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Showing papers in "Mediterranean Historical Review in 2001"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, out of place, out of time is defined as "Out of Place, Out of Time" in Mediterranean Historical Review: Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 87-94.
Abstract: (2001). Out of Place, Out of Time. Mediterranean Historical Review: Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 87-94.

48 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The construction of national time: The Making of the Modern Greek Historical Imagination as discussed by the authors is a seminal work in the field of time and space studies in the Mediterranean Historical Review: Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 27-42.
Abstract: (2001). The Construction of National Time: The Making of the Modern Greek Historical Imagination. Mediterranean Historical Review: Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 27-42.

27 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The chief Venetian diplomat in Constantinople, the bailo as discussed by the authors, was one of the most important officials in the Ottoman Empire during the early sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Abstract: During the difficult sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Venice attempted to maintain a precarious balance with its powerful neighbour the Ottoman Empire. The key to this effort was the chief Venetian diplomat in Constantinople, the bailo. The complexities of defending Venice's position in the Mediterranean required the ablest possible officials. Effective service in this most public of positions could provide significant recognition for men at the heights of the Venetian hierarchy and almost always served as a springboard to more important offices within the Venetian state apparatus.

26 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Anarchist terrorism became a problem in both Spain and Italy during the 1890s but lost its virulence in the latter after 1900 as mentioned in this paper, possibly due to the influence of positive criminology.
Abstract: Anarchist terrorism became a problem in both Spain and Italy during the 1890s but lost its virulence in the latter after 1900. One of the reasons for the difference in outcomes between the two nations may have been that the ideas of criminal anthropology had permeated Italian society and institutions and this allowed the government and other authorities to reframe (and play down) the whole question of anarchist terrorism. Given the surprising extent of positive criminology's influence in Spain, a similar tactic there might have been possible but was not adopted. The results were disastrous.

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Mediterranean basin was considered more as a subsidiary forum for international leadership for Spain, a space in which it could launch initiatives that were independent of the dominant powers of the international order or implied alternatives to that order.
Abstract: For geographic and historical reasons, the Mediterranean has long been a basic setting for Spanish foreign policy and security. Since the beginning of the century, the geostrategic frame of reference has been the Strait of Gibraltar. The dictatorship of General Francisco Franco developed Moroccan, Arab, and European policies but, at least until the 1990s, no real Mediterranean policy. The Mediterranean basin was considered more as a subsidiary forum for international leadership for Spain, a space in which it could launch initiatives that were independent of the dominant powers of the international order or implied alternatives to that order.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Distant Past: On the Political Use of History as discussed by the authors is a collection of essays about the use of history in the Middle East and Mediterranean Historical Review: Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 61-73.
Abstract: (2001). The Distant Past: On the Political Use of History. Mediterranean Historical Review: Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 61-73.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A comparison of Greece with Italy highlights contrasting dynamics in the production of local and national histories as mentioned in this paper, highlighting the historical and political specificities of Greece's domination by powers determined to use it as a frontier of European civilization and supported by local elites in that endeavour.
Abstract: This article is an attempt to question the literalistic interpretation of nationalist ideologies, especially that of Greece, as accurate representations of either the cultural and social experiences of citizens or the practical experiences of administrators The force of such ideologies in Greece owes a great deal to the historical and political specificities of the country's domination by powers determined to use it as a frontier of European civilization and supported by local elites in that endeavour Concealment - in a range of cultural activities from religion to architecture - permits the expression of alternative notions of identity, entailing the recognition of very different histories; historic conservation is an especially interesting battleground for such contestation of the official past A comparison of Greece with Italy highlights contrasting dynamics in the production of local and national histories

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Spain, 1998 was the year of commemorations par excellence, just as 1995 had been in the countries that celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the end of World War II, but Spain had not taken part in that war and was therefore in no position to recall the defeat of fascism as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Politics has always been closely bound up with history, which in turn has often been used for political purposes. History is currently playing an important political role in many different societies. Where the shaping of a national identity remains a problem or where old conflicts still linger, setting peoples or nations against one another, it occupies the centre of political debate and serves to justify a wide variety of actions and opinions. But even where there are no such problems, history is strengthening its ties with politics. Historians, or at least some of them, are beginning to become known for their repeated appearance in the media when it comes to matters of internal or international politics. A considerable number of history books and memoirs and publications of a popularizing nature reveal clear political motivation, not to mention the debates that they provoke. But it is undoubtedly in commemorations that the increasing politicization of history is seen most clearly. Historical commemorations sponsored by a wide range of governments follow hard on each other’s heels. In Spain, 1998 was the year of commemorations par excellence, just as 1995 had been in the countries that celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the end of World War II. Spain had not taken part in that war – although the then recently established dictatorship of Franco had shown that it favoured Nazi Germany and Mussolini’s regime – and was therefore in no position to recall the defeat of fascism, but in 1998 it was faced with a very special occasion. Several commemorations coincided that year. The first was the centenary of Spain’s military defeat at the hands of the United States in the Spanish–American War, which brought about the loss of the last remnants of the colonial empire in America and the Pacific islands. In 1898 that empire disappeared completely, plunging Spain into a ‘decline’ against which a reaction came from a group of intellectuals – the so-called Generation of ’98 – who were highly critical of the political system of the monarchy of the time. This was in a way an awkward, inopportune commemoration for the current rulers, but in the same year another commemoration came to their aid: the quarter centenary of the end of the extremely long reign of Philip II, the king who raised the Spanish empire to its highest point in Europe and America. Also in 1998, the democratic constitution that governs the current political system

