Showing papers in "Modern Asian Studies in 1974"
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TL;DR: The subject of district magistrates is central to the study of Chinese government and society as discussed by the authors, and several studies have been published on local administrators of the Ch'ing dynasty and the Communist period.
Abstract: The subject of magistrates, the local administrative leaders in the hsien, districts, is central to the study of Chinese government and society. The district has always been and still remains the basic administrative unit in China. Magistrates, the ‘offcials close to the people’, in the districts, are the chief administrators, who have always been singly responsible for the direct implementation of governmental policies at the local levels. Although several studies have been published on local administrators of the Ch'ing dynasty and the Communist period, district magistrates of the Republican era have been little studied.
33 citations
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TL;DR: A contemporary movement which has features in common with all those mentioned above, that of the Padisr among the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, has on the contrary received scant scholarly attention as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The revivalist movements which developed in so many Muslim communities at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries are well known to students of Islamic history. The Fulani jihād of Usuman dan Fodio, the Sanūsīyah movement in Libya, the rise of the Wahhābīs in Arabia, the reforms instituted among the Volga Tatars, the Mujāhidīn movement in Northern India and the Fara'idis of Bengal have all been the subject of study to a greater or lesser extent. Scholars have pointed out that movements which aimed initially at internal reform in a particular Muslim community often developed the added dimension of attack on what was conceived as an external, generally foreign, threat to that community, this being most clearly the case with the Wahhābīs and the Mujāhidīn. A contemporary movement which has features in common with all those mentioned above, that of the Padisr among the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, has on the contrary received scant scholarly attention. This is all the more surprising since a European state—the Kingdom of the Netherlands—became involved in a war with the Minangkabau while the Padri movement was still in its full vigour; but although Dutch records and memoirs deal more than amply with this war, they have remained ignored for what they can tell us about the Padris themselves. This is not to deny that scholars who have attempted a brief characterization of the Padri movement have recognized that its complexity goes beyond the mere epithet ‘Islamic revivalism’, and the more perceptive have tried to link it to certain changes taking place within Minangkabau society, depicting the movement as ‘a social revolution’, ‘a coup d'etai’ or, by implication, as a revolt of the intellectuals. In the later stages of the movement, after European intervention had gathered momentum, a French scholar has characterized the war fought by the Padris as a ‘war of independence’.
29 citations
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TL;DR: The official account of this violence, given by the Thai government in Bangkok and its ally in Washington, comprises several elements: first, that the 'cause' of the difficulties in the North is external support and external manpower, especially as a result of (Chinese 'designs'; second, that those opposing the government with violence are 'communists'; third, that there are no legitimate reasons for opposition to the Thailand government; and finally, the Bangkok government's military response in the north, while regrettable, is both necessary and appropriate to the nature of the challenge.
Abstract: FROM the legal, political, and ethical points of view, much turns on the precise sequence of events by which a war develops. Regrettably, by the time a conflict begins to attract the attention of scholars, it may be too late to reconstruct its origins. Participants die or disappear, records are lost or destroyed, memories fail, or false information is deliberately circulated. The resulting weakness of scholarly investigation then permits those with a vested interest in some particular view to rewrite history in keeping with their own peculiar demonology. Such a process may now be taking place in Thailand. The limited anti-government violence which has occurred there since I965 in the Northeast, and since I967 in the North, seems likely to broaden in the coming years. The official account of this violence, given by the Thai government in Bangkok and its ally in Washington, comprises several elements: first, that the 'cause' of the difficulties in the North is external support and external manpower, especially as a result of (Chinese 'designs'; second, that those opposing the government with violence are 'communists'; third, that there are no legitimate reasons for opposition to the Thai government; and finally, that the Bangkok government's military response in the North, while regrettable, is both necessary and appropriate to the nature of the challenge.l An examination of primary sources available within Thailand,
27 citations
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TL;DR: The Arrow War as mentioned in this paper was a continuation of the Opium War of less than two decades before, and it was a consequence of an ever-expanding British economy, but it was not fought over the question of opium, although in many ways the burning of opium by Commissioner Lin was an immediate cause of the quarrel.
