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Showing papers in "Mankind Quarterly in 1998"



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Lowis et al. as discussed by the authors found that 77% of participants indicated that at least one significant experience had occurred to them during the sessions of listening to upbeat music and 74% indicated strong emotional reactions or mystical images, the more so with the upbeat music.
Abstract: Music and Peak Experiences: An Empirical Study Michael J. Lowis1' Anomalous experiences, such as inner voices or moments of revelation, have been reported from the earliest of times, and music has often been associated with them. Tapes of music were played on two occasions to 74 individual members of college staff who had previously completed questionnaires on their histories of peak experiences, based on the descriptions of Maslow, and the associated antecedents. By pressing a button synchronized to the music, some 77% of participants indicated that at least one significant experience had occurred to them during the sessions. Significantly more reports occurred with upbeat music than was the case with gentle music. Thoughts and feelings evoked by the music were noted on post-test questionnaires: some indicated strong emotional reactions or mystical images, the more so with the upbeat music. Although association of the music with previous events may have been partly responsible for the participant responses, arousal theory also appeared to be implicated in the reactions. Whether or not such strong affective responses can be brought about in the listener simply through manipulation of a composition, is contrasted with the notion that music may have inherent emotional qualities. KEYWORDS: Peak experiences, Altered states of consciousness, Music, Arousal, Evoked memories Anomalous, subjective experiences have probably occurred to humans from the dawn of history, and reports of such have appeared in early texts such as those of both Eastern and Western religions dating back to about 1,000 B.C. Liester (1996), in a review of just one example - inner voices, mentioned that Socrates (c.470-399 B.C.) heard voices throughout his life, and that ancient Egyptians and Romans believed guiding voices originated from the gods. In the early 1960s, Abraham Maslow, in his desire to investigate the psychology of health, made a study of the finest specimens of humankind he could find. He discovered that such individuals ("self-actualizers") inter alia tended to report profound experiences variously described as: moments of great awe, a feeling of oneness with the world, seeing the ultimate truth, the definitive satisfaction of vague, unsatisfied yearnings, stepping into heaven, getting lost in the present, or being detached from time and place (Maslow, 1962; 1971). Although originally thinking of such events as "mystical", Maslow came to the conclusion that in general they had little to do with religion - "at least in the supernaturalist sense" (Maslow, 1962, p.10). He came to regard them as natural, referring to them as "peak experiences". Definitions of what constitutes a peak experience have broadened somewhat since Maslow's earlier reports. Kokoszka (1992) compiled a typology, subsumed under the heading of "altered states of consciousness", defining these in terms of what represents a sufficient deviation from general norms for that individual during alert, waking consciousness. MacDonald, Le Clair, Holland, Alter and Friedman (1995) noted that such events can probably only be truly understood through direct experience. They are, in fact, unshared sensory experiences (Stevenson, in Liester, 1996). Robinson (in Hay, 1990) stated that they have a quality that is self-authenticating: if a person has experienced a significant event, then that event is very real to him or her - "sociologically real" (Giesler, 1996). MacDonald et al (1995) concluded from their studies with a Peak Experiences Scale that, although such experiences involve positive affect, they are primarily cognitive events. Whatever their origin, evidence suggests that peak experiences are not rare. Maslow (1962), whilst believing that few people were likely to achieve high levels of self-actualization, nevertheless suspected that peak experiences occurred in practically everybody although are not always recognized as such. Hay (1990) conducted three surveys in the United Kingdom, asking his participants if they had ever been aware of, or influenced by, a presence or power, whether one called it God or not. …

23 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A skeleton excavated from an early medieval cemetery of Ostrow Lednicki in Lednogora, dated between the end of 11th and the beginning of the 14th century A.D., is presented and a short outline of hitherto described cases of gigantism is presented.
Abstract: Gigantism is a serious condition, manifesting itself not only in excessive body height, but also in disturbances within other systems [e.g. respiratory, nervous and vascular system (Hayles 1980)] since it is caused by excessive secretion of the pituitary hormone somatotrophin, most frequently in connection with an acidophil adenoma developed in childhood. A skeleton, likely female, excavated from an early medieval cemetery of Ostrow Lednicki in Lednogora, dated between the end of 11th and the beginning of the 14th century A.D., is presented. The length of the skeleton in situ was 208 cm, and after Trotter, Gleser's -215,5 cm. Morphological, radiological and TC investigations show that the bones are massive, particularly the skull. Lesions are apparent in many bones, especially in the skull and vertebrae. These are lesions characteristic of gigantism : acromegaly, osteoma, inflammatory process, fracture, degenerative deformations, extensive loading and some developmental deviations. Apart from a thorough description and measurements of the case, a short outline of hitherto described cases of gigantism is presented.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper is an attempt to present several cases with periosteal changes, in most cases a diagnosis was possible because of good bone preservation and the use of radiological examination, though in some cases the verdict remains questionable.
Abstract: Key words: Periostitis, paleopathology, Polish cemeteries. Periostitis, which accompanies the majority of disease processes, is one of the most important symptoms in paleopathology. Its characters manifested by intensity and location of the disease is very helpful in diagnosing. Some kinds of periostitis were well described in the excellent book on paleopathology by Ortner and Putschar (1981), yet to my mind a more thorough text on the subject is still very much awaited. As is already known from the rich paleopathological literature, periostitis is a main symptom of many diseases (Cockburn 1959, Stloukal, Vyhnanek 1976, Steinbock 1976, Brotwell 1976, Bennike 1985, Capasso 1985, GladykowskaRzeczycka 1989, 1993 a, 1993 b, Kihl 1995). Periosteal changes are known to be possibly limited to one bone only where the disease manifests less extensively, or they can be more generalized and seen in numerous bones. The picture of the disease can consequently be much differentiated and this results mainly from the fact that periosteal changes are due to numerous diseases many of an infectious kind including osteitis, syphilis, leprosies, tumors-as those of the lungscarcinoma, developmental disorders (pachydermoperiostitis), and endocrinologic disturbances like those of the pituitary gland. These diseases mainly cause generalized periostitis. Limited periosteal changes are usually due to local factors such as the varicose vein of crus. Periostitis can also be provoked by processes of unknown etiology. The picture provided by periosteal changes is now known to be dependent also on the phase of the disease (early, acute, chronic, recovering or healing) as well as on the age and immunity of the organism. Such a symptom as periostitis is therefore very difficult to systematize. Cases where periosteal changes are limited to a small area always present special difficulty since they may be due not only to a local factor (trauma, inflammatory process of soft tissue) but also to the acute, recovering or healing phase as observed in osteitis for example. Estimation of the cause of periostitis is experimentally known to be very difficult and that is mainly because of differences in bone preservation. The kind, location, intensity and incidence of periostitis therefore can only be assessed approximately. This paper is an attempt to present several cases with periosteal changes. The different kinds of periostitis which I encountered in my material are illustrated. In most cases a diagnosis was possible because of good bone preservation and the use of radiological examination, though in some cases the verdict remains questionable. Table I represents an attempt to systematize the periostitis changes observed in my material. The incidence of trauma-caused periostitis is demonstrated to be very high and the healing phase of the disease appears dominant. Periostitis as a result of limited tumors is sporadic, since the frequency of tumors is low in the material. Nonspecific inflammatory diseases are prevalent in the skull and are connected with teeth condition (abscesses, paradentosis). Osteitis is the second commonest disease with the chronic and healing phases dominating there. …

