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Showing papers in "Journal of the American Oriental Society in 1973"




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gutiabas as discussed by the authors defined a set of definitions of knowledge, including Islam (Theology and Religious Science) Knowledge is Light (Sufism), Knowledge is Thought (Philosophy) and Knowledge is Society (Education).
Abstract: Foreword Introduction, Dimitri Gutas The Knowledge before Knowledge The Revelation of Knowledge The Plural of Knowledge Definitions of Knowledge Knowledge is Islam (Theology and Religious Science) Knowledge is Light (Sufism) Knowledge is Thought (Philosophy) Knowledge is Society (Education) Concluding Remark Index

55 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it has been claimed that Sergius of Rtsh'alnA, the early sixth century translator, was responsible for the Syriac version,1' and In any case, he did write on astronomy and on spherical trigonometry.
Abstract: Some concepts of Greek mathematical astronomy reached Islam in the eighth century through translations and adaptations of Sanskrit and Pahiavi texts. These represented largely non-Ptolemaic ideas and methods which had been altered in one way or another in accordance with the traditions of India and Iran. When to this mingling of Greco-Indian and Greco-Iranian astronomy was added the more Ptolemaic Greco-Syrian in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, and the completely Ptolemaic Byzantine tradition during the course of the ninth, the attention of Islamic astronomers was turned to those areas where these several astronomical systems were in conflict. This led to the development in Islam of a mathematical astronomy that was essentially Ptolemaic, but in which new parameters were introduced and new solutions to problems in spherical trigonometry derived from India tended to replace those of the Almagest.THE PROBLEM OF THE INFLUENCE of Greek mathematical astronomy upon the Arabs (and in the following I have generally excluded from consideration the related problems of astronomical instruments and star-catalogues) is immensely complicated by the fact that the Hellenistic astronomical tradition had, together with Mesopotamian linear astronomy of the Achaemenld and Seleucld periods and its Greek adaptations, already Influenced Use other cultural traditions that contributed to the development of the science of astronomy within the area In which the Arabic language became the dominant means of scientific communication in and after the seventh century a.d. An Investigation of this probelm, then, must begin with a review of those centers of astronomical studies in the seventh and eighth centuries which can be demonstrated to have influenced astronomers who wrote in Arabic. This limitation by means of the criterion of demonstrable influence will effectively exclude Armenia, where Ananias of Shirak worked in the seventh century,1 and China, where older astronomical techniques,* some apparently derived ultimately from Mesopotamian sources,* were partially replaced by Indian adaptations of Greek and Greco-Babylonian techniques rendered into Chinese at the T'ang court in the early eighth century.4 But it leaves Byzantium, Syria, Sasanian Iran, and India.While astronomy had been studied at Athens by Proclus* and observations had been made by members of the Neoplatonic Academy In the fifth and early sixth centuries,* and while Ammonius, Eutoclus, Philoponus, and Simplicius had written about astronomical problems at Alexandria in the early sixth century,7 a hundred years later the tradition was transferred to Constantinople, where Stephanus of Alexandria-perhaps in imitation of the Sasanian Zlk-i Shahriyârân-prepared in 617/618 a set of instructions with examples illustrating the use of the Handy Tables of Theon for the Emperor Ileraclius.8 Such studies, however, were soon abandoned, not to be revived in Byzantium till the ninth century, when their restoration seems to have been due to the stimulus of the desire to emulate the achievements of the Arabs. Except for the texts of the Little Astronomy* and some passages reflecting Greco-Babylonian astronomy in pseudo-Heliodorus10 and Rhe- torlus of Egypt," Byzantine astronomy !n this period was solidly Ptolemaic.The history of astronomical writings In Syriac before the rise of Islam Is difficult to trace. The works of Bar Dal?an," hls pupil Philip," and of George, the Bishop of the Arabs," indicate that sufficient knowledge of the subject must have existed to permit the casting of horoscopes; for this all that Is really needed, of course, are tables, and It Is certain that a Syriac version of the Handy Tables existed.14 There may also have been a Syriac translation of Ptolemy's Syntaxis since some of the Arabic versions arc said to have been made from that language.1* In fact, It has been claimed that Sergius of Rtsh'alnA, the early sixth century translator, was responsible for the Syriac version,1' and In any case he did write on astrology and on the motion of the Sun. …

