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Showing papers in "Medical History in 1990"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Pasteurization of France can be viewed as a battle, with its field and its myriad contestants, in which opposing sides attempted to mould and coerce various forces of resistance.
Abstract: BRUNO LATOUR, The pasteurization of France, trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law, Cambridge, Mass., and London, Harvard University Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. 273, £23.95. GEORGES CANGUILHEM, Ideology and rationality in the history of the life sciences, trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., and London, The MIT Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. xi, 160, £17.95. Bruno Latour has written a wonderfully funny book about himself. It is difficult, however, to summarize a text committed to the view that \"Nothing is, by itself, either reducible or irreducible to anything else\", (p. 158). In Latour's opinion, the common view that sociologists of knowledge and scientists are opposed is incorrect. Both groups, according to Latour, are the authors of identical mistakes: reductionism and, relatedly, attempting to conjoin (in the instance of the sociologist) science and society, or (in the instance of the scientist) keeping them apart. For Latour, there are only forces or resistances which different groups encounter and attempt to conquer by forming alliances. These groups, however, are not simply the actors of conventional sociology. They include, for example, microbes, the discovery of the Pasteurians, with which they have populated our world and which we must now take notice of in any encounter or war in which we engage. War is a fundamental metaphor for Latour, since in a war or a battle clashes of armies are later called the \"victory\" of a Napoleon or a Kutuzov. Likewise, he argues, the Pasteurization of France can be viewed as a battle, with its field and its myriad contestants, in which opposing sides attempted to mould and coerce various forces of resistance. Strangely, he points out, the outcome of this huge battle, the labour and struggle of these masses, we attribute to the scientific genius of Pasteur. Pasteur's genius, however, says Latour, lay not in science (for this could be yet another way of making science and society distinct) but as strategist. Pasteur was able to cross disciplinary lines, recruiting allies to laboratory science by persuading them that they were recruiting him. This was possible because, like the armies in battle, they had already done the work of the general. Thus Pasteur's microbiology, which might conventionally be seen as a whole new science, can also be construed as a brilliant reformulation of all that preceded it and made it possible. Hygienists seized on the work of the Pasteurians and the two rapidly became powerful allies because \"The time that they [the hygienists] had made was now working for them\" (p. 52). French physicians, on the other hand, resisted recruitment, since for them it meant enslavement. Finally, however, they recruited the Pasteurians to their enterprise. Pasteurian public health was turned into a triumph of medicine. It is impossible to read this book and not substitute Latour for Pasteur. At the head of his own army, increasingly enlarged by the recruitment of allies, Latour now presents us, in his own language, with something we have made, or at least made possible. The cynic might say, using the old jibe against sociologists, that Latour has explained to us in his own language everything we knew anyway. Retorting thus, however, would be to unselfconsciously make an ally of Latour and miss the point by a narrow margin that might as well be a million miles. Latour says all this much more clearly (and certainly more wittily) than any review. Read it, but beware; in spite of Latour's strictures about irreducibility, the text is not what it seems. This is a recruitment brochure: Bruno needs you. Among the many historians whom Latour convicts by quotation of mistaking the general for the army, Pasteur for all the forces at work in French society, is Georges Canguilhem. Latour uses two quotes from Canguilhem, both taken from the original French version of Ideology and rationality in the life sciences, first published in 1977. Reading Canguilhem after Latour induces a feeling akin to culture shock. Astonishingly, Canguilhem seems almost Anglo-American. Anyone familiar with Canguilhem's epistemological universe would hardly be surprised to discover that Latour finds in it perspectives different from his own. After all, Canguilhem remains committed to the epistemologically distinct entity science or, better still, sciences. Likewise he employs distinctions between science and ideology, as in Spencerian ideology and Darwinian science, which will seem familiar, possibly jaded to English-reading eyes. His text is liberally seeded with unLatourian expressions, including injunctions to distinguish \"between ideology and science\" (p. 39), lamentations that eighteenth-century medicine \"squandered its energy in the erection of systems\" (p. 53), rejoicing that physiology \"liberated itself' from classical anatomy (p. 54), and regret that \"Stahl's influence ... seriously impeded experimental

1,212 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a method to improve the quality of the data collected by the data collection system, which can be found here: https://www.saliency.com/
Abstract: ImagesPlate 1Plate 2

154 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: From the combination of knowledge and actions, someone can improve their skill and ability and this will lead them to live and work much better.
Abstract: From the combination of knowledge and actions, someone can improve their skill and ability. It will lead them to live and work much better. This is why, the students, workers, or even employers should have reading habit for books. Any book will give certain knowledge to take all benefits. This is what this health and the rise of civilization tells you. It will add more knowledge of you to life and work better. Try it and prove it.