10 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The author surveys the evolutionary structure of the human brain in relation to the phenomenon of human religiosity, with particular reference to the synthesis of serotonin and the human tendency to search for and recognize a "group leader."
Abstract: The author surveys the evolutionary structure of the human brain in relation to the phenomenon of human religiosity, with particular reference to the synthesis of serotonin and the human tendency to search for and recognize a "group leader." Key words: Triune Brain, Religion (origin of), Theism, Serotonin Premises Concerning the Biological Basis of Religion Before discussing the problem of the origin of the idea of an "Immense Power Being," we consider it to be necessary to state two premises: 1) it has been established by Kant (1781) that it is impossible to prove rationally the existence or the non-existence of God (= the "Immense Power Being"); 2) the idea of some "godly power" has existed in all known human societies in one form or another. The problem is now to explain how and why such an idea exists, and, since it exists in a natural being, it is pertinent to research such a question by means of the natural sciences, remembering that "Thoughts and beliefs are necessarily dependent on neurophysiological activity of the brain" (Delgado 1969). Brain activity, in turn, is determined firstly by genetic property, which predetermines brain structures, their possible contacts, and their learning abilities, and, secondly, by environmental influences which, received by the brain structures, may influence the activities and devlopment of the latter. The brain structures from which physiological capabilities and behavior proceed are the result of a long evolutionary course during which they have been selected for providing the best adaptations to external environment. According to Lorenz (1973), the "glasses" of our way of thinking and seeing (i.e. casualness and constancy connections, space and time) are functions of a neurosensorial organization developed in service of species preservation. Religious ideas have the peculiarity of being universal: as reported by A. Brelich (1970), "No society has been found, even among the most `primitive,' which was devoid of any faith in divine beings endowed with personal features." It is thus possible to suppose that religion has a biological basis given that it is universal or near-universal. According to Leakey and Lewin (1977), we say that when an aspect of behavior is universal to human societies it may be permissible to suspect that it has some kind of genetic basis. Based on these premises we can surmise that religious behavior and thought may be rooted in a specific genetic predisposition. This does not involve any assumption that the idea of a divine being is "innate", but merely that it is naturally conceivable, thinkable, in the human mind - and that in the human brain there are certain anatomic and physiologic structures which in particular environmental circumstances have favored the birth of religious ideas, and that such ideas often become a part of the cultural heritage. MacLean's Triune Model of the Brain Genetic predisposition operates through the development of encephalic structures. P. D. MacLean (1970/1990) elaborated a model of brain structure and evolution. He described it as a "Triune brain", because he located in it three principal phylogenetic structures that have been superimposed and that have become integrated during evolution. He terms these three basic types reptilian (Protoreptilian, R-complex), old mammalian (Paleomammalian, Limbic System) and new mammalian (Neo-mammalian) (Fig. 1). (This subdivision is a simplification, since small nervous centers referable to the Limbic System or to the Neocortex may be found, as primordia, in reptiles). "The protoreptilian brain is thought to represent a fundamental core of the nervous system, consisting of systems in the upper spinal cord and parts of the midbrain, the diencephalon, and the basal ganglia" [i.e. the olfactostriatum (olfactory tubercle and nucleus accumbens) and structures defined as part of the corpus striatum (caudate nucleus, putamen, globus pallidus, and satellite collections of gray matter) ( MacLean 1985 a, p. …

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the cognitive mechanisms of the direct causal relation between the number four and the words for "cropfield, village, town" in Eurasia are analyzed. But the semantic extensions of the words are explained in the following three consecutive arguments.
Abstract: A Geometric Perception of Cropland and Village in Eurasia by Using the Words for `Four, Square" Given the early contact between Indo-European and Altaic in Central Asia, this paper analyzes the cognitive mechanisms of the direct causal relation between the number four and the words for 'cropfield, village, town' in Eurasia. The semantic extensions of the words for 'four' are explained in the following three consecutive arguments. First, the sense of 'four' is taken to denote `four-sided, square'. Second, the square figures are used to refer to cropfield and some other quadrate plain figures and objects. Third, village, garden, town and city fall among the quadrilateral figures and are so named. In the same language and related languages a semantic extension may be transparent, but it becomes quite opaque cross-linguistically. What is known is that the words for 'square' and 'quarter' derived from the words for 'four'. Under this guidance, Old English corp `farm, village' is to be related to Mongolian d.Urben 'four', OE tun 'town' to Manchu duin 'four', Tokharian A kwas- 'village' to Manchu horn `quarter, square', and Persian kahr 'four' to Mongolian ca,garsun 'paper'. Key Words: Cognitive anthropology, linguistic anthropology, Indo-European, Altaic, Tokharian, Chinese, Central Asia. 1. Introduction The cognation of numerals has been in the forefront of historical and comparative studies since the beginning of Indo-European linguistics. The resultant findings have added greatly to our store of knowledge about the nature of similarities among various IndoEuropean languages. The general opinion is that the reconstructed Proto-Indo-European word *qetwor- (or *kwetwor-, *k^sup ho^et^sup h^we/or-) `fours is responsible for deriving all the following Indo-European words for four : Sanskrit catvari, Avestan airo, Persian aha, Armenian c`ork', Latin quattuor, Old Irish cethir, Gothic fidwor, Old English feower, Old Saxon fuwar, fiori, Lithuanian keturi, Latvian etri, Old Church Slavic ityre, Tokharian A stwar, Tokharian B stwer, swer, and Greek tettores, tessares. However, whether these reflections have any layers in the process of their development and whether the words for 'four' have wider cultural and cognitive implications in these languages, as well as circulation in adjacent languages of different stocks such as Altaic languages has not been investigated in depth. Many Altaic linguists have been puzzled by the diversity of numerals in the so-called three branches of Altaic: Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic. For instance, the pioneering proponents of the common Altaic theory G. J. Ramstedt and N. Poppe had great difficulty in approaching numerals in their comparative studies. For this reason some scholars objected to the Altaic theory because it did not consider numerals and basic words common to all Altaic languages. The outspoken opponent of the Altaic theory Clauson (1956:182) argues that the basic words including the numerals between Mongolic and Turkic are all entirely different. He maintains that to prove language relationship or affinity the numerals have to be related as cognates first of all. However, one numeral represents an exception in this dilemma, and that is the numeral 'four' in various Altaic languages. Even though there are such differences as Turkic t and Mongolic b in the position following the trill r, the similar lexemes, Turkic to-r-, Mongolic do-r-, and Tungusic du-(i)n (Manchu) in forming a cognate morpheme for 'four' are recognized and underlined by the proponents of the common Altaic theory. Ramstedt (1981:63) holds that only the numeral 'four' probably had a common origin, and Old Turkic taet 'four', Written Mongolian daben 'four', and Manchu duin 'four' were developed from a common root *do. Posch (1958:274) also compared these numerals by reconstructing a common Altaic root *d6. Poppe (1960:110) also made some comparison of these three numerals, though he (1965:155) later declared that the lack of numerals common to all Altaic languages is not a decisive factor in establishing the Altaic theory. …

