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Showing papers in "Journal of the Early Republic in 2016"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Journal of the Early Republic as mentioned in this paper is a collection of essays on antebellum American history with wider-ranging implications, one that may well help shape a coming generation of scholarship.
Abstract: I had intended to begin my review of this book of essays by recommending that every subscriber to the Journal of the Early Republic read and ponder it. That was before I noticed the list price. Given the price tag, my first recommendation is to try to persuade your college or university library to acquire more than one copy of it. This strongly positive recommendation is not based on a conviction that every essay here provides the last word on its subject, but that the collection exemplifies a powerful and rewarding perspective on antebellum American history with wideranging implications, one that may well help shape a coming generation of scholarship. A salient contribution of the anthology is its demonstration of the international quality of present scholarly innovation in the field of American history. This volume views the century from 1763 to 1863 as united by a competition, often violent, over the domination and exploitation of the North American continent. The acquisition of land and of labor to work it are obviously central to such a perspective. Specific issues (including revolution, slavery, Indian relations, party politics, ideas of liberty, economic fluctuations, and warfare) are viewed as they arise within this context. The individual contributions to the collection exemplify solid, original scholarship. The Atlantic vision of American history, which has been so rewarding for over a generation, is implicitly enlisted by these authors in the service of their approach. Embracing their common perspective by

262 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the insights of a previous generation of feminist historians about the significance of sex and gender in the history of American political economy have been overlooked by scholars calling for the writing of a "new" history of capitalism.
Abstract: This essay argues that the insights of a previous generation of feminist historians about the significance of sex and gender in the history of American political economy have been overlooked by scholars calling for the writing of a "new" history of capitalism.

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that historians should return to quantification with caution: Not as novice cliometricians, but as the beneficiaries of cultural and social history. But this new popularity has generally not been accompanied by increased collaboration or even interaction with colleagues working in departments.
Abstract: Historical research into economic topics is booming: The history of capitalism is on the march, Atlantic and Pacific histories have invigorated research on trade and merchants, and environmental history is increasingly economic. But this new popularity has generally not been accompanied by increased collaboration or even interaction with colleagues working in departments. The sources of this standoff are many, but prominent among them is the role of numbers. What should we count? And what should we do with the multitude of numbers and tables that punctuate early American documents? We have much to gain from more extensive use of quantitative sources. However, historians should return to quantification with caution: Not as novice cliometricians, but as the beneficiaries of cultural and social history. New research has already begun to stake out a kind of quantitative middle ground, combining close and distant reading and approaching numerical sources both as sources of data and as narrative structures with politics.

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The history of capitalism, with its focus on ocean-spanning networks, commodity flows, and the financialization of exchange, largely takes for granted a male/female gender binary as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The History of Capitalism, with its focus on ocean-spanning networks, commodity flows, and the financialization of exchange, largely takes for granted a male/female gender binary. As a result, women play little part in its core narratives and gender appears as a cultural gloss on economic transformations. But, as the institution of the auction demonstrates, women and gender were essential to capitalism’s emergence. Understanding how households, gendered divisions of labor, and female bodies acquired and incubated value opens up a far more dynamic picture of economic change. Households varied dramatically in size and stability in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which supported different distributions of power between the men and women within them. What constituted “men’s work” and “women’s work” was always in flux and not necessarily linked to particular bodies, although capitalist institutions used laws governing inheritance and slavery to link monetary value to specific ideas about gender. Simultaneously, cultural stereotypes such as the frivolous female consumer, the poor widow, or the fecund slave woman spread through popular culture. As a result, nineteenth-century capitalism and the ideas about masculinity and femininity familiar to us today created one another.

18 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The field of early American political economy has quietly grown in the last decade, as historians have used a flexible framework to analyze how a wide variety of economic practices and ideas related to formal and informal political formations. as discussed by the authors highlights some of the common themes and questions driving recent work, delineates how histories of political economy both fit within and diverge from new histories of capitalism, and offers suggestions for further study.