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate the transfer of specific technological achievements from one civilization to another within the ancient Near East, focusing on the appearance and distribution of flasks and vases made of colored glasses in Babylonia, Assyria, Upper Syria, the region along the Mediterranean Sea and Egypt.
Abstract: The paper intends to investigate the transfer of specific technological achievements from one civilization to another within the ancient Near East. Its principal concern is with the appearance and the distribution of flasks and vases made of colored glasses in Babylonia, Assyria, Upper Syria, the region along the Mediterranean Sea and Egypt which are in evidence from the middle of the second millennium B.C. Philological as well as archeological evidence is utilized to establish the direction in which this invention

35 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article attempted to marshal the evidence for, and to discern the nature of, contact between the same two regions during the subsequent period, to the end of the Twenty-second Dynasty.
Abstract: Contact between Ancient Egypt and Western Asia has long attracted the attention of scholars working in political, economic or cultural history. Understandably their main concern has been with those centuries when the evidence of such contact is relatively plentiful, viz. the seventeenth through eleventh centuries. The present paper attempts to marshal the evidence for, and to discern the nature of, contact between the same two regions during the subsequent period, to the end of the Twenty-second Dynasty.

31 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The discovery that fibers can be formed into a thin sheet on a screen is the key to the invention of paper as mentioned in this paper, and Chinese papermakers from very ancient times had selected almost all the kinds of plants known to modern paper industry as producing the best of fibers and yet being most economical in cost.
Abstract: The discovery that fibers can be formed into a thin sheet on a screen is the key to the invention of paper. Chinese papermakers from very ancient times had selected almost all the kinds of plants known to modern paper industry as producing the best of fibers and yet being most economical in cost. The raw materials producing such fibers include the bast plants, tree bark, stalks of grasses, and other vegetation. Hemp is the earliest material known to have been used for papermaking in China before the Christian era, followed by paper mulberry from the early second century A.D. Rattan was especially popular for making the best paper in southeast China for almost a millennium from the third to about the twelfth century, when the supply of the raw material was exhausted. Bamboo then gradually replaced both rattan and hemp as the chief material for papermaking since the latter part of the eighth century. Rice and wheat straw, the bark of sandalwood and other trees, stalks of hibiscus, seaweed, and certain other plants were also used in making special kinds of paper. Whether cotton and silk have ever been used is controversial. Raw cotton is needed for textiles and is not economical, and pure silk is said to be technically not feasible for papermaking. It was probably the floss silk from the waste of silk cocoons which was used for making paper for special uses. Apparently, the raw plant fibers were not used by European papermakers until the eighteenth century when paper of Western origin began to be fabricated from raw hemp, straw, wood, and other materials as the supply of linen and cotton rags becalne insufficient. It was not until the early part of the nineteenth century that wood pulp was widely used as the chief raw material in papermaking.

30 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the wake of intensive political relations between the various political powers in the Middle-East of the 15.-13. centuries B.C. as mentioned in this paper, a common treaty terminology had been established.
Abstract: In the wake of intensive political relations between the variousypolitical powers in the Middle-East of the 15.-13. centuries B.C.E. a common treaty terminology had been established. The expressions for: treaty = "bond and oath" (Akkadian riksu u mdmitu, Hittite iShiul, lingai-, Hebrew bryt w'lh), on the one hand and "love and friendship" (Akkadian tdbtu/damiqtu, ahiitu/ra'amutu, Hittite agSul, kanegSuuar, Hebrew hsd/lwbh, Aramaic fbt') on the other; treaty making: "to cut a covenant" (Hebrew krt bryt, Phoenician krt 'It and Aramaic gzr 'dy'); observance of the treaty "keep/remember" (Akk. naodru/hasdsu, Hebrew Smrlzkr, Aramaic nor); violation of the treaty: "break" (Akk. pardfau, Hebrew hpr), "trespass" (Akk. etequ, Hebrew 'br) etc. are almost identical all over the ancient Near-East.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Islam, a way of life, Islam, a life way of living as discussed by the authors, Islam, an approach to Islam, the way of Islam, and Islam, life, etc.
Abstract: Islam, a way of life , Islam, a way of life , کتابخانه دیجیتال و فن آوری اطلاعات دانشگاه امام صادق(ع)