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the theory and practice of Soviet violence are presented, followed by a mathematical model of the possible dysgenic consequences of such negative artificial selection, and the authors conclude that such a system can no longer call for social cohesiveness and is doomed; blatant coercion is effective only in the short term.
Abstract: Explicitly egalitarian, communist societies held to the view that ability was largely the product of environment and upbringing and justified violence targeted at persons of ability on the grounds that such victims were easily replaceable. The theory and practice of Soviet violence are presented, followed by a mathematical model of the possible dysgenic consequences of such negative artificial selection. Key Words: IQ decline, emigration, egalitarian violence, dysgenics, aristocide, USSR, mathematical modelling Egalitarianism and Political Violence Although Western society considers itself tolerant, pluralistic, and even permissive, the very word "government" presupposes what its supporters view as management and its detractors as coercion. And as relationships within the State grow more complex, the greater are the demands put upon the system. Nominally at least, this system must claim to be based on some form of ideology to survive, for the moment it forfeits that inner logic, it can no longer call for social cohesiveness and is thus doomed; blatant coercion is effective only in the short term. Thus, for a society to function, its members should actively believe in and support the purportedly underlying credo, even when its leaders do not. No exception to the general rule, Western society is dominated by its own unified ideology. Freudianism, Marxism, B. S. Skinner's behaviorism, Franz Boaz's cultural history, and Margaret Mead's anthropology all have stressed the marvelous "plasticity" and even "programmability" of Homo sapiens. Human minds, we are told, differ little in their innate qualities; it is upbringing and education which explain the differences between us. Software is everything; hardware is identical and thus meaningless. As for evolution, although it created all the plants and the beasts, including us, somehow we are the only species whose current and future development has been permanently arrested. The road to utopia lies through improved nurture alone. But towering as the Goliath of radical egalitarianism may be, its cracked clay feet are daily being hammered away at by a new David - modern genetics - and with every day the chasm between scientific facts and popular opinion widens. The nature/nurture debate now turns out to have been a false dichotomy insidiously erected to distract from the real issue: can we afford to maintain a laissez-faire attitude toward ongoing human evolution or can interventionism be successfully implemented? This is the truly forbidden topic, for politics is a cynical quarrel of the currently living, who are greedy to pillage the heritage of their children. On Arnold's darkling plain, ignorant armies need no longer clash by night, they can be manipulated by money and modern media in paroxysms of "democracy." It's all a repeat of the deterministic paradox: we are free to do what we want, but not to determine what we want. As for those individuals who have not been persuaded by our current social ethos and its trivial permitted dichotomies, censorship has been installed that is at least as efficient as those of traditional dictatorships, and perhaps even more so by virtue of its grass-roots nature. The overwhelming majority of people are "believers," and the doubters are under constant attack: every two weeks a new book appears denouncing eugenics, a movement that has supposedly been dead for a half century. Herrnstein's and Murray's Bell Curve caught readers by surprise, but in point of fact, it is classical eugenics. The twentieth century is now coming to a bloody close, and the creature who sees himself as molded in the image of God has used improved technology to vastly raise the efficiency of his violence, not only toward his environment, but toward himself. And it has been the egalitarians, not the hereditarians, who have been the least squeamish about murder and exile, be it in Russia, China, or Cambodia. …

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Jensen et al. as discussed by the authors employed several versions of the Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT) to assess whether the Flynn Effect prevails when an achievement test is renormed.
Abstract: Recent years have witnessed extensive interest in Flynn's research findings, which have been subsumed under the rubric "Flynn Effect" (FE). This research, conducted in 14 countries, has revealed a virtually invariable tendency for IQ scores to progressively increase. Therefore when an aptitude test was renormed, an examinee had to secure a higher raw score to keep pace with the earlier standard score. However, Flynn has questioned how aptitude can rise if people do not learn easier and if they fail to experience higher levels of occupational success. The present inquiry employed several versions of the Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT) to assess whether the FE prevails when an achievement test is renormed. Results on the Arithmetic subtest affirmed the FE, whereas results on the Reading and Spelling subtests did not. Replication studies are suggested, to appraise the implications of Gc and Gf, as well as maturation, on longitudinal aptitude and achievement trends. Key Words: IQ, The Flynn effect, Academic Achievment Directionality Americans place great importance on education, and presently confront a puzzling inconsistency: how it is possible for longitudinal studies to report that U.S. students perform lower on academic achievement tests (Williams & Ceci, 1997), but obtain progressively higher IQ scores (Begley, 1996; Flynn, 1996; Loehlin, 1997; Hall, 1998)? Long-term and upward trajectories of aptitude profiles have been documented by James R. Flynn, a political philosopher at the University of Otago, New Zealand. Flynn examined and assessed longitudinal aptitude test trends by decade in 14 nations (Flynn, 1984, 1987, 1996). Through a series of investigations, Flynn observed that every time an aptitude test was renormed, an examinee had to secure a higher raw score in order to keep pace with the standard score he/she had previously obtained (Kamphaus, 1993, p. 120): this progressive rise in IQ over decades has been termed the Flynn Effect (FE). Should results of FE investigations prove accurate, they raise potentially significant social and political implications. Some studies indicate that IQ score increments are largely concentrated in the lower social economic groups (Jensen, 1998, pp 319-320). This reduced the standard deviation and may in effect mask a decline in scores of the middle and upper classes. While widely cited, aptitude data supporting the FE are mysteriously erratic; the per-decade increment in standard scores ranged from less than two standard points in Great Britain to more than 12 standard score points in East Germany. Such an erratic range calls into question the validity of FE investigations. While accepting FE as a real phenomonon, Jensen 1998 p.319) notes that test profiles vary by test and time period, and that the variables across studies are "utterly confounded." In the 14 nations wherein data were gathered, IQ gains extended from 5 to 25 points in one generation (Flynn, 1987). A primary problem rests with the samplig issues. A large proportion of FE studies employ tests which are normed based on representative population at one point, and renormed many years later on a different but presumably similar population. For these studies, sample equivalences cannot be assumed (Jensen, 1998, p. 318). Still another proble with the FE involves practical significance. As Jensen notes, one correct item on the Ravens Matrices alone can increase a subject's score by two to three points. Significantly,ca large proportion of FE studiee employed the Ravens Matrices. Assuming that the FE is an authentic and empirically validated phenomenon, implications are unclear. Flynn has acknowledged difficulty in reconciling progressively higher IQs and the absence of a corresponding increase in the general population of what is considered practical intelligence. Thus he notes that more people do not find school easy, and occupational success has not been more apparent during the decades in which IQ increases have been documented (Flynn, 1987, p. …