Abstract: The field of early American political economy has quietly grown in the last decade, as historians have used a flexible framework to analyze how a wide variety of economic practices and ideas related to formal and informal political formations. Using capacious definitions of “political economy,” historians have followed in the footsteps of their sources, early American political economists, who, unsure of the range of the mechanisms and forces they were trying to describe, were wary of too narrowly delimiting their field of investigation. In contrast to other methodological approaches to early American economic practice, historians investigating political economy have largely been keen to “keep early America weird,” recognizing the unfamiliar and the dissonant in the past while generating important new perspectives on topics of perennial interest, such as the links between slavery and economic growth, and opening new inquiries into state-formation, market-creation, and the import of the early republic’s global connections. This essay highlights some of the common themes and questions driving recent work, delineates how histories of political economy both fit within and diverge from new histories of capitalism, and offers suggestions for further study.

18 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The recent resurgence of interest in economic and business history has prompted many American historians to revisit subjects long neglected in their particular subfields, such as finance as mentioned in this paper, which has been especially neglected.
Abstract: The recent resurgence of interest in economic and business history -- popularly known as the new “history of capitalism” -- has prompted many American historians to revisit subjects long neglected in their particular subfields. Much of this new work has focused on a particular dimension of capitalism: finance. For historians of the early American republic, the history of finance has been especially neglected. This article examines why these subjects have generally escaped attention, and offers a theoretical framework for understanding finance during this period. Finally, it offers a detailed roadmap to new avenues for research into a range of promising, if little-studied, topics.

15 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article used evidence drawn from blackface literary and cultural productions from the 1770s to the 1840s and from the writings, speeches and memoirs of Black activists and authors from the 1820s to 1860s, showing that the violence and power behind the word was based precisely on the fact that African American laborers used the word themselves.
Abstract: Recent scholarship presumes that the word “nigger” has always been a racist epithet thrust upon African Americans to demean Black social identity in the United States. But how is it, then, that the word “nigger” emerge as a slur more virulent than other racially coded language from the post-revolutionary period such as “African,” “Black,” and “darky?” This article demonstrates that before 21st century hip hop made popular the word “nigga” with a soft “a,” “nigger” had long been two words with multiple meanings: one for Black speakers and another for white. Using evidence drawn from blackface literary and cultural productions from the 1770s to the 1840s and from the writings, speeches and memoirs of Black activists and authors from the 1820s to the 1860s, this article shows that the violence and power behind the word was based precisely on the fact that African American laborers used the word themselves. “Nigger” had once described an actual labor category. Black laborers thus adopted it into their own vocabulary as a social identity to claim a sense of national belonging, akin to a proto-pan-Africanism. Once blackface theatrical productions gained popularity in the early 1830s, in a trick of ventriloquy, white performers and later their audiences put the word “nigger” into the mouths of Black caricatures to authenticate these anti-Black portrayals. In doing so, whites blamed Black people for using language meant to subjugate them and thus accused African Americans for being self-acknowledged “niggers,” a discursive weapon in the fight for white supremacy that, in turn, buttressed white notions of national belonging. In response, Black transatlantic abolitionists denounced white usage as a great verbal symbol of American hypocrisy.

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Empire of Cotton: A Global History as discussed by the authors, by Sven Beckert, and The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism by Edward E. Baptist.
Abstract: Empire of Cotton: A Global History. By Sven Beckert. The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism. By Edward E. Baptist.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Evangelicalism and Jacksonian democracy.
Abstract: Taking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Evangelicalism and Jacksonian democracy. Rooted in the tradition of the moral reform society, through specialization of its aims, the anti-society seemed to become a democratic pendant of older reform societies and was thought to play a divisive role in local communities. Critics denounced the new societies for their prescriptive character, the prominent role women played, and the “spirit of opposition” they triggered. Contemporaries increasingly understood the evolution of reform culture from the relatively harmonious religious and moral reform societies of the Benevolent Empire of the first quarter of the 19th century to the oppositional and highly contested organizations of radical antislavery and temperance of the 1830s as a serious threat to the social order and the future of the United States. Using the Benign Violation Theory of Humor, this article argues that the American reaction to anti-societies suggests that while they were broadly perceived as a threat to the social order from the late 1820s on, this threat was at first understood to be benign, and thus could be laughed off, while from 1833 on, anti-societies were increasingly regarded as a destructive force, and provoked substantial fears that could justify violent responses as an alternative way to reinforce the “normal” order of things.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of the history of political economy seems indifferent to gender or the actions of women as discussed by the authors, and emphasis on financialization rather than industrialization de-emphasizes the role of paid and unpaid women's labor.