140 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the final analysis, perhaps what these two collections should most urge upon us is a history not of either orthodox medicine or alternative medicine, but a more fully integrated history of healing.
Abstract: of these case studies ably do; but having done this, to go beyond reductive explanations the historian must then ask why some people from the group elected to embrace that particular medical option while others did not. We also need to know much more about how public pronouncements about healing deployed in highly politicized arenas correspond to more private belief and behaviour. Most of these studies draw exclusively on public rhetoric, much of it highly polemical; yet one clear message of the new social history has been that such public pronouncements must not be read as exhaustive or unproblematic representations of reality. The essays brought together in these volumes are a promising springboard for future work on alternative medicine. What is in some ways most promising, though, is an appealingly subversive subtext that runs through both collections. All the contributors wish to move away from a preoccupation with orthodoxy in medical history, but they remain unable to wrench free from the problem that unorthodox medicine received its definition from what it was not-that is, orthodox. Cooter, in an intriguing essay that explores \"just how cosmologically alternative were the alternatives\" (p. 75), uncovers multiple layers of overlap between orthodoxy and fringe, and many ofthe other contributors do the same less systematically. Indeed, the best ofthese essays all display uneasiness with the fact that abolishing the orthodox/unorthodox duality also tends to undercut the rationale for volumes of historical scholarship devoted to separatist studies of unorthodox medicine, however heuristically valuable such works are. Medical orthodoxy, after all, was a concept that the historical actors themselves not only invented but also disputed. It changed over time, as Porter's contrast of eighteenthand nineteenth-century Britain underscores, and over place, as comparison of nineteenth-century Britain with America would amply reveal, and it was always fuzzy. In the final analysis, perhaps what these two collections should most urge upon us is a history not of either orthodox medicine or alternative medicine, but a more fully integrated history of healing. If, as both editors argue, the concerns of the present are one leading motivation for studying the expressions and meaning of alternative medicine of the past, then this tack is doubly attractive, for it also holds the promise of relevance. Dismantling a rigid dichotomy between orthodoxy and heterodoxy, after all, may be one of the most helpful ways for us to better understand the pluralism that is so distinctly emerging as a hallmark of post-modernist medical culture.

138 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: This reading book is your chosen book to accompany you when in your free time, in your lonely, this kind of book can help you to heal the lonely and get or add the inspirations to be more inoperative.
Abstract: The herophilus the art of medicine in early alexandria that we provide for you will be ultimate to give preference. This reading book is your chosen book to accompany you when in your free time, in your lonely. This kind of book can help you to heal the lonely and get or add the inspirations to be more inoperative. Yeah, book as the widow of the world can be very inspiring manners. As here, this book is also created by an inspiring author that can make influences of you to do more.

105 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The work that led to the award of the first psychiatric Nobel Prize to Wagner-Jauregg is examined, where malaria therapy is no longer used for the treatment of paralytics, as this late stage of syphilis is now rarely seen because the disease is treated at an earlier stage with antibiotics.
Abstract: Among the recipients of the Nobel prize for medicine and physiology are two psychiatrists. The first to be awarded the prize, in 1927, was the Austrian psychiatrist Julius Wagner von Jauregg for his malaria therapy for general paralysis of the insane (GPI). The second, in 1949, was the Portuguese neuro-surgeon Egas Moniz, who developed the operation of leucotomy for the treatment of severe, intractable, and progressive psychiatric disorders. The operation was often dangerous and brought with it undesirable side effects. Despite modification in the procedure, it has now been made largely obsolescent by the introduction of psychotropic drugs. Similarly, malaria therapy is no longer used for the treatment of paralytics, as this late stage of syphilis is now rarely seen because the disease is treated at an earlier stage with antibiotics. This paper examines the work that led to the award of the first psychiatric Nobel Prize to Wagner-Jauregg.