4 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: A testable model is presented that broadens domain-specific selection to include the co-evolution of contextual stimuli ("contextual evolution") and incorporates non-specific sensory regulation of evolved behavior, including biophilic regard for certain environments, and suggests what the evolutionary conditions might have been for the emergence of human mental complexity.
Abstract: Expanding the Boundaries of Evolutionary Psychology: The Context of Domain-Specific Adaptations Del Thiessen1 The tide of evolution carries everything before it, thoughts no less than bodies, and persons no less than nations. George Santayana Evolutionary psychology relies heavily on domain-specific selection, positing that cognitive and emotional processes are adaptations for solving particular problems of survival and reproduction. This model ordinarily does not consider alternative mechanisms of evolution. It also restricts explanations for the biophilic nature of humans, and limits the appreciation for the profound effects of the environment on the origin and expression of human traits. Drawing heavily on classical and recent concepts of contemporary conditioning theory, a testable model is presented that broadens domain-specific selection to include the co-evolution of contextual stimuli ("contextual evolution"). It incorporates non-specific sensory regulation of evolved behavior, including biophilic regard for certain environments, and suggests what the evolutionary conditions might have been for the emergence of human mental complexity. Key Words: Sociobiology, evolutionary psychology, domain-specific adaptation, evolutionary theory. We are witness to a revolution in the understanding of life. From molecules to neurobehavior our system of reductionistic logic and methods of analysis confirm life's evolutionary origins and its genetic character (Boyd & Silk, 1997; Barkow, Comides & Tooby, 1992; Gazzaniga, 1995; Strickberger, 1996). The reductionistic approach that has worked so well in the understanding of evolution has been embraced by evolutionary psychology in an attempt to elucidate the adaptive significance and species-specificity of human cognition and behavior. The irony of this species-specificity of human cognition and behavior. The irony of this approach is that the broader qualities of the human psyche, such as the awe and fear of nature, the non-specific motivations that often guide behavior, and the feelings of connectedness with the surrounding world and with other species, go unexamined. In exchange for reductionism, science has conjured up a sterile view of humans, one lacking morality, nobility, and principle-a dogged, selfish creature with little to recommend it-a protoplasmic bag of genetic tricks, buffeted back and forth by the environment until its death in an indifferent world. Life is seen as nothing more than DNA molecules racing madly toward reproduction and annihilation. Not a pretty picture. In my opinion the current emphases within evolutionary psychology on genetic reductionism and reproduction constitute a restricted view of human behavior. It is not that I see evolution as something other than a mechanical process, but that the Darwinian and psychological approach are too narrow, emphasizing the struggle among genes for reproductive gain while forgetting that human evolution was an emergent process of adapting to the vast uniformities and the most basic nature of the surrounding universe (Lykken, McGue, Tellegen, & Bouchard, 1992). There is a larger world of natural selection that is overlooked - a selection by the continuous and cyclical environments (connecting us with the vast universe) - a genetic impression of physical and psychological surroundings into the DNA that imbues life with purpose, provides humans with a kinship to plants and animals, and initiates selfexamination (Kellert & Wilson, 1993). Modifying the Paradigm of Evolutionary Psychology I have two goals in this essay. The first is to show the limited value of current notions of natural selection within evolutionary psychology to account for the more general and non-reproductive qualities of humans. The second is to propose a broader view of evolution and natural selection that might account for the distinctive nature of human behavior. …

3 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that if a social, on-going fether is able to share the same residence with his young, developing son, the son is less likely to engage in violent behavior as an adult.
Abstract: The preclusion of a social father, due to out-of-wediock births, within a community is strongly associated with the level of violent crime within that same community. Both U.S. and cross-cultural data are presented as examples. The association remains strong even when an index of poverty - rates of male unempioyment - are controlled. An argument for causation rather than mere correlation is presented. However, divorce, a second method of separating a child from a father, generates a very different societal mosaic. Divorce rates are not associated with violent crime rates. The argument is presented that, if a social, on-going fether is able to share the same residence with his young, developing son, the son is less likely to engage in violent behavior as an adult. Freud's construct of and analysis of the OediPus Complex is thereby given empirical support (only) along the dimension of male aggression. KEY WORDS: Father-child relations, divorce, out-of-wediock births, violent crime, Freud, Oedipus Complex, male unemployment. The generalized imagery of the (U.S.) father figure has become something of a kaleidoscope which has been repeatedly turned by academics and the literati within the last quarter century. (See Demos 1986, Griswold 1993, LaRossa 1997, LaRossa et al. 1991, Nash 1965, 1976 for historical perspectives on the U.S. father). Until very recently, the social father was a given in virtually any and all societies (Hendrix 1996, Hewlett 1992, Lamb 1987, Mackey 1996, Malinowski 1927, Van den Berghe 1979). Two very distinct, antinomous interpretations of this given are available in relationship to the value or function of the current generation of fathers within the U.S. and within any other society with an industrialized-service oriented economy. First, it can be argued that prior fathers had served the dual roles of protector & provider which were essential to the survival of his wife and his children. However, current governmental protectors, viz. local police, state police, FBI, national guard, and the U.S. armed forces, have efficiently and successfully undertaken the role of protector. The husband/father, who is less well trained for this role, is not needed. Similarly, governmental agencies, through local, state, and federal programs, have made death from privation and malnutrition extremely unlikely. Hence, the father's role of provider can also be supplanted either by working mothers and/or by governmental agencies. The argument would finish with the conclusion that social fathers in an industrialized, service-oriented, information based economy are somewhere between supernumerary or optional. On the other hand, the second interpretation argues that the sheer omnipresence of social fathers strongly infers important functions of fatherhood that transcend differences in economies, religions, political structures, ecologies or diets. This paper suggests the latter position has validity and further suggests that one such function of a father is the domestication of his sons.' As a corollary, it is also proffers that there is no government agency of program which can replace or supplant this function of the child's biological & social father (see Blankenhorn [1995] and Popenoe [1996] for similar discussion). Fatherlessness and Violent Behavior within the Community The U.S. and other countries e.g. Sweden, are currently undergoing a social experiment. To wit, can a society perform efficiently and competitively if it assumes that the social father is either optional or supernumerary? For several decades, other studies have documented the association between fatherlessness and unwanted behavior on the part of children (Anderson 1968, Bereczkei & Csanaky 1996, Blau & Blau 1982, Chilton & Markle 1972, Mischel 1961a, 1961b, Monahan 1972, Mosher 1969, Robins & Hill 1966, Stevenson & Black 1988, Wilson & Herrnstein 1985, cf Adams et al. 1984). This exercise will focus upon serious violent behavior. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Evidence that regular copulation promotes fertility, even when done at times when the woman is not fertile is presented, and evidence that suggests that male pheromones promote fertility in human females is presented.
Abstract: Edward M. Miller1 University of New Orleans A system by which males send, and females receive, evidence of the male's continued presence is hypothesized. Such a system would promote the fitness of both sexes. Females increase their fertility when they can anticipate a mate to help rear the child. The existence of such a system could explain amongst others the following observations: that the menstrual cycle is more often of a fertile type when there is regular intercourse, that exposure to males influences ovulation, the large amount of non-reproductive sexual activity, the presence of what may be a functional vomeronasal organ, and the apparent design of the axilla for emitting odors or pheromones. Key words: Pheromones, fertility, odors, pair bonding, copulation, axillary hair, androstenol. Both sexes could benefit from having mate detectors and mechanisms for adjusting behavior to the existence of a mate. These would be devices that detect the presence of a mate (opposite sex by definition) and adjust fertility and behavior to the optimal level. Such mechanisms would plausibly operate by the emission and detection of pheromones, chemical messages from one individual to another (see Kohl & Francoeur, 1995 for more on pheromones). For reproductive success, a woman might be expected to have some physiological mechanism to increase fertility when there is a man around providing her with both food and security and likely to remain around to assist her in rearing the child. Possibly, the mechanism would operate after impregnation, checking to see if a male was still around, and if he was, permitting the blastocyst to implant and to develop. If the coupling had been a one night stand, or the result of a rape, the mechanism would discover there was no male around, and the probability of pregnancy would be reduced. The mechanism would ideally reduce the probability of pregnancy in the absence of a mate, but would not eliminate it since sometimes women, unassisted by a male, can raise offspring. Having a higher probability of copulation resulting in pregnancy in a mate's presence than in his absence (but with there still being some chance of pregnancy resulting from one night stands) would appear to be the optimal design. There is evidence that female fertility is higher in the presence of a man, with possible mechanisms involving either repeated copulations, or pheromones, or both. Pheromones are chemical stimuli emitted by one animal (here the male) that affect another animal (here the human female) at a distance. These may be odors that can be smelled, or they may be substances that are not consciously perceived. Interest in possible human pheromones has been increasing with the discovery that a human vomeronasal organ similar to that which detects pheromones in other mammals indeed exists and could be functional in humans (Monti-Bloch et al. 1994; Jennings-White 1995, Berliner, et al. 1996), and with the formation of at least two new companies to exploit them. Erox raised $15,000,000 (Bishop 1992), and is now selling pheromone containing perfumes. This paper presents evidence that regular copulation promotes fertility, even when done at times when the woman is not fertile. It also presents evidence that suggests that male pheromones promote fertility in human females. These will be argued to be adaptations by which females adjust their fertility to the continued presence of a male (implying likely assistance in rearing offspring). Other, previously puzzling traits found in Homo sapiens, including frequent non-reproductive sexual activity, cuddling, sleeping together, odors arising from apocrine secretions, axillary hair, keeping a minimal distance between males and females who are not romantically involved, male sleepiness after copulation, nasal flushing during copulation, and sweating during copulation, will be argued to be adaptations by which males signal their presence, and by which females induce males to signal their presence. …