Abstract: In the years 1856–60, Great Britain, France and China were involved in a war, which has been referred to by different names, depending, naturally enough, on the nationality of the historian. Scholars in China, almost without exception, call it the Second Opium War. Historians in England, however, usually prefer to call it the Second Anglo-Chinese War or even the Second China-foreign War. It has been given yet another name, the Arrow War. None of these names is, strictly speaking, entirely appropriate. To begin with, the war was not fought over the question of opium, although in many ways it was a continuation of the Opium War of less than two decades before. In the last analysis, it was a consequence of an ever-expanding British economy. Secondly, although it is true that Great Britain and China were the chiefcontenders, the title Anglo-Chinese War ignores the part played by France in the campaign. Then the name Second China-foreign War, apart from betraying the English desire to forget that part of their past, is misleading because it focuses attention on China herself rather than on British encroachment on that country. Finally, the Arrow incident was, like the burning of opium by Commissioner Lin, an immediate cause of the quarrel; but once London had decided to resort to arms, little further reference was made to it in British diplomatic documents. The name Arrow War is particularly irrelevant for the period after the scene of confrontation had changed from Canton to Tientsin and then Peking. On balance, however, the names Second Anglo-Chinese War and Arrow War seem preferable because they do not carry overtones of nationalist prejudice. The latter title has the additional merit of illustrating how, in the age of European expansion, a small diplomatic incident could be magnified to justify the use of force to press home demands unrelated to it. It reflects the fact that the receiving end—in this case China, and in particular her Imperial Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, Yeh Ming-ch'en—tried throughout to argue the case over the specific casus belli , whereas for the British the whole affair was merely a pretext for wider demands to be made on China. Thus it seems more appropriate to call the conflict the Arrow War; and in order to examine its origins, the first step will be to analyse the documentary evidence related to the Arrow incident. Some papers in the Chinese language have only recently been made available to scholars in the Public Record Office. London, and these provide additional information for a re-investigation of the origins of the war.
20 citations
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TL;DR: In the dark days of 1933-4 I was secretary of a small committee at Cambridge that was appointed to make grants from our Faculty of Economics reserve fund to help two German refugee students as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: May I be allowed to say three things by way of introduction? First, to express my delight at being allowed to contribute to a volume in honour of Hans Singer. I think I can claim to have known him longer than almost any other contributor. In the dark days of 1933–4 I was secretary of a small committee at Cambridge that was appointed to make grants from our Faculty of Economics reserve fund to help two German refugee students. With Pigou, Keynes and Clapham I helped to select Hans Singer from a large number of others and saw much of him when he first arrived in Cambridge. How greatly he has justified our expectations! Second, I must explain that this chapter was by origin a Kingsley Martin Memorial Lecture, delivered in Cambridge in 1974 to a non-specialist audience, chiefly of senior members of the university. It was first published in Modern Asian Studies and is republished here by the kind consent of the editor and publishers of that journal. Third, may I add (as I said in a few words of introduction to the lecture) that, though I took Bangladesh as an example because I was currently steeped in the background of Bangladesh, the problems are the common problems of all the overpopulated countries of Asia — of India, Pakistan, Indonesia and others.
17 citations
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TL;DR: The Punjab Boundary Force as discussed by the authors failed in its assignment to safeguard the peace in the Punjab during the partition of India is evident from the transfer of populations and tens of thousands of deaths.
Abstract: The Punjab Boundary Force, which represented the last incarnation of the old British Indian Army, had an operational existence of thirty-two days, from 1 August to 1 September 1947, inclusive. That it failed in its assignment ‘to safeguard the peace in the Punjab’ during the partition of India is evident from the transfer of populations and tens of thousands of deaths. However, the actions of the Force and the circumstances of its failure are of interest to those concerned with the partition process, and have not, it appears, been discussed in any detail.
17 citations
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TL;DR: The period from 1937 to 1946, between the first and second elections to provincial legislatures held in British India under the 1935 Government of India Act, is one of great interest in Indo-Pakistani history as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The period from 1937 to 1946, between the first and second elections to provincial legislatures held in British India under the 1935 Government of India Act, is one of great interest in Indo-Pakistani history. This was the period of ‘if only,’ the period in which it is still possible to imagine an unpartitioned South Asia.