Abstract: The study of the history of political economy seems indifferent to gender or the actions of women. Emphasis on financialization rather than industrialization de-emphasizes the role of paid and unpaid women’s labor. Highlighting gender makes for a truer, richer history.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show how the transatlantic circulation of cattle portraits shaped both the changing definition of breed and the bodies of the animals defined by rules of 'blood' and kinship.
Abstract: Portraits of famous cattle, sheep and horses crowded the agricultural journals on both sides of the Atlantic in the 1830s, 40s, and 50s. More than simple representations, these images were intended to shape the animals they showed-establishing standards of taste that would allow breeders to create “thrifty” meat-producing bodies, while advertising the bloodlines of already thrifty animals. In doing so, they became central to the expansion of a new form of domestic animal: the “improved breed.” In the early eighteenth century, “breeds” had been understood to emerge from particular kinds of places. Emerging in the mid-eighteenth “improved breeds” came to be defined by rules of ‘blood’ and kinship. Improved cattle were novel bodies; they grew to enormous sizes, came in new shapes and colors, and dominated the new agricultural fairs. Their blood relationships, the source of their value, were recorded not only in internationally circulated record books, but also in a linked and elaborate tradition of portraiture. This article shows how the transatlantic circulation of cattle portraits shaped both the changing definition of breed and the bodies of the animals defined. As cattle were bred to match new forms of taste, made concrete by prices in the market, portraits and cattle became more uniform. At the same time, the paper argues, ideas about the meaning of these changes diverged and fragmented. Recorded over generations by portraits, changing cattle bodies lent themselves to radically different ideas about nature, and about human and divine capacity to shape living bodies.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines late-antebellum portrayals of Irish servant women in popular culture and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society's correspondence with northern employers eager to obtain access to southern freedpeople.
Abstract: This essay examines late-antebellum portrayals of Irish servant women in popular culture and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society’s (PAS) wartime correspondence with northern employers eager to obtain access to southern freedpeople. In these sources, white northerners filtered their characterizations of women’s bodies and behaviors through ideologies of gender and race to create submissive and transgressive social types representing ideal and less-than-ideal workers. These declarations about workers, yoked to the northern argument that emancipation was both an act of benevolence and a period of necessary instruction for black southerners in the habits and practices of wage labor, propelled northern benevolent associations, armies, and the state to forge a transportation network that they hoped would ensure the flow of workers northward. This network proved short-lived, ultimately foundering on a lack of funding and employers’ and employees’ mutual disappointment with each other. And yet, because of their wartime cultural work, employers could pivot to a position of even greater strength over white and black workers in the political economy of wage labor.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early republic scientific questions were deeply interwoven with commerce, with territorial claims, and with moral order: Early Americans mapped the world conceptually in order to claim it for some people and not for others as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This collaboration promotes a broad reconsideration of science in the early American republic. We argue that scientific activity permeated early American society, but appeared in different forms and in different places than most historical literature has identified. Mathematical tables and astronomical charts in almanacs, snippets on chemistry and climate in agricultural journals, illustrations of mineral resources in geological maps, accessibly-written resource analysis in consulting reports, and articles in local newspapers arguing about causes of phenomena from the mundane to the surprising: all express a pervasive commitment to scientific ideas, questions, and investigation. These diverse genres of print, moreover, evidence a society that strongly valued studies of the natural world for their connections with important contemporary human endeavors. In the early republic scientific questions were deeply interwoven with commerce, with territorial claims, and with moral order: Early Americans mapped the world conceptually in order to claim it for some people and not for others. We identify a constellation of interests that we call the ‘‘sciences of territoriality’’ centered on the description and appropriation of natural resources. Our investigation of print culture both emphasizes an often-ignored facet of the early American republic-that scientific thinking was as ubiquitous and as taken for granted as religion or politics-and reveals particular, often unrecognized, characteristics of science in the early United States. The commercial and moral forces underlying the ‘‘sciences of territoriality,’’ combined with widespread literacy and an active broad-based print culture, deeply shaped early epistemological hierarchies in the United States.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show how enslaved and free people of color, combined with local Spanish officials, posed a serious challenge to the United States' attempt to gain control over the trans-Appalachian west.