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present hypotheses concerning the possible evolution of sex difference in intelligence and show that these hypotheses are consistent with the evidence provided by molecular evolution and do not support any sudden appearance of language.
Abstract: There are many hypotheses on language and IQ evolutions, but many failed to explain sex differences of IQ. Some discussions presuppose that only Homo has language and that this appeared suddenly. Molecular level evolution does not support any sudden appearance of language. Bipedality amongst Homo was a factor in the evolution of many modem aspects of Homo; changes in copulation behavior contributed to the evolution of language; bipedality produced a larger brain, but blocked enlargement of the parturient canal and retarded further increases in the size of the brain. The female Homo was forced to deliver the neonate in a state of neoteny. Females further evolved language in order to take care of the infants. Male Homos accelerated food acquisition activities to provide the energy required to maintain a larger brain. The male Homo lost the initiative in sexual intercourse at female's mating season and began to depend on language from the female as a signal for mating. Females who acquired the initiative in copulation begun to select male partners by their ability to provide food and security. By this sexual selection, the evolution of language was accelerated. Neoteny, although physically disadvantageous, assisted neural development. Homo developed the ability to accumulate more information, a process in which language played a crucial role. Key Words: Homo Sapiens, evolution, language, neural development, intelligence, bipedality, copulation. Introduction Although there have been hypotheses on evolution of language which comprises a quite important part of intelligence, many of these explained this evolution in terms of early human collaboration for the purpose of hunting, escaping from dangerous animals, and other production activities which were primarily engaged in by males (Kimura, 1987). The hypotheses failed to explain the sex differences in verbal and performance IQs as reported by many researchers (Rushton, 1992; Halpern, 1996, 1997; Lynn, 1996; Lynn, 1998; Sanders & Wright, 1997). In addition to the psychometric data on sex difference, there is evidence of sex differences in brain anatomy (Reiss, et al., 1996; Shaywitz, et al., 1995; Sanders, 1998). Evolution of performance IQ is explainable by hunting and other production activities, but that of verbal IQ is not explicable by production activities. The higher verbal IQ of females and the common sense of talkative females must be explained by evolution pressure on females. In the beginning was the word! There are researchers who consider that language is a unique ability acquired only by mankind (Chomsky, 1988; Pinker, 1994). These researchers believe that language appeared very recently in the history of the evolution, as a result of one or more sudden mutations. However, molecular genetics does not support such rapid evolution by mutation. Mutations are almost always dangerous for the existence of a species, and the probability that positive, not dangerous, changes result from any specific mutation is extremely small. Molecular genetics confirms that the evolution of language did not happen suddenly. Behavioral level evolutional hypotheses should be consistent with the evidence provided by molecular evolution. This paper discusses presuppositions which should be considered in building evolutional hypotheses consistent with molecular genetics, then presents hypotheses concerning the possible evolution of sex difference in intelligence. Molecular-Level Evolution Leakey (1994) summarized three hypotheses on the evolution of languare proPosed from the archeological, brain-anatomical, and speech-organic points of views. (a) From archeological remains it is hypothesized that language ability appeared at the early stage in the evolution of Homo, stayed at a relatively lower functional level during most of the prehistoric era, and drastically improved in more recent times. (b) From the anatomical evidence of the brain it is hypothesized that language ability evolved gradually. …


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TL;DR: In this article, correlations of the racial composition (percent black or white of the total city population) of seventy-seven United States cities with crime and various other socioeconomic indexes were calculated and found that higher rates of crime poverty unemployment and welfare and lower rates of education are positively correlated with the percentage of black residents in the population.
Abstract: The popular assumption that urban crime increases as the proportion of minority (black) residents increases has been condemned as `racist. To ascertain the accuracy of this assumption correlations of the racial composition (percent black or white of the total city population) of seventy-seven United States cities with crime and various other socioeconomic indexes were calculated.... Results indicate that higher rates of crime poverty unemployment and welfare and lower rates of education are positively correlated with the percentage of black residents in the population. In contrast a negative correlation was observed between whites and indicators of social breakdown. (EXCERPT)