17 citations
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TL;DR: The Muslim University movement represented nothing less than an effort to create an all-India Muslim constituency and to carve out for it a decisive piece of political power as mentioned in this paper, which was political both in its attempt to consolidate support to influence specific government policies, and also as a direct challange to British control of the educational access too power.
Abstract: The campaign to establish a Muslim University at Aligarh is a good example of the confluence of education and politics in modern India. The political motives involved were similar to those that lay behind the founding of the Mahomedan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875: a sense that English education was a prerequisite to enfranchisement. By the turn of the century, the stakes were higher and the interests involved had expanded in number and complexity. The Muslim University movement represented nothing less than an effort to create an all-India Muslim constituency and to carve out for it a decisive piece of political power. It was political both in its attempt to consolidate support to influence specific government policies, and also as a direct challange to British control of the educational access too power.
17 citations
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TL;DR: There are two 'classical' interpretations of modern Indian economic history as discussed by the authors : one is based on the assumption that the society could not modernize itself, could not from its own internal dynamics transform its values and its social structure in ways that would permit sustained economic growth.
Abstract: There are two 'classical' interpretations of modern Indian economic history. By 'classical' I mean widely accepted, elegantly integrated general formulations which incorporate a large amount of information about the career of the system. Each formulation makes certain behavioral and social structural assumptions and each took shape initially in the context of specific policy objectives. The overriding problem of South Asian poverty and how to overcome it was a major concern of the Indian Nationalists. It was also an important intellectual concern of the defenders of British imperial rule. And economic history became an important weapon in that debate. This statement is not intended to provide support for any crude mechanistic interpretation of the relation between politics and scholarship. I want to suggest only that great issues provoke significant responses, that scholars are citizens and that the major questions with which we are concerned derive not only from the internal logic of a subject but also from the strategic issues of an era. Put simply, every generation ultimately deals most vigorously with the issues that bother it most.i This is a rather cursory view of the sociology of scholarship, but it is sufficient to lead us to an understanding of the specific preoccupations of economic historians of India during the past century. The poverty of South Asia was the specific concern; the causes of that poverty were the issue. The specific policy proposals that emerged depended on which factors were considered decisive. From the standpoint of what conveniently—if possibly inappropriately—can be called the 'imperialist' tradition, the Indian value system and sociopolitical structure were the fundamental causes of South Asian poverty. This interpretation was based on the assumption that the society could not modernize itself, could not from its own internal dynamics transform its values and its social structure in ways that would permit sustained economic growth. And because the South Asian economy could not pull itself up by its own bootstraps, it had to be changed by outside forces. The value system had to be transformed and the social structure— caste, family, property relations—had to be shattered. This interpretation did not necessarily contain any justification of specific forms of economic
16 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace the changes of syllabus of the Early Ch'ing Provincial Examination, while on the other hand, a rational approach is adopted to account for the changes.
Abstract: The main aim of this paper is to trace the changes of syllabus of the Early Ch'ing Provincial Examination, while on the other hand, a rational approach is adopted to account for the changes. The Provincial Examination is chosen for discussion, mainly because its successful candidates (chu-jen) were eligible for office and because the Metropolitan Examination (hui-shih), a more advanced public examination which produced chin-shih, bore a close resemblance to it.
16 citations
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TL;DR: Sansom and others have depicted Japanese education during the first three decades of the Meiji period (1868-1912) as follows: during the 1870s Japanese education was completely dominated by the Western philosophies and principles which were flooding a country newly opened to foreign intercourse after two and one-half centuries of isolation.
Abstract: George Sansom once called the history of education in late nine-teenth-century Japan ‘a useful example of a reaction against foreign influence and a return to tradition in the midst of a strenuous process of “modernization”.’ Sansom and others have depicted Japanese education during the first three decades of the Meiji period (1868–1912) as follows: during the 1870s Japanese education was completely dominated by the Western philosophies and principles which were flooding a country newly opened to foreign intercourse after two and one-half centuries of isolation. This extreme Westernization led to a ‘conservative reaction’ in government and education circles during the 1880s. This, in turn, culminated in the Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890 and the emphasis on ‘traditional’ moral education which was the hallmark of schooling in the 1890S. This shift in educational policy on the part of the Meiji government has been seen as ‘part of the general swing during the 1880s away from unnecessarily close imitation of the West and back towards more traditional values.’