88 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Literary sources used to elucidate the origins of animal protection and the development of man's relationship to the animal world have sometimes been helpful in analysing the interaction between the so-called "New Science" and contemporary literature.
Abstract: The fact that British men of letters in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries commented on the subject of animal experimentation is well known. Apart from anti-vivisectionists and modern advocates of animal rights, who have been keen to cite the most critical of these responses, ' scholars have considered them in three main areas of research. In the history of ideas some of those literary sources have been used to elucidate the origins of animal protection and the development of man's relationship to the animal world.2 In the history of literature itself they have sometimes been helpful in analysing the interaction between the so-called \"New Science\", i.e. the science following Francis Bacon's programme of observation and experiment, and contemporary literature.3 And recently, in the history of medicine,

76 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: ImagesFigure 2Plate 5Plate 6Plate 1Plate 3Plate 4Plate 2
Abstract: ImagesFigure 2Plate 5Plate 6Plate 1Plate 3Plate 4Plate 2

69 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This book is comparable with the Course Units the Open University publishes in Britain, but without the illustrations: it is a dauntingly serious work, and the students must derive much profit from their course, but the summaries are written in the style of historical introductions in good scientific texts and are highly compressed.
Abstract: It takes a bold man to publish the course he gives to his students; and that is what Stephen Brush has done in this book, which consists of lecture-summaries with reading lists. It is comparable with the Course Units the Open University publishes in Britain, but without the illustrations: it is a dauntingly serious work, and the students must derive much profit from their course. How far anybody else would want to use it is a moot point; there is no doubt that any teacher could derive some benefit and interest from it, but the summaries are written in the style of historical introductions in good scientific texts and are highly compressed; students would find them hard going unless they had heard the lectures too, and so will a general reader. The bibliographies, going up to about two years before the book came out, are useful. The course includes a bit about Freud, whose science some might consider to be the phrenology of the twentieth century; but it comes to life in dealing with physics and astronomy. The medical sciences do not make an appearance; it is wise in giving a course to stick to what one knows, but this is a little drastic given the importance of physiology, for example, inside and outside medicine; even chemistry has only a walk-on part. The framework is that of Kuhn's paradigms, but actually closer to the way J. T. Merz ordered his great book on the science of the nineteenth century, by themes rather than disciplines; but Merz was more systematic and his coverage wider. The problem with focusing on modern physics is that one drifts into general science rather than serious history; and although Brush asks the right questions at the end of lectures, his summaries are generally internalist rather than contextual. Only when dealing with American astronomy, a science in which the USA was a centre ofexcellence long before European refugees arrived in the 1930s, does Brush wrestle with the kind ofquestions that most historians of science now see as the most interesting ones. There is also surprisingly little about instruments and apparatus, though, of course, experiments and observations are discussed. In the end, then, while the book is impressive, it has the disadvantages of being rather personal without the advantages; the selection of material is pleasantly quirky, but one does not get to know one's guide, or feel that …

68 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Mark S. Micale1
TL;DR: D'un artisan vigoureux, solide, non enerve par la culture, un chauffeur de locomotive par exemple, nullement emotif auparavant, du moins en apparence, puisse... devenir hysterique.
Abstract: On concede qu'un jeune homme effemine puisse apres des exces, des chagrins, des emotions profondes, presenter quelques phenomenes hysteriformes; mais qu'un artisan vigoureux, solide, non enerve par la culture, un chauffeur de locomotive par exemple, nullement emotif auparavant, du moins en apparence, puisse... devenir hysterique, au meme titre qu'une femme, voila, parait-il, qui depasse l'imagination. Rien n'est mieux prouve, cependant, et c'est une idee a laquelle il faudra se faire. Charcot (1885)

67 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Just over three hundred years ago, William of Orange seized the British crown for himself and his wife Mary Stuart from his uncle and father-in-law, James II in a virtually bloodless take-over.
Abstract: Just over three hundred years ago, William of Orange seized the British crown for himself and his wife Mary Stuart from his uncle and father-in-law, James II. In a virtually bloodless take-over, William's coup placed firm Protestants on a throne that had been occupied by a Catholic monarch ruling in an increasingly autocratic manner without Parliament and in contempt of the Established Church-and this at a time when the absolutism of the His Most Catholic Majesty, Louis XIV, was at its height. William's was a brilliant military venture, which prevented a repetition of the French-English union of the early 1670s that had brought about their war against the United Provinces in the \"disaster year\" for the Dutch, 1672. When, at the invitation of a small group ofEnglish noblemen, William landed on the south-west coast ofEngland in early November 1688, at about the time of his birthday, his wedding anniversary, and the annual celebration of James I's escape from the Gunpowder Plot, in the centenary year of the Armada, and with yet another Protestant wind at his back blowing the English fleet into port and him across the Channel, Providence seemed to be with him indeed. Gradually, English gentlemen and aristocrats rode into his camp, and as more and more of the King's own officers and ministers defected, James panicked and fled to France. By late February 1689 the revolutionary settlement had decreed William and Mary joint Majesties of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland; they were crowned in April. The change in government of 1688-89 came afterwards to be called the \"Glorious Revolution\". Still, it took years of warfare in Ireland and Flanders before William and his supporters secured the new government. The influence of the new monarchy could soon be felt throughout British society, even in unexpected places. Upon becoming King, William took the standing army and navy that James II had begun to build up and expanded and disciplined them until they became significant forces in the European balance of power. In order to assure the throne and to bring Britain into the war against France, William reluctantly accepted the Declaration of Rights and regular sittings of Parliament. The settlement also guaranteed Anglicanism as the state church. William also had to reform the administration of the government and to find new sources of money for his wars. Changes in government accounting and finance began to affect British society