Abstract: Scholars of the early republic have tended to overlook the extent to which elite U.S. officials feared that enslaved and free people of color might collude with local Spanish officials in the Louisiana borderlands, and in so doing threaten plans for westward expansion. By exposing these fears and explaining the reasons for them, this article attempts to show how enslaved and free people of color, combined with local Spanish officials, posed a serious challenge to the United States’ attempt to gain control over the trans-Appalachian west. Several factors explain why U.S. officials feared Spanish and black collusion: First, U.S. officials worried that Louisiana’s black population might rebel at the loss of the rights granted to them during period of Spanish colonial rule. Second, after the U.S. took control of Louisiana, slaves continually escaped to Spanish Texas with the explicit encouragement of local Spanish officials, who tried to weaken U.S. authority over Louisiana. Last, enslaved and free people of color exploited the tumult unleashed by the Spanish Atlantic empire’s rapid collapse. By the end of the territorial period, U.S. officials’ fears of a slave revolt, I argue, had less to do with the Haitian Revolution than with the Latin American Wars of Independence, which began in 1810. Ultimately, this paper suggests the need to take seriously the joint role played by local Spanish and black actors in the broader imperial struggle for the trans-Appalachian west.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article reviewed recent studies of the Enlightenment, the Revolution, and disestablishment and showed how they employ the categories of the religious and the secular in strikingly different ways, and how these authors construct (or assume) these categories brings their works into a more productive conversation.
Abstract: Scholarship on religion in the early American republic is often shaped by two historical narratives. One is the story of the efflorescence of religion—its power, pervasiveness, and plurality. The second is the account of secularization. Once seen as the waning of religion’s power with the advent of modernity, secularization has recently been reimagined and recast by scholars in several disciplines. But to explore some themes at the intersection of recent religious histories of the early republic and neo-secularization theory is no easy task because of the instability and ambiguity of the very terms at the center of discussion: the religious and the secular. This essay reviews recent studies of the Enlightenment, the Revolution, and disestablishment and shows how they employ the categories of the religious and the secular in strikingly different ways. Seeing how these authors construct (or assume) these categories brings their works into a more productive conversation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a survey suggests that those who seek to understand the early United States in a global context would be best served by a longnineteenth-century-perspective that looks backward to the eighteenth century rather than forward to the mid- to late-nineteenth century, and they call for historians of the Early American Republic to apply trans-local analysis to reorient the field in new directions and to realize the promise of the global approach.
Abstract: This article evaluates the global approach to the early United States and reconsiders the significance of Atlantic history for historians of the Early American Republic. It focuses on the multivalent way that commerce forged cross-cultural relations between the United States and other world regions through commodity chains and trade network, many of which originated long before the independence of the United States. This survey suggests that those who seek to understand the Early Republic in a global context would be best served by a long-nineteenth-century-perspective that looks backward to the eighteenth century rather than forward to the mid- to late-nineteenth century. It calls for historians of the Early American Republic to apply trans-local analysis to reorient the field in new directions and to realize the promise of the global approach. To properly understand the country’s early economy, society, and culture in a global or transnational context, historians of the early United States must adopt multi-lingual and multi-archival research methodologies that account for all sides of cross-cultural exchange. By resisting circular analytical and methodological pathways that start the global approach with the nation-state and end with the nation-state, they might better understand the significance and effects of global entanglements for the Early Republic and other peoples and places outside the United States too. Thereby, they might avoid the global U-turn.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The "mission complex" expanded the influence and power of the United States in the Ohio Country and beyond as discussed by the authors, and it linked missionaries, humanitarians, manufacturers, federal employees, and indigenous peoples through networks of markets and capital.