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TL;DR: Macqulre as mentioned in this paper argued that the generalized reproductive strategy which a society adopts is fundamental to that society's trajectory, and hence to its viability across generations, and suggested that all reproductive strategies are not of equal efficacy, but that some are superior to their competitors.
Abstract: Cultural evolution occurs when some cultural facets increase or come to dominant a sphere of activity; while other facets decrease their influence or disappear altogether. Since the 1960s, a number of increased options have accrued to women in many areas of the world's community of cultures. The concept of gender role egalitarianism has dominated the social landscape in many countries. The increase in options is especially manifest in the domains of education and occupation plus political power structures. What is less obvious, or at least less publicized, is the dynamic wherein the more that short term options become available to women, the more restrictive become the long term trends. Demographic data are analyzed which strongly infer that a self-regulating mechanism exists which, over generations, creates stasis on the part of traditional gender roles. Key words: Gender roles, education, fertility, cross-cultural surveys, tertiary education, patriarchy Rule #1: All politics are local. Rep. Tip O'Neill Rule #2: All long-term politics are reproductive strategies. Rules #3: All effective long term politics camouflage Rule #2. Ipsoc Macqulre That cultures change over time can be accepted as a given. For example, the Rome of the 20th century is quite different from the Rome of Caesar. The inhabitants of Manhattan, New York, have undergone a series of transformations since 1620. Chaucer's England is clearly distinct from the Beatles' England. The direction and speed and magnitude of cultural changes have received a good deal of theoretical attention (Carneiro 1973, Lowie 1920, Steward 1955, Morgan 1963, Maine 1873, Tylor 1958, Frazer 1958, see Harris for a review of the literature on macrotheories). Impetuses of such changes have been conceptualized in the form of shifts in technology (White 1959, Childe 1951), economic structure (Fischer 1996, Harris 1979, Marx 1904), communication efficacy and forms of media (McLuhan 1964, 1967, 1989) The argument for this paper is that the generalized reproductive strategy which a society adopts is fundamental to that society's trajectory, and hence to its viability across generations. Furthermore, it is suggested that all reproductive strategies are not of equal efficacy, but that some are superior to their competitors. Conversely, some are deficient when compared to alternatives. The argument, which is essentially deductive in character, is predicated on four premises or facts. These items are not proffered as being new or innovative, but are presented under the rubric that occasionally a reminder can trump an inspiration. The four premises are presented below. Prolegomenon Fact #1: Each individual who is alive at Time 1 will be dead at some point Time 2. Said less prosaically, everyone is mortal. Fact #2: While everyone currently alive is guaranteed to have had ancestors, no one is guaranteed to have descendants. Fact #3: Inhabitable lands do not remain empty. Farmlands of deceased celibate farmers do not stay fallow for long. Cottages of dead, childless couples do not remain empty for long. Fact #4: Humans are intensely bio-cultural beings. Wherever a human decides to move, he or she carries along a biological heritage and a socialization heritage. The four facts seem fairly immutable. Each one will be briefly examined. Fact #1: Everyone Is mortal. This item is, hopefully, intuitively obvious, if somewhat non-pleasing to contemplate, and needs no further elaboration. Fact #2: Everyone has ancestors, but everyone may not have descendants. By being born, any given person is likely to have had ancestors who (a) had access to the other sex which resulted in sexual intimacy, (b) were fertile, (c) were willing to spend sufficient amounts of finite time and energy to rear the next generation to independence. Given the altricial nature of humans, the time and energy is measured in years or decades rather than mere moments. …

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TL;DR: In 1998, the Council of Europe signed an additional protocol to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being with regard to the Application of Biology and Medicine.
Abstract: With advances in medical research it would now seem possible to apply cloning techniques to human beings, and C. Richard Seed of Chicago has announced his intention of proceeding with a pilot scheme to implant embryos containing the genes of donor adults into the wombs of surrogate mothers. Because human reproduction has in the past involved a constant intergenerational reassortment of genes, public opinion has been encouraged to react against voluntary reproduction by means of cloning on the ground that this would produce exact replicas of living individuals. The validity of this and other objections is discussed in this article, and it is pointed out that such objections also constitute an affront against the dignity of identical twins. A more serious consideration involves the possible reduction of necessary diversity in the gene pool of a population, but this is rejected as irrelevant considering the size of most contemporary human breeding populations, compared with the very small size of hominid demes throughout the major part of human evolutionary history. KEY WORDS: Cloning, bioethics, identical twins, birth control, positive eugenics, intelligence. Following the successful British cloning of Dolly, the sheep, and further achievements in that direction, an agreement was signed by a substantial number of member nations of the Council of Europe in January 1998 which prohibited the cloning of human beings. This followed a call from the French President Jacques Chirac for an international ban on such procedures. In order to "protect the dignity and identity of all human beings," the protocol legally bound the nineteen signatories to ban "any intervention seeking to create a human being genetically identical to another human being, whether living or dead", Daniel Tarschys, the Council's General Secretary, declared that "[I]t is important for Europe solemnly to declare its determination to defend human dignity against the abuse of scientific techniques." The protocol stipulated that the signatory nations must enact laws that would punish those who violate its terms. The 40-member council, established in 1949 "to promote democracy, human rights, and the rule of law," is not a constituent institution of the European Union, although most of the Union's members are included amongst its 40 member states. The text of the Convention is produced below: ADDITIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being with regard to the Application of Biology and Medicine, on the Prohibition of Cloning Human Beings The member States of the Council of Europe, the other States and the European Community Signatories to this Additional Protocol to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being with regard to the Application of Biology and Medicine, Noting scientific developments in the field of mammal cloning, particularly through embryo splitting and nuclear transfer; Mindful of the progress that some cloning techniques themselves may bring to scientific knowledge and its medical application; Considering that the cloning of human beings may become a technical possibility; Having noted that embryo splitting may occur naturally and sometimes result in the birth of genetically identical twins; Considering however that the instrumentalisation of human beings through the deliberate creation of genetically identical human beings is contrary to human dignity and thus constitutes a misuse of biology and medicine; Considering also the serious difficulties of a medical, psychological and social nature that such a deliberate biomedical practice might imply for all the individuals involved; Considering the purpose of the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine, in particular the principle mentioned in Article 1 aiming to protect the dignity and identity of all human beings, Have agreed as follows: Article 1 1 Any intervention seeking to create a human being genetically identical to another human being, whether living or dead, is prohibited. …

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors proposed that pre-Islamic Central Asian religion be considered as an ever-changing mix of local and non-local religious beliefs and practices, drawn largely but not exclusively from an Iranian pool of myths, deities, symbols and rituals.
Abstract: The Iranian peoples of Greater Iran are often collectively characterized as having been "Zoroastrian" in pre-Islamic times. In order to avoid the pitfalls inherent in such a blanket generalization, the author proposes that pre-Islamic Central Asian religion be considered as an ever-changing mix of local and non-local religious beliefs and practices, drawn largely but not exclusively from an Iranian pool of myths, deities, symbols and rituals. Key Words: Central Asia, Zoroastrian, Zoroaster, Iran, Sogdian, Sasanian, Scythian, Avestan, Silk Route, religion. Introduction The Persian-speaking Tajik minorities of Central Asia, who still form the majority of the population in the picturesque Silk Route cities of Samarqand and Bukhara, are living witnesses to the Iranian presence in the heart of Asia which dates back to prehistoric times. Before the beginning of our era, nomadic Iranian Saka tribes, whom the Greeks called Scythians, roamed the Asian steppes as far east as Mongolia, and well into the Islamic period the merchant Sogdians of Transoxiana - who were also Iranians - plied the caravan routes which linked the Mediterranean world with China. Sometime during the third millennium BCE, Indo-Aryan peoples moved southward from the Eurasian steppe to the Iranian plateau, leaving amongst their legacies the name "Iran", which is etymologically derived from "Aryan". They brought with them elements of ancient Indo-European belief and ritual, the exploration and explanation of which was the life work of the late French scholar Georges Dumezil. Through a comparative study of myths and legends ranging from the Vedas of India to the Icelandic sagas, Dumezil was able to propose a reconstructed proto-Indo-European social and religious structure. Zoroastrianism Early in the first millennium before our era, the prophet Zoroaster (Zarathrushtra), who probably lived within the pastoral society of what is now Khurasan in Iran and Afghanistan, made an effort to reform the religious practices of his people. A full thousand years or more later, during the rule of the Sasanian emperors, the religion known today as Zoroastrianism was codified and formalized as the official state-sponsored religion of the empire. The Sasanians, like the earlier Persian Achaemenid emperors of the fifth century BCE, were able to incorporate into their empire the Iranian-inhabited lands of Central Asia with their lucrative east-west trade routes. During the intervening centuries of Greek Seleucid then Kushan rule, Bactria (roughly, present-day Afghanistan) had become heavily influenced by Buddhist ideas and practices. When state-sponsored Zoroastrianism emanating from the Sasanian power centers of southwestern Iran began to assert itself towards the east and northeast during the fifth and sixth centuries CE, did this influence result in a "reverting" of Central Asia to its previous religion? Iranologists have frequently succumbed to such an analysis. A general assumption is often made that the various Iranian peoples of "greater Iran" - a cultural area that stretched from Mesopotamia and the Caucasus into Khwarazm, Transoxiana, Bactria, and the Pamirs and included Persians, Medes, Parthians, and Sogdians, among others - were all "Zoroastrian" in preIslamic times. As one writer recently put it, "After the conversion of King Vishtasp [by Zoroaster], all of Iran is thought to have become Zoroastrian, and it continued to be so up to the end of the Sassanian empire".2 The Need for Caution Such blanket assertions must be taken with caution. The fact is, we know relatively little about the religious beliefs and practices of the Central Asian Iranian peoples of early times, compared to the documentation available for Sasanian Zoroastrianism. What is known of Sasanian Zoroastrianism, furthermore, does not necessarily apply to the religious beliefs and practices of ancient Iran. In the words of R. …