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors take us from the anatomy of the body, as described in words and later in anatomies, through physiology, to sexual practices, both licit and illicit, and finally to the wages of sin, hysterical malady, sexual diseases, and the deadly encounter with the venomous, but beautiful maiden.
Abstract: DANIELLE JACQUART and CLAUDE THOMASSET, Sexuality andmedicine in the Middle Ages, trans. Matthew Adamson, Oxford, Polity Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. vii, 242, illus., £27.50. To write adequately on the history of sexuality and medicine in the Middle Ages is far from easy. Many of the texts on which such a history can be based survive only in manuscript or in outdated editions, and a considerable knowledge of a variety of languages and dialects is needed to read the texts, let alone interpret them to a modern audience. The combination of a professor of linguistics and a historian ofmedicine thus offers a neat way out of this primary difficulty. The authors introduce us to writers in Latin, Old French, German, and Spanish, and are equally at home in discussing Isidore's etymologies as in explicating complicated and almost unintelligible technical terms derived from oriental languages. Their English translator is equally competent, although something seems to have gone wrong on p. 135, and some of the sexual advice is still left in the obscurity of a semi-learned language (p. 224). The authors take us from the anatomy of the body, as described in words and later in anatomies, through physiology, to sexual practices, both licit and illicit, and finally to the wages of sin, hysterical malady, sexual diseases, and the deadly encounter with the venomous, but beautiful maiden. They discuss courtly love (which they argue was far from the spiritual purity beloved of the Victorians, but culminated in coitus interruptus) as well as contraception and abortion (\"what everyone knew about . . .\"), and intercourse for pleasure as well as procreation. They also endeavour to trace the effects on medical learning of successive tranches of material translated from the Greek (but the table, p. 22, is wrongly titled and Niccolo did not translate from the Arabic). They call on the advice of penitentials as well as that of pharmacopoeias, of popular legend as well as of learned treatise. In short, this is an excellent guide to the written sources on the history of sexuality in the Middle Ages. This literary bias is both its strength and its weakness. Far too often, one has the impression of a learned debate far removed from life, of a bloodless pursuit of literary chimeras, in sharp contrast to more recent studies of sexuality in other periods, e.g. Camporesi's Ibalsami di Venere. The survey of anatomy says much about texts, but little about the formal procedures for obtaining female corpses or the regulations for students to observe such dissections in fifteenth-century Italy. The medical authors cited move almost in a historical and cultural vacuum (on p. 24, the chronological relationship between [Moschion] and his source Soranus is reversed). English readers will look in vain for some of Chaucer's ribaldries, or for any detailed discussion of the evidence of art and of its value to the historian. Within its limits, however, this is a valuable guide, and many non-medievalists will be grateful to the authors for the way in which they lead them elegantly through the thickets of theological and philosophical speculation, or lucidly expound the differences between the Aristotelians and Galenists on the topic of the female sperm. They have made a very sound beginning, and subsequent historians will be able to rely confidently on their editorial labours.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper goes beyond biography to provide an analysis of an early example of medical science as a corporate activity in Paul Ehrlich and the links with industry.
Abstract: Historians and biographers have studied Paul Ehrlich as a biochemist, a medical messiah, and an eccentric. 1 The links with industry of this Nobel Prize-winning pioneer of experimental therapeutics and immunology have, however, been largely neglected. Perhaps this was because commercial involvement was regarded as unseemly by historians, or because those ties were thought to be insignificant in relation to the major contributions Ehrlich made to therapeutic practice and theory. More recently, attitudes have changed: Ehrlich's resurrection as a company scientist is almost complete after a large commemorative exhibition mounted by Hoechst AG and that company's sponsorship of a major new biography,2 facilitating further analysis of Ehrlich's commercial work. This paper goes beyond biography to provide an analysis of an early example of medical science as a corporate activity.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Much of the impetus for the development of the spa north of the Alps was provided by Paracelsians, whose interest in metallic and arcane remedies drew them ineluctably to the mineral spring.
Abstract: THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SPA In the Anglo-Saxon world the enthusiasm of the twentieth-century Frenchman for imbibing his country's mineral waters is proverbial. It is surprising, therefore, to discover that the French contribution to the resuscitation of the spa in the era of the Renaissance was minimal. For most of the sixteenth century, the nation that has given mankind the waters of Vichy and Evian (to name but two) was largely unmoved by the fad for the hot-spring and the mineral bath that swept the Italian peninsula, crossed the Alps into the territory of the Holy Roman Empire, and penetrated even our own shores. It was not that France's future spas were undiscovered, for many had a Romano-Gallic provenance. It was rather that the therapeutic potential of mineral waters remained unrecognized by the Galenic medical establishment and hence by the large majority of the court, aristocracy, and urban elite who formed their clients. Significantly, when Andreas Baccius published the first general guide to the spas of Europe in 1571 he had little to say about France. Passing reference was made to several Roman foundations but only the virtues of Bourbon-Lancy were described in detail.1 Significantly, too, the only member of the French royal family who definitely did take the waters in the first three-quarters of the sixteenth century was united by marriage to the house of Navarre and patronized, as did her daughter later, the springs of Beam, not those of France.2 The situation first began to change in the 1 580s when a number of local physicians started to promote the waters adjacent to the towns in which they plied their profession. Their inspiration, it would seem, came largely (although not entirely) from a change of heart at court. Much of the impetus for the development of the spa north of the Alps was provided by Paracelsians, whose interest in metallic and arcane remedies drew them ineluctably to the mineral spring. Most Paracelsians, however, were Protestants or Erasmian eirenicists above the religious divides of the day and it was only in the reign of the politique Henri III (1574-89) that they surfaced at the Catholic Valois court and began to influence medical opinion close to the royal