Abstract: The "mission complex" expanded the influence and power of the United States in the Ohio Country and beyond. It linked missionaries, humanitarians, manufacturers, federal employees, and indigenous peoples through networks of markets and capital: the material goods used in the agricultural missions offered a means both to stimulate business for eastern (and developing western) manufacturers and to develop a new consumer base in the Ohio Country. Attention to the functioning of this system, based upon free yet hierarchical relations of power, reveals how the early U.S. empire thrived off of economic growth. Paying attention to indigenous peoples’ appropriation and manipulation of the complex, moreover, reveals that some Native communities and individuals endeavored to take advantage of missionary labor, while others endeavored to facilitate their engagement with the U.S. economy by reinforcing ties with both the federal government and Euroamericans. Ultimately, analysis of the mission complex reveals that imperial state policy, as well as a myriad of Native and non-Native actors, facilitated the development and expansion of capitalist markets and forms of labor in the early republic.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore how revolutionary Americans addressed the problems of capturing, confining, administering, and eventually releasing enemy mariners over the course of the war, and explore how the revolutionaries responded to such provocation.
Abstract: Historians of the American Revolution have long noted the horrific conditions American sailors endured in British captivity. Treated as rebels and pirates, more Americans perished in British prisons and prison ships than in combat. Yet few scholars have questioned how the revolutionaries responded to such provocation. In answering this question, this essay explores how revolutionary Americans addressed the problems of capturing, confining, administering, and eventually releasing enemy mariners over the course of the war. At the outset of hostilities, colonial Americans possessed a normative set of expectations about the conduct of war at sea derived from their understandings of European conventions and their experience in prior imperial conflicts. These norms stressed the humane treatment of enemy prisoners and their speedy release through equitable exchange. As the war progressed, however, and Americans learned of the continual abuse of captured American sailors, Parliament's criminalization of American privateering, and a surge of loyalist privateers that brought civil war to the high seas, revolutionaries began to reconsider this humane stance. These factors coalesced to radicalize the revolutionary war effort, transforming captive British and loyalist mariners into ideal objects of retributive justice in the eyes of their captors. Politically constrained from either forming a naval bureaucracy capable of curbing the war's escalating violence or ending the odious cycle of retaliation through a large-scale prisoner exchange, Congress only exacerbated the problem. Captive mariners continued to endure unremitting horrors for the remainder of the war. Though Washington and others trained in the European mode decried this transformation, once begun, peace alone could end the radicalization of the Revolutionary War at sea.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Downey's book as discussed by the authors is the first on the 1841 slave insurrection aboard the Creole, where 19 slaves revolted aboard a slave-trading vessel traveling from Richmond to New Orleans, killing a member of the crew and injuring several others.
Abstract: Many readers will be surprised to discover that Arthur T. Downey’s book is the first on the 1841 slave insurrection aboard the Creole. After all, slave insurrections in the United States, despite their relative paucity, have received much attention from scholars. Downey’s text seeks to popularize the story of the Creole in the same way that previous works, culminating in Steven Spielberg’s film, popularized the nearly contemporaneous revolt aboard La Amistad. And the rebellion aboard the Creole is a storyteller’s dream. Nineteen slaves revolted aboard a slave-trading vessel traveling from Richmond to New Orleans, killing a member of the crew and injuring several others. Under the command of the slaves, the commandeered ship sailed into the Bahamian port of Nassau, where British officials—after much wrangling and a botched ‘‘rescue’’ coordinated by the American consul—freed well over a hundred slaves over the protests of American officials. The reverberations from the rebellion remained a thorn in the side of British and American diplomats and insurance companies for a dozen years thereafter. Undoubtedly, a book on the revolt was long overdue. As far as popular history goes, this one is good. Downey spins a fine tale regarding the actual rebellion; the political context in the United States, Great Britain, and the British Caribbean; and the ways that the insurrection factored into Anglo–American diplomacy during the Webster–Ashburton Treaty talks in 1842. While rhetorical effect more than historical evidence led Downey to argue that the revolt brought the two nations to ‘‘the brink of war,’’ he nonetheless illustrates conclusively that the issues of slavery and emancipation played important roles in the two nations’ ongoing diplomatic relationship. Downey is at his finest in teasing out the diplomatic interchanges of Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton, the two key players, with some of their formal notes transcribed and listed in Appendix III. Downey offers a broad contextual backdrop to help situate the story, summarizing in short order large swaths of American and British political history. This contextual breadth

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, economic historians have become ever more adventurous in incorporating new research questions, reading sources imaginatively, defining how people of past generations thought and acted in economic ways, and generally expanding the parameters of where the economy can be perceived and analyzed.