7 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Rad se bavi pitanjima politickih kultura na granicama civilizacija i mehanizmima međusobnih iskljucivosti malih naroda europske periferije.
Abstract: Rad se bavi pitanjima politickih kultura na granicama civilizacija i mehanizmima međusobnih iskljucivosti malih naroda europske periferije.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a treatise on the astrolabe, which is divided into five parts, divided into full light rules and naked words in English, for you know Latin but little, my son.
Abstract: Little Lewis, my son, I appreciate well your ability to learn sciences related to numbers and proportions; I also consider your special eagerness to learn the treatise on the astrolabe. As the philosopher says, the person who considers the rightful wishes of his friend wraps himself in his friend. Therefore, I am giving you sufficient [information] on the astrolabe, according to our horizon and the latitude of Oxford, and through the mediation of this little treatise I propose to teach you a certain number of conclusions appertaining to this instrument. I say certain conclusions for three reasons. The first reason is this: be sure that all conclusions to be found in so noble an instrument as is an astrolabe are not perfectly known to any man in this region, I suppose. Another cause is this: that truly, in any treatise on the astrolabe that I have seen, there are some conclusions that will not in all cases [lead the astrolabe] to perform what it is expected to. And some of these [conclusions] are too hard for someone of your tender age to understand. This treatise is divided into five parts. I will show you in full light rules and naked words in English, for you know Latin but little, my little son. But nonetheless, these true conclusions stated in English are sufficient, as they are sufficient to noble clerks Greek, and to Arabs in Arabic, and to Jews in Hebrew, and to Latin folk in Latin. Latin folk were the first to have [translated] these conclusions from various other languages and to write them in their own tongue, that is to say, in Latin. And God knows that in all these languages and in many more, these conclusions have been sufficiently learnt and taught, by diverse rules; just as diverse paths lead diverse folk the right way to Rome. I meekly pray every person who should read or hear this little treatise to excuse my uneducated teaching, and the superfluity of my words, for two reasons. The first is that the peculiar type of teaching

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The use of the public use of history has become common parlance since Habermas used it in his Historikerstreit as discussed by the authors, and it has become a critical tool in Italy.
Abstract: The expression ‘the public use of history’ has entered common parlance since Habermas used it in his Historikerstreit. The development of the term as a critical tool in Italy is due mainly to Nicola Gallerano, who distinguished between the higher, scientific level of usage and a lower level which propagates the common understanding of history. This lower level, as he made clear, is not to be understood pejoratively; there is in fact a constant give and take between the two levels which creates a particularly interesting field of inquiry. Moreover, it may actually be the professional historians themselves who allow the larger public to become familiar with their ideas, mainly through their more political writings. Renzo De Felice, for example, found himself in the midst of bitter historical and political polemics in Italy less because of the eight weighty volumes of his biography of Mussolini (written between 1965 and 1997) than because of the interviews he gave to newspapers and others published in slim polemical publications (1975 and 1995). The premise of the conference ‘The Historian and Public Life’, held at the Einaudi Foundation in Turin in November 1997, was that the demand that historians be active in public seemed to be intensifying, and it proposed examining ‘the uses of the past in European and American public life’. The words ‘political uses’ are used again in the title of the current seminar, referring less to history than, in a broader sense, to the past. A sense of the past and its ability to influence the present are in fact not confined to historiography; moreover, the public and political arenas make use not just of historiography but of other scholarly fields as well. Philosophy, religion, psychology, literature, anthropology, sociology, the figurative arts, archaeology, science, and culture of all kinds may be utilized for this purpose. It should perhaps be noted that this kind of use is less likely to arouse criticism when the humanities are involved. They are viewed, by their very nature, as being linked to the sociocultural and political context, in other words, to the historical situation, without this fact necessarily compromising the universal values that they embody. Scientific disciplines as well are now recognized as having their own historicity, but in order to protect their ‘objective’ character we tend only to think of their results, not their methods and the principles on which they are founded, as being available for practical and political use.