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The story of the search for the agent of yellow fever in Rio de Janeiro illustrates the evolution of bacteriology, in whose birth the techniques which allowed appropriate visualization, isolation, and characterization of micro-organisms played a crucial role.
Abstract: Science, a purely European enterprise, began to be exported to peripheral countries in the nineteenth century. The rapid expansion of bacteriology is a striking example of this. But at the same time, the transformation of bacteriology into a well-established and codified scientific discipline hampered the diffusion of bacteriological knowledge, because the laboratory practice that developed in peripheral countries in the first wave of enthusiasm for the \"miracle-making\" science often failed to conform to the discipline's new, more stringent professional standards. The problem was ofparticular importance in bacteriology, in whose birth the techniques which allowed appropriate visualization, isolation, and characterization ofmicro-organisms played a crucial role. Indeed, debates on technical aspects of bacteriological investigation were at the heart of early controversies in this field. The story of the search for the agent of yellow fever in Rio de Janeiro illustrates this evolution ofbacteriology. In the 1880s and 90s numerous enthusiastic Latin American adepts of the new science started to look for the aetiological agents of tropical diseases. In Brazil, a favourite target of bacteriological studies was yellow fever. However, the efforts of many bacteriologists notwithstanding, both the epidemiology of the disease and the nature of its aetiological agent remained for long mysterious. There were a dozen or so triumphant announcements of the isolation of the \"yellow fever germ\" in the 1880s and 90s. Many of them came from physicians working in Rio de Janeiro, a city which suffered from regular outbreaks. But although some of those early announcements were at first received with interest by bacteriologists in Europe, they were ultimately rejected because they no longer conformed to the new, rapidly changing standards of bacteriological investigation. Investigators who had no direct contact with the few centres in which these international standards were elaborated had, even in Europe, difficulty in achieving the proper (i.e., recognized) technical level. The achievement of such standards in a peripheral country was even more difficult. The mystery of yellow fever was finally solved by the American military delegation to Cuba, led by Major Walter Reed. The Reed Mission (1900-1) got the credit for the discovery, based on the epidemiological observations of a Cuban physician, Carlos