Abstract: Economic history has never suffered from having a narrow definition of its topics or methodologies, and as the articles in this special issue of JER so ably demonstrate, economic historians have become ever more adventurous in incorporating new research questions, reading sources imaginatively, defining how people of past generations thought and acted in economic ways, and generally expanding the parameters of where the economy can be perceived and analyzed. The articles in this special issue, representing only a portion of the outpouring of new scholarship in economic history, assess aspects of what the field has achieved and point us toward unfinished business.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the scholarship on histories of gender and slavery with a particular focus on the conceptual framework of "Early Republic", and how periodizing frames both highlight and occlude the history of women and slaves.
Abstract: In this article, Jennifer Morgan considers the scholarship on histories of gender and slavery with a particular focus on the conceptual framework of "Early Republic," and how periodizing frames both highlight and occlude the historiography of gender and slavery.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The development of Atlantic history in the last three decades, with a special emphasis on the last ten years, or since the supposed "decline" in scholarly support for the field as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Scholarship connecting the Americas to each other, as well as to Africa and Europe on the Atlantic’s eastern shores, has appeared in print since the early twentieth century, but the codification of “Atlantic history” as a discrete academic endeavor gained momentum in the late 1980s. This article traces the development of Atlantic history in the last three decades, with a special emphasis on the last ten years, or since the supposed “decline” in scholarly support for the field. Atlantic scholars have justifiably been criticized, even from some of its foremost former practitioners, for too narrowly defining the scope of their research—chronologically and geographically, and as well as racially and ethnically. Far from declining, however, a survey of work published in three journals indicates that the subfield continues to offer a useful scholarly framework, one that has been reinvigorated by new inter-disciplinary and poly-linguistic approaches that seek to mediate earlier lacuna while still emphasizing the vibrant synergies that connected the countries and colonies that ring the Atlantic Ocean.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, the authors read eighteenth-century Atlantic media with an eye to the material conditions of production, circulation, and consumption to understand how the circulation of goods, in this case, texts and textiles, fosters new forms of expression as well as new kinds of subjects.
Abstract: Reading eighteenth-century Atlantic media with an eye to the material conditions of production, circulation, and consumption provides new ways of understanding how the circulation of goods—in this case, texts and textiles—fosters new forms of expression as well as new kinds of subjects. Textiles were central to the rise of eighteenth-century print culture and public prints have more to tell us than the words inked on the page: printed on rag paper and stitched together with a variety of different threads, texts bear the mark of men and women laboring in flax fields and as spinners, weavers, seamstresses, and laundresses and as rag pickers and papermakers. In this sense, literature and commerce—discourse and economy—collide to produce new forms of expression that, in turn, foster consuming publics of both words and goods. By approaching the texts and objects that facilitate commercial exchange with an eye to their poetic or formalistic qualities, we can see how the formal elements of the writing reflect and comment on manufacturing processes and commercial exchanges. That is, we can see how words might have a material presence, as well as how goods might participate in the discursive production of culture.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Middlekauff argues that Washington rejected the republican maxim that standing armies threatened the people's liberties, and he believed military discipline required an officer corps composed of gentleman who could command their soldiers' respect.