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it was argued that only verses 4-6 constitute the Servant passage and that the adjoining verses are an utterance of the Babylonian Isaiah in which Jehovah is the speaker, although He refers to Himself in the third person.
Abstract: the initial presumption is now rather against His being the speaker, since He is referred to several times in the third person. It may, therefore, be asked whether verses 1-8 (omitting ver. 2) are not, after all, a Servant passage with the Servant as the speaker throughout. On this hypothesis the Servant addresses the Jews and refers unmistakably to the coming restoration of the people, quite in the manner of the Babylonian Isaiah. In spite of xlix. 6, such a feature is so unlikely to occur in a Servant passage that probably its presence is by itself sufficient to negative the supposition. Some parts of the previous argument for the division of the passage, slightly restated, are also still relevant. The con~ clusion, therefore, remains that only verses 4-6 constitute the Servant passage and that the adjoining verses are an utterance of the Babylonian Isaiah in which Jehovah is the speaker, although He refers to Himself in the third person. WILLIAM B. STEVENSON.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The syntactic parallelism between Thai and Cambodian is striking. as mentioned in this paper showed that the order and inventory of individual form classes almost identical, and many semantically equivalent forms seem to share identical ranges of syntactic occurrence.
Abstract: The syntactic parallelism between Thai and Cambodian is striking. Not only is the order and inventory of individual form classes almost identical, but also many semantically equivalent forms seem to share identical ranges of syntactic occurrence. Given syntactic similarity of such range and magnitude, there are three possible explanations: 1) Genetic relationship. In spite of their syntactic similarity, Thai and Cambodian are not, so far as has been demonstrated by traditional methods of comparative reconstruction, genetically related. 2) Coincidence. When one considers the number of different syntactic relations occurring in the same order in the two languages, the probability of change convergence is infinitesimal.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The first systematic work of Arabic grammar, the Book of Sibawaihi (died late 8th century A.D.), presents a type of structuralist analysis unknown to the West until the 20th century as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The first systematic work of Arabic grammar, the Book of Sibawaihi (died late 8th century A.D.), presents a type of structuralist analysis unknown to the West until the 20th century. Treating language as a form of social behaviour, Sibawaihi adapted contemporary ethical criteria to evaluate linguistic correctness at all levels of analysis: hasan 'good' and qabih 'bad' indicate structural correctness, while mustaqim 'right' and muhal 'wrong' apply to the speaker's effectiveness in communicating within the conventions of his speech community. Utterances are analysed not into eight Greek-style "parts" but into more than seventy function classes. Each function is normally realized as a binary unit containing one active "operator" (the speaker himself or an element of his utterance) and one passive component operated on (not "governed") by the active member of the unit. Because every utterance is reduced to binary units, Sibawaihi's method is remarkably similar to Immediate Constituent Analysis, with which it shares both common techniques and inadequacies, as is shown.




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The origin of the Bichrome Ware was discussed in this paper, where the authors describe the origins of the bichrome ware and its use in the construction of the Palestinian Bichromes.
Abstract: The origin of the Palestinian Bichrome Ware، للحصول على النص الكامل يرجى زيارة مكتبة الحسين بن طلال في جامعة اليرموك او زيارة موقعها الالكتروني