zionist leadership, while others were forced to abandon the tarbush during outbreaks of ethnic and national violence, when they were occasionally targeted by both Palestinian Arab and Jewish militants. Building on recent scholarship exploring the role of Oriental Jews in the Zionist movement and Arab-Jewish social relations in Palestine, this article demonstrates that removing the tarbush was not simply a matter of changing fashions; it was socially and politically imposed through symbolic and real violence that sought to eliminate any Arab-Jewish middle ground.

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors used a normative juridical method with a legal and conceptual approach to reveal and analyze problems in industrial design in Indonesia, and a review of the Industrial Design law is important to do in order to create a law that can accommodate interests in the corridor of legal certainty, justice and expediency.
Abstract: Industrial design is one part of the scope of intellectual property that gets protection from the state by first registering for the design. Issues in industrial design are no less complicated with problems in the scope of other intellectual property, such as patents, brands, inventions. The clash between industrial design and copyright and brand is unavoidable. Designers must be able to understand the existence of industrial design in intellectual property. One of the problems in the body of industrial design is about renewal. The provisions of renewal are one of the reasons for the emergence of cases / cases in claims against industrial design. This study uses a normative juridical method with a legal and conceptual approach. The purpose of this study is to reveal and analyze problems in industrial design in Indonesia. A review of the Industrial Design law is important to do in order to create a law that can accommodate interests in the corridor of legal certainty, justice and expediency.

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TL;DR: The Adult Entertainment District (AED) as mentioned in this paper was established to contain burgeoning sexual commerce while demonstrating the vibrancy and economic viability of the city's downtown core, and the presence of Black women in formerly white downtown spaces ignited a powerful law and order narrative linking race, sex, and violence.
Abstract: In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Boston politicians and urban managers sought to reverse the city’s postwar capital drain by luring white consumer dollars and private investment. Their recovery plan featured the Adult Entertainment District (AED), which was established to contain burgeoning sexual commerce while demonstrating the vibrancy and economic viability of the city’s downtown core. At the same time, the changing spatial dynamics of interracial sexual commerce, Black economic isolation, and discriminatory practices citywide drew increasing numbers of Black women onto downtown streets. The presence of Black women in formerly white downtown spaces ignited a powerful law-and-order narrative linking race, sex, and violence. Black women became oversignified with sexual deviance and violent criminality amid the urban crisis. The development of the AED experiment and the raced and gendered crime panic posed unique challenges and opportunities for the Boston Police Department (BPD). Like urban police departments nationwide in the early 1970s, the BPD was embroiled in a battle for its authority. But the deeper motivations of economic turnaround guiding the AED ultimately served to strengthen the BPD’s legitimacy. As the separate goals of political officials and law enforcement authorities converged—to redevelop downtown Boston, and to secure urban authority, respectively—the intensifying policing and spatial banishment of Black women in downtown Boston became central to urban recovery strategies. This history demonstrates that aggressive, racially charged morals policing was deployed to prepare the city for an influx of white capital.

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TL;DR: Taxidermy and taxidermists played an important role in early natural history collections as discussed by the authors, where the taxidermist, however necessary and appreciated, remained an anonymous craftsperson.
Abstract: How did taxidermy develop, and how was it taught before the appearance of nineteenth-century handbooks on the subject? What role did taxidermy play in early natural history collections? How were taxidermy and taxidermists valued? What is significant about the “life” of commodified dead animal bodies? This article explores the answers to these questions. It takes a contemporary taxidermy course and two eighteenth-century taxidermized monkeys as its starting point, arguing that preserved animal bodies were an integral part of a much larger, complex early modern system of research and entertainment, in which taxidermic practices played an important role, but where the taxidermist, however necessary and appreciated, remained an anonymous craftsperson. Moreover, the author demonstrates that in the Stadholderly cabinet, taxidermic practices had to be fitted into a complex whole of analysis, preservation, comparison, and display—interests which sometimes conflicted and had to be carefully balanced. Finally, it is shown that the monkey specimens are an excellent example of how practical knowledge traveled without leaving many textual traces and how the preservation of animal bodies furthered natural historical research.

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TL;DR: The case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day responded to the "subaltern" internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the "spirit of Bandung," whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union generale des travailleurs algeriens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-a-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.