Abstract: impaired the effectiveness of the army. Washington rejected the republican maxim that standing armies threatened the people’s liberties, and he believed military discipline required an officer corps composed of gentleman who could command their soldiers’ respect. Washington, Middlekauff argues, never envisioned an egalitarian democracy and was more concerned about self-government, presumably by a fairly narrow if permeable elite, than about individual rights. Middlekauff ’s respect for Washington is obvious, but he often lets readers draw their own conclusions. As Middlekauff describes him, Washington comes across as nothing so much as a model British officer; that is, a professional soldier, and a humane aristocrat, committed to civilian control of the military. Middlekauff ’s chronology is occasionally a little hard to follow. He might have offered more description of Washington’s daily life as commander in chief. Some of the details he inserts, for example that Washington went into winter camp in Morristown, New Jersey, in December 1779 with Martha and eighteen “servants,” will stir a reader’s curiosity (218). Were they servants or slaves, and what did those eighteen servants do? The most heated criticism of Washington’s Revolution will surely come from social historians who prefer their history from the bottom up, and here Middlekauff is well outside the academic mainstream. Nevertheless, the story of how millions of Americans came to see George Washington as, in Middlekauff ’s words, “a chosen instrument of Providence,” is an important one (312). It is also probably less familiar to students and general readers than we might think.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Adventurism and Empire: The Struggle for Mastery in the Louisiana and Florida Borderlands, 1762-1803 as discussed by the authors, by David Narrett, is a seminal work.
Abstract: Adventurism and Empire: The Struggle for Mastery in the Louisiana‒Florida Borderlands, 1762‒1803. By David Narrett.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors reviewed three recent books on warfare in the Ohio country and its effects on indigenous populations: Colin Calloway's The Victory With No Name, William Heath's William Wells and the Struggle for the Old Northwest, and Sami Lakomaki's Gathering Together.
Abstract: This essay reviews three recent books on warfare in the Ohio country and its effects on indigenous populations: Colin Calloway¹s The Victory With No Name, William Heath¹s William Wells and the Struggle for the Old Northwest, and Sami Lakomaki¹s Gathering Together.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that as much as this consensus explains, it misses an important strain of anti-Catholic discourse called here "ideological anti- Catholicism" which challenged the Church as a political actor not as a spiritual home.
Abstract: Our understanding of antebellum anti-Catholicism by and large remains rooted in a scholarly consensus that emerged years ago. Equal parts ethno-religious bigotry and economic anxiety, the origins of this consensus can be traced back as far as Ray Billington’s 1938 work The Protestant Crusade. This essay argues that as much as this consensus explains, it misses an important strain of anti-Catholic discourse called here “ideological anti-Catholicism.” Responding to the failed revolutions of 1848, ideological anti-Catholics challenged the Church as a political actor not as a spiritual home. Exploring the contours of ideological anti-Catholicism helps us broaden our understanding of antebellum politics, intellectual life, and the boundaries between church and state.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Papers of James Monroe: Selected Correspondence and Papers as mentioned in this paper, Volume 4: 1796, Volume 5: 1802, and Volume 6: 1811, edited by Daniel Preston.
Abstract: The Papers of James Monroe: Selected Correspondence and Papers. Volume 4: 1796‒1802. Edited by Daniel Preston. The Papers of James Monroe: Selected Correspondence and Papers. Volume 5: 1802‒1811. Edited by Daniel Preston.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors investigates whether the vast explosion of scholarship about women in the early American republic has changed the way in which the history of that period is now written, and locates the work of forum contributors Lori Ginzberg, Patricia Cline Cohen, Ellen Hartigan-O'Connor, Amy Dru Stanley and Jennifer L. Morgan in relation to each other, and to relevant history.
Abstract: This introduction to a forum interrogates whether the vast explosion of scholarship about women in the early American republic has changed the way in which the history of that period is now written. It locates the work of forum contributors Lori Ginzberg, Patricia Cline Cohen, Ellen Hartigan-O’Connor, Amy Dru Stanley and Jennifer L. Morgan in relation to each other, and to relevant historiography.