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: William Addison began his history of the English spa by noting that the vast literature on the medical and chemical properties of mineral waters "would as effectively defy analysis as the waters themselves, apparently, invite it".
Abstract: In 1951 William Addison began his history of the English spa by noting that the vast literature on the medical and chemical properties of mineral waters "would as effectively defy analysis as the waters themselves, apparently, invite it" .' Addison, like most later historians, chose to see the spa mainly as a phenomenon of social history, of changes in manners, morals, and amusements.2 Yet our neglect of those thousands of often lengthy and passionate medical and chemical treatises and pamphlets is surely unwise.3 It has left us with the impression that the success of a spa was a function of the company one found there, and that this company was utterly frivolous, little concerned with health, or disease, or with the contents of the waters, and glad to throw money at quacks whose inordinate claims and bizarre theories provided the pretence for the spa in the first place. However well this perspective reinforces stereotypes of a Georgian world of rumpled and ruddy country squires and powdered and worldly-wise ladies, it does little to help us take such people seriously, and we are left with more questions than answers. We have no raison d'e'tre for those many works claiming and explaining the properties of mineral waters, though in some behind-the-scenes manner those works probably vitally affected the fortunes of every spa. We have little notion of what taking the waters meant in an age in which self-diagnosis and self-treatment were far more widely accepted than they currently are and in which the bio-chemical reductionism of modern medicine had not yet become established.4 We may well be misunderstanding the role of the medical practitioner, and the relations between doctor and patient, for if the accounts of the pompous spa doctors are correct, their


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The sixteenth century saw a transformation in medicine as it came to be dominated by the ideals and methods of the Renaissance, and particular branches of medicine were re-explored in the light of the classics and brought into the mainstream of the medical Renaissance.
Abstract: The sixteenth century saw a transformation in medicine as it came to be dominated by the ideals and methods of the Renaissance.1 The recovery of lost texts, and the availability in print of a wide-ranging medical literature from the ancient world, aroused overwhelming enthusiasm. The first phase of this development, marked above all by the printing of the works of Galen in Greek and of a flood of Latin translations, was complete by the mid-century. Medicine, and especially its literature, had put on a new cultural dress. Further change was nevertheless to come in the second half of the century as particular branches of medicine were re-explored in the light of the classics and brought into the mainstream of the medical Renaissance. Amongst the specialisms which physicians sought to re-clothe in the new Renaissance fashion was balneology. Here, however, there were problems. Medicinal waters, as certain Renaissance doctors admitted, were more an empiric than a rational therapy. Common experience, trial and error, were the guides to their use, and even responsible for their first introduction. Gabriele Falloppia argued so in his lectures De medicatis aquis at Padua in 1556. He pointed out that the discoverer of the Aqua Brandola in 1448 was none other than a diseased cow which chanced to drink the health-giving water.2 Worse still, neither Galen nor any of the other classical princes of medicine had written at length on the subject. Why, asked Andrea Bacci, was Galen so negligent? Why did he not get his feet wet?3 Falloppia, too, noted that Galen wrote very little about baths, and coldly at that. Galen, he argued, liked to link reason and experience and to support one with the other; he had little faith in medicinal waters which were a purely empiric therapy.4 Accordingly, some of the early champions of Renaissance medicine, notably Giovanni Manardi and Matteo Corti, were lukewarm, or even hostile, to the baths.5

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: To analyse a mineral water it was first necessary to know the chemical identity of the dissolved substances, which in itself was difficult since the quantities held in solution were usually very small and many of the compounds dissolved in mineral waters were so similar in their chemical properties that it was hard to distinguish between them.
Abstract: In the first volume of his Physical and chemical essays (1779), Torbern Bergman, professor of chemistry and pharmacy at Uppsala in Sweden, discussed the chemical analysis of natural waters, including mineral waters. He remarked that when a weighed quantity of a mineral water was evaporated to dryness the weight of the residues usually amounted to no more than a minute fraction of the original weight of water, yet it might contain six or eight ingredients including salts and earths, which had first to be identified and then separated to determine their proportions. Bergman remarked that, \"An accurate analysis of waters is justly considered as one of the most difficult problems in chymistry.\"'l Most eighteenth-century mineral water analysts were inclined to agree. Quite apart from the problems of identifying small quantities of salts and earths with very similar chemical properties, there was no guarantee that the residue left after evaporation contained the same ingredients as the mineral water itself. J. A. Chaptal, professor of chemistry and a practising physician at Montpellier, observed that new compounds were sometimes formed during evaporation whilst others present in the mineral water were decomposed.2 In either case the results of analysis would be misleading. Thomas Garnett, writing about Harrogate waters in 1794, put the blame for the unreliability of mineral water analysis on the \"very low state of chemical knowledge, together with the many difficulties which attended the examination of mineral waters . . .\".3 To analyse a mineral water it was first necessary to know the chemical identity of the dissolved substances. This in itself was difficult since the quantities held in solution were usually very small and many of the compounds dissolved in mineral waters were so similar in their chemical properties that it was hard to distinguish between them. Yet for a reliable chemical analysis these closely related salts and earths had to be identified either in the mineral water itself or in the residues which remained after evaporation. In the latter case, the analyst also had to be aware of any chemical changes which might have occurred during the evaporation. It is clear