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TL;DR: The AAA Statement on Race is empirically false when it argues that "physical variations in the human species have no meaning except the social ones that humans put on them" and that any observed group differences are the result of social conditioning and "political circumstance".
Abstract: This article defends the concept of "race" against a coordinated political campaign to deconstruct basic biology. It briefly reviews some of the most reliably documented Black-White differences, such as those in brain size, IQ, violent crime, testosterone, sexuality and AIDs. Although these racial differences are now reliably found worldwide (not just within the USA), many in the media and scholarly associations continue to try and deny them or attribute them to "political circumstance." "Statements on Race" made by organizations such as the American Association for Anthropology are discussed and found to be wanting. Key Words: AAA Statement on Race, brain size, crime, evolution, intelligence. I originally wrote this paper in reaction to a Knight-Ridder article ("Genetic Basis For Race Said To Be Just Skin Deep," October 13, 1996), which argued that race has no validity as a biological concept when applied to man, seeking to defend the concept of "race" against a coordinated political campaign to deconstruct basic biology. Since then numerous other media stories have appeared purporting to debunk the reality of race, some playing off policy statements by scholarly organizations such as the one adopted by the American Association of Anthropology on May 17, 1998. Worse, governments have become actively involved in propagating the misinformation. I originally wrote this paper in reaction to a Knight-Ridder article ("Genetic Basis For Race Said To Be Just Skin Deep," October 13, 1996), which argued that race has no validity as a biological concept when applied to man. I disseminated the paper on the Internet and elsewhere, seeking to defend the concept of "race" against a coordinated political campaign to deconstruct basic biology. Since then numerous other media stories have appeared purporting to debunk the reality of race, some playing off policy statements made by scholarly organizations. Worse, governments have become actively involved in propagating the misinformation. The most recent example of a policy statement on race by a scholarly organization is the one adopted by the American Association of Anthropology on May 17, 1998 (to be discussed further below). Yet the AAA Statement on Race is empirically false when it argues that "physical variations in the human species have no meaning except the social ones that humans put on them" and that any observed group differences are the result of social conditioning and "political circumstance" (September 1998 Anthropolgy Newsletter, p. 3). To take one relevant example, consider the relationship between brain size and intelligence. During the 19th century, physical anthropologists found that Blacks averaged smaller brains than Whites. Whether measuring the weight of the brain or the size of the cranial cavity, they consistently found a difference equivalent to about 100 cubic centimeters. The difference was well documented as early as the 1840s by the "American school" of anthropology, which included Samuel G. Morton, Joshiah C. Nott, and George R. Glidden. It was corroborated from the 1860s to the 1890s by European anthropologists, such as Paul Broca and Paul Topinard in France, who compared Blacks and Whites from Africa and Europe. Broca (1873) wrote: "West Africans have a cranial capacity about 100 cm3 less than the European races." The data on race differences in brain size were so widely known that Charles Darwin (1871) was able to cite them as evidence in favor of his then controversial theory of human evolution in The Descent of Man. Even Franz Boas, who is often described as the "real" founder of American anthropology and the first to challenge "Eurocentric racism," added further knowledge about brain size and race by emphasizing the amount of overlap in the distributions. On a visit to England in 1889, Boas had became acquainted with Sir Francis Galton's work on biometrics and, in his 1894 article "Human Faculty Determined by Race," pointed out that Topinard's measurements revealed that 27 percent of Blacks exceeded the White average. …

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TL;DR: In the last two centuries human population size increased from one billion in 1835, to 2.5 billion by 1950, and this number then doubled in only 45 years to almost 6 billion as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Nature may not be interested in the survival of humanity. Homo sapiens is the product of an adaptive evolution, but if the species continues to indulge in unlimited reproduction and undisciplined exploitation of the earth's resources, it may bring about its own destruction as well as the destruction of other species of animals and plants. Key Words: Bioethics, Demography, Ecology, Environmental destruction, Overpopulation, Waste Disposal. At the threshold of the Twenty-first Century, Humankind is facing a new Era. After 6 million years of genomic independent existence, and after 2yK of increased capacity in learning and transmitting information among the members of the group and from one generation to the next which supported an enduring technological tradition. Following the emergence of our own species, Homo sapiens around 2 - 5 hundred thousand years ago in East Africa and its migration to the Eurasian continents, its physical adaptation to different environmental niches, and the development of new mental capacities due to a continuous stimulation and selection for subsistence, clothing and construction of shelters, after having domesticated plants and animals around 10-6 thousand years ago, there began a progressive and drastic reduction of natural biodiversity. Humankind now has to face the effects of a dramatic and accelerated population growth (Fig.1). In the last two centuries human population size increased from one billion in 1835, to 2.5 billion by 1950. This number then doubled in only 45 years to almost 6 billion. This unprecedented increase in numbers, affecting specific geographical areas (tab.1), has accentuated the deterioration of the natural environment caused by the misuse of natural resources and the depletion of fertile soils due to the clearance of forests, climatic changes and pollution. Together with increased poverty and diminished access to resources, the struggle for survival has resulted in massive migration to urban areas, dramatic crises in multiethnic states, the breakdown of social relationships, and the rise of conflicts which are having a devastating effect on the lives and future of the populations involved. It is the poorer countries which are experiencing this high level of fertility, formerly balanced by a correspondingly high death rate, and these are now the scene of extreme poverty and accompanying ecological destruction. Even apart from the harsh realities of poverty and environmental degradation, poverty and unemployment produces a surplus of frustrated, angry young people who are shamed by their continued dependency on their families. This is one of the frightening economic/demographic problems in the world, and is resulting in a rising tide of massive migratory pressures as more and more young people take sometimes incredible risks in their attempt to flee their own homelands and cross the borders into as yet more prosperous nations. Large numbers of people require large quantities of energy and nutrition. They also produce large quantities of waste products and generally are inclined to act as an imbalancing force on the environment. Furthermore, the quality of the ecosystem is now threatened by the "green house effect," which is the direct result of a sometimes irrational industrialization. Ecological integrity is a concept that has to be advanced by anthropologists in order to facilitate the protection of the delicate balance of biological and ecological resources which make this planet habitable. Each generation makes decisions that binds humanity thereafter. Our knowledge is worthless if it cannot be the basis of future decisions! Today, our species faces the prospect of doubling within a generation (25 years). Those who ever lived since the beginning of the Common Era (2 thousand years ago) total about 50 billion persons by comparison to about 44 billion who ever lived before that time. The world today is populated by almost 6 billion persons. …