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: ImagesPlate 16Plate 17Plate 10Plate 11Plate 14Plate 15Plate 7Plate 12Plate 13Plate 8Plate 9Figure 1
Abstract: ImagesPlate 16Plate 17Plate 10Plate 11Plate 14Plate 15Plate 7Plate 12Plate 13Plate 8Plate 9Figure 1

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Spas in this period were scattered throughout most of the country, they were used by large numbers of both sick and healthy people, and the books that discussed their use were among the most widely read of all medical texts.
Abstract: Although the major spas have received attention for their role in the development of resort towns, especially in the period before the invention of the seaside resorts, and the medical literature has been examined by historians of chemical analysis, spas have yet to be fully integrated into medical history. The legacy of medical antiquarianism may be partly responsible for this omission or perhaps historians regard the subject as well-known and unproblematic. Nevertheless, it is a little startling to read general histories of medicine in this period that mention medical waters only in passing, if at all. Spas in this period were scattered throughout most of the country, they were used by large numbers of both sick and healthy people, and the books that discussed their use were among the most widely read of all medical texts. Spa literature is part of medical literature as a whole, and displays many of the same preoccupations as other types of medical writing intended mainly for a lay audience. When English physicians first publicized the benefits of drinking water or bathing in it, they followed European examples and attempted to integrate water into a Galenic scheme. The pioneering work of John Jones on Bath, after listing diseases, endeavoured \"to shew the causes of the paynes before declared, that you may the reedyer cosult, with your Phisicions thereof, as of all other things hereafter to bee mencioned, before ye seeke the ayde, of the Bathes. . . \". 1 To this end, Jones included large diagrams showing the pervasive importance of the naturals and the nonnaturals in securing good health. Jones did not provide graphic accounts of the perils of unsupervised bathing but when he wrote of the waters of Buxton, located rather closer than Bath to his own Midlands practice, he asserted that they acted \"more sweetly, more delicatly, more finely, more daintly, and more temperatly: not bringing halfe so many grievouse accidentes as Bath doth, yit lesse speedly . . .\".2 The secularization of holy wells is less prominent, as a subject, in southern than in northern authors, although it is undoubtedly present as a sub-text. IfThomas Hobbes

Journal ArticleDOI
Francis Doherty1
TL;DR: Throughout the century there was a remedy at hand that claimed to protect the teething infant from all the associated childish and potentially fatal conditions.
Abstract: Infant mortality in the eighteenth century was notoriously high,' and much of the morbidity and mortality was directly attributed to teething, both in the vulgar mind,2 and, equally, in the medical.3 No one wanted to lose a child, even though parental affection and attachment might not be as strong in times of high infant mortality.4 There would always be a ready market for any product which somehow guaranteed protection for a child against \"Feavers, Convulsions, Consumptions, Ruptures, Chincoughs, Rickets, and such attendant Distempers\".5 Throughout the century there was a remedy at hand that claimed to protect the teething infant from all the associated childish and potentially fatal conditions. There was a necklace which, when placed around the neck of the child, and left to do its quiet work, protected it.

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TL;DR: Morman includes in his 24 selections the milestones in the campaign for efficiency in hospital organization and practice, and the articles by Ernest Amory Codman, Michael Davis, Jr., and Richard Cabot presented here offer a solid foundation for understanding the intellectual history of the quest for efficiently engineered health care.
Abstract: efficiency chiefly to manual labour-were transplanted from the shop floor to the clinic. Instead of offering representative articles, as Howell has done, Morman includes in his 24 selections the milestones in the campaign for efficiency in hospital organization and practice, and the articles by Ernest Amory Codman, Michael Davis, Jr., and Richard Cabot (among others) presented here offer a solid foundation for understanding the intellectual history of the quest for efficiently engineered health care. Most of the text of these facsimile articles is readable, although some of the reproduced photographs appear as undecipherable rectangles of black and gray. Also, a very brief introduction to each original article could have greatly enhanced their usefulness. As they stand, however, these welcome volumes provide convenient access to sources that document the rise of technology and standardization as hallmarks of the American hospital.

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K. M. Spyer1
TL;DR: It is concluded that even in the next century the handywomen/supportworker will still provide care, as no elitist programme of nursing has yet been allowed to succeed and an alternative based on open entry and continuing opportunity is suggested.
Abstract: \"demographic time-bomb\", and Project 2000, the authors provocatively conclude that even in the next century the handywomen/supportworker will still provide care,-\"No elitist programme of nursing has yet been allowed to succeed. Would an alternative based on open entry and continuing opportunity have more prospects of serving both the occupation and its public?\" Currently this must be the best single introduction to the history of nursing.

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TL;DR: Gymrek as mentioned in this paper describes the early years of the AIDS epidemic in the United States and Western Europe, starting with the presentation of mysterious complaints amongst Los Angeles homosexuals in 1979, and going up to the ''compromis politique'' whereby, since 1987, the rival American and French claims to priority in the discovery of AIDS virus have been smoothed out.
Abstract: strains of nineteenth-century sectarian science. Although critical of orthodox science in this period, nonetheless they have implicitly drawn a model from late twentieth-century science-as a detached, professionalized undertaking-that was neither feasible nor relevant in this context. Most sectarians were practitioners rather than intellectual system-builders, and many sought fame, fortune and a popular audience. But this hardly stigmatizes them as charlatans, for as historians have recently stressed, scientifically-inclined Americans in the nineteenth century had to be first and foremost practitioners. Even the spiritualist philosopher Davis became a private practitioner (to earn his living), using his clairvoyant powers to heal patients. The essays fall short of explaining these sects' decline, although Wrobel, in an unfortunate phrase, suggests that sectarian sciences \"paved the road for the triumphant march\" of orthodox science (p. 224). For most of these authors 1890 is a watershed. Yet surely the interest in science popularizers has hardly faded: what of the rise of New Age Medicine, occult groups, and holistic healing? Readers are left to wonder how and why many orthodox scientists came to reject sectarian principles and practices, and how the enduring fringes of science have been defined and maintained. History teaches the present to learn from the past. Historians make bad prophets. These two aphorisms-prima facie contradictory but, rightly juxtaposed, the soul of historiographical wisdom-set the intellectual parameters for Professor Grmek's admirable account of what he felicitously calls \"la premiere des pestilences postmodernes\". The narrative Grmek tells of the early years of the epidemic in the United States and Western Europe is by-and-large familiar enough to English-speaking audiences, starting with the presentation of mysterious complaints amongst Los Angeles homosexuals in 1979, and going up to the \"compromis politique\" whereby, since 1987, the rival American and French claims to priority in the discovery of the AIDS virus have been smoothed out (cynics would say because Gallo and Montagnier both recognized that the award of a Nobel Prize would necessarily be joint). On the American experience, Grmek has culled many of his details from Randy Shilts's And the band played on. Politics, people and the AIDS epidemic (1987). Mercifully we are spared Shilts's journalistic colouring, and Grmek spices his text with a mordant Gallic wit-deploring, for instance, the Anglo-Saxon linguistic clumsiness of the acronym AIDS (\"les deux consonnes finales ne sont pas euphoniques\"). What makes this by far the best historical overview of AIDS to date is, of course, …

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a method to improve the quality of the images of the authors' work.ImagesPlate 20Plate 18Plate 17Plate 19 and
Abstract: ImagesPlate 20Plate 18Plate 19

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TL;DR: Some twenty years ago I held an appointment at a large Poor Law Infirmary in London and asked if I might be given charge of the rheumatic patients, and was readily granted.
Abstract: Some twenty years ago I held an appointment at a large Poor Law Infirmary in London. I asked if I might be given charge of the rheumatic patients. The request was readily granted. I shall never forget the impression created by my first round of a long row of beds each occupied by a man crippled with arthritis. Some of them had been there for years unable to do so much as convey a drink or a bite to their mouths for themselves, to change their position in bed without being bodily lifted, or to perform any of the natural functions of the body without the attendance of the nursing staff on each and every occasion.'