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TL;DR: Most studies of menstrual synchronization have compared equivalently numbered cycles, but one method has major methodological problems that appear to be unappreciated and can be illustrated with data from recently published studies.
Abstract: Edward M. Miller1 A simple diagram shows how the synchronization process can cause equally numbered onsets to to become more different, even though the difference between equally numbered onsets is often used as a measure of syncronization. Comparison of identically numbered cycles has several other undesirable properties, such as the difference measure increases as the study goes on and sensitivity to numbering system. Tests of synchrony should compare the differences between the nearest cycles at the beginning of the study with those at the end of the study. Any differences between results obtained with this method and results obtained with the equivalently numbered cycles method tells something about how synchronization is achieved. Several studies, including those by Wilson et al, Trevathan et al, and McClintock appear to have used an inappropriate comparison of identically numbered cycles. Key Words: Menstruation, menstrual synchrony, ovulation, pair-bonding. Most studies of menstrual synchronization have compared equivalently numbered cycles (studies of synchrony have included Goldman & Schneider 1987; Graham 1991, Graham & McGrew, 1980, 1992; Jarett 1978, 1984(2); Little et al. 1989; Matteo, 1987, McClintock, 1971; Quadagno, et al, 1981; Trevathan et al., 1993; Wilson, et al. 1991; A. Weller & L. Weller, 1992, 1993, 1995a, 1995b, submitted; L. Weller & A. Weller, 1993, 1997 Weller et al 1995). This method has major methodological problems that appear to be unappreciated. To provide concreteness the theoretical points will be illustrated with data from recently published studies. One of the real problems in menstrual synchrony studies is that cycle lengths vary widely and that women frequently either miss a period.or have a very short or a very long cycle (as has been shown in the major studies of the cycle: Chiazz, Brayer, Macisco, Parker, & Duffy, 1968; Munster, Schmidt, & Helm, 1992; Vollman, 1977). How this natural variability is handled can affect the ability to detect any synchronization that is taking place, making the points made below of considerable practical importance. McClintock (1971, p. 244) states that differences should be calculated over the same number of onsets in order to "minimize the chance coincidences that did not result from a trend towards synchrony". Most of the later researchers have followed this practice. The problem with the equivalently numbered cycles method can be illustrated by data from a recent paper (Trevathan et al. 1993). If the reader assumes a normal 30 day cycle, he would expect that the maximum difference between the menstrual onsets of any two normal women would be no more than half of that period, or 15 days.3 However, inspection of Figure 1 and Table 1 in the above mentioned article shows numerous cases where the period between onsets exceeds this. The largest difference observed is -134 days, reported for the difference in the onsets of the fourth cycle in couple number 7. This very large difference suggests something odd is happening. However, there is data to see what is happening. The first woman reports very long cycle lengths of 101, 67, and 60 days. By the onset marking the end of the third cycle she is at 228 days. The second woman has short cycles of 29, 27, and 28 days. By her third cycle she is at 94 days. Thus, the reported difference of 134 days for the two women's fourth cycles. However, it can be calculated that when the second woman is completing her third cycle at day 94, the first woman is completing first cycle at day 101. At this time, the two women are out of phase by only 7 days, a much more reasonable figure. Their first case provides another illustration. Suppose the first day of S1's cycle is taken as day 0. From her tabulated cycle lengths, her next three periods would be on days 33, 63, and 86. The second woman's cycle apparently started 9 days later. From the data given on the length of her cycles, her periods were on days 46, 89, and 123. …

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that if a social, on-going fether is able to share the same residence with his young, developing son, the son is less likely to engage in violent behavior as an adult.
Abstract: The preclusion of a social father, due to out-of-wediock births, within a community is strongly associated with the level of violent crime within that same community. Both U.S. and cross-cultural data are presented as examples. The association remains strong even when an index of poverty - rates of male unempioyment - are controlled. An argument for causation rather than mere correlation is presented. However, divorce, a second method of separating a child from a father, generates a very different societal mosaic. Divorce rates are not associated with violent crime rates. The argument is presented that, if a social, on-going fether is able to share the same residence with his young, developing son, the son is less likely to engage in violent behavior as an adult. Freud's construct of and analysis of the OediPus Complex is thereby given empirical support (only) along the dimension of male aggression. KEY WORDS: Father-child relations, divorce, out-of-wediock births, violent crime, Freud, Oedipus Complex, male unemployment. The generalized imagery of the (U.S.) father figure has become something of a kaleidoscope which has been repeatedly turned by academics and the literati within the last quarter century. (See Demos 1986, Griswold 1993, LaRossa 1997, LaRossa et al. 1991, Nash 1965, 1976 for historical perspectives on the U.S. father). Until very recently, the social father was a given in virtually any and all societies (Hendrix 1996, Hewlett 1992, Lamb 1987, Mackey 1996, Malinowski 1927, Van den Berghe 1979). Two very distinct, antinomous interpretations of this given are available in relationship to the value or function of the current generation of fathers within the U.S. and within any other society with an industrialized-service oriented economy. First, it can be argued that prior fathers had served the dual roles of protector & provider which were essential to the survival of his wife and his children. However, current governmental protectors, viz. local police, state police, FBI, national guard, and the U.S. armed forces, have efficiently and successfully undertaken the role of protector. The husband/father, who is less well trained for this role, is not needed. Similarly, governmental agencies, through local, state, and federal programs, have made death from privation and malnutrition extremely unlikely. Hence, the father's role of provider can also be supplanted either by working mothers and/or by governmental agencies. The argument would finish with the conclusion that social fathers in an industrialized, service-oriented, information based economy are somewhere between supernumerary or optional. On the other hand, the second interpretation argues that the sheer omnipresence of social fathers strongly infers important functions of fatherhood that transcend differences in economies, religions, political structures, ecologies or diets. This paper suggests the latter position has validity and further suggests that one such function of a father is the domestication of his sons.' As a corollary, it is also proffers that there is no government agency of program which can replace or supplant this function of the child's biological & social father (see Blankenhorn [1995] and Popenoe [1996] for similar discussion). Fatherlessness and Violent Behavior within the Community The U.S. and other countries e.g. Sweden, are currently undergoing a social experiment. To wit, can a society perform efficiently and competitively if it assumes that the social father is either optional or supernumerary? For several decades, other studies have documented the association between fatherlessness and unwanted behavior on the part of children (Anderson 1968, Bereczkei & Csanaky 1996, Blau & Blau 1982, Chilton & Markle 1972, Mischel 1961a, 1961b, Monahan 1972, Mosher 1969, Robins & Hill 1966, Stevenson & Black 1988, Wilson & Herrnstein 1985, cf Adams et al. 1984). This exercise will focus upon serious violent behavior. …