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TL;DR: The Khilafat movement as discussed by the authors was a political agitation designed to pressure the British government to preserve the defeated Ottoman Empire and its ruler, the Caliph of Islam, and was also, more fundamentally, a campaign to unite Indian Muslims politically by means of religious and cultural symbols meaningful to all strata of the community.
Abstract: The Khilafat movement, which took place among Indian Muslims immediately following the First World War, was so called because it was a political agitation designed to pressure the British government to preserve the defeated Ottoman Empire and its ruler, the Caliph of Islam. The Khilafat movement was also, more fundamentally, a campaign to unite Indian Muslims politically by means of religious and cultural symbols meaningful to all strata of the community. The movement gained added significance because it took place simultaneously, and cooperated fully, with Gandhi's first non-violent non-cooperation movement against British rule. Muslim and Hindu were thus engaged in parallel political activity: the broadening of national political participation from the elite to the mass through new techniques of organization and communication.
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TL;DR: The authors examined Mulk Raj Anand's novels in order to gain insight into the politics of the Indian revolutionary elite, and, in particular, into the conflicts between their cultural background and professions of political faith, their image of themselves, and the utopia they sought.
Abstract: Mulk Raj Anand was one of the leading figures among the politically committed Indian novelists writing in English during the nineteen thirties and forties. He published several novels after Independence, but most of his writings appeared before 1947 and dealt with the political choices facing the Indian of that era. The intention of this paper is to examine Mulk Raj Anand's novels in order to gain insight into the politics of the Indian revolutionary elite, and, in particular, into the conflicts between their cultural background and professions of political faith, their image of themselves, and the utopia they sought.
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TL;DR: The feasibility of an Anglo-Japanese nonaggression pact, one of the purposes of which would be to check the demands of the Japanese navy, was seriously considered by the British as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: For Japan and Britain, 1934 was a year when naval policy was a major issue. During that year, decisions had to be made on the future of the Washington and London naval disarmament treaties, and, for both Tokyo and London, the political implications of the abrogation or renewal of these treaties were at least as important as the technical. The Japanese Government could not afford to renew the treaties, the British Government could not afford to see them go. In this situation, the feasibility of an Anglo-Japanese non-aggression pact, one of the purposes of which would be to check the demands of the Japanese navy, was seriously considered by the British.
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TL;DR: The relationship between agriculture, natural calamity, standards of living, and population growth in India has been investigated in this article, but only preliminary work has been done on the actual expansion of population and hardly a page has been written on the economic and medical reasons for change.
Abstract: What were the relationships between agriculture, natural calamity, standards of living, and population growth in India? To what extent were Indian agriculturalists able to raise their standard of living in the nineteenth century under British rule? Why did population grow, or fail to expand, in particular regions and provinces at certain times? Historians have left these questions virtually untouched. Population growth has been at the center of the controversy about the impact of British rule. But only preliminary work has been done on the actual expansion of population, and hardly a page has been written on the economic and medical reasons for change.
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TL;DR: The authors argued that the picture of a happy and prosperous peasantry derived from T. C. Smith's description of a dynamic, expanding economy in the eighteenth century, with steady growth in agricultural productivity and increased urbanization has been overdrawn.
Abstract: This article expresses some dissatisfaction with the state of interpretation of economic and social trends in Japan during the Tokugawa period from 1603 to 1867. At one time there was a universal view that the Tokugawa economy was stagnant and characterized by extreme oppression of the peasantry. This view has been demolished by the writings of, for example, T. C. Smith, E. S. Crawcour, S. Hanley, Kozo Yamamura and C. D. Sheldon. Yet, it is argued here, much confusion remains after a close examination of these and other works. Crawcour and Yamamura have shown that the financial crisis at the end of the period is closely associated with a sharp deceleration of the spread of commercial transactions, but it is at least arguable that the picture of ‘a happy and prosperous peasantry’ (which is, apparently, derived from T. C. Smith's description of a dynamic, expanding economy in the eighteenth century, with steady growth in agricultural productivity and increased urbanization) has been overdrawn.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors attempt to answer three main questions: the first, who has access to university education? the second, what are the changes in the spread of opportunities for university education between 1950 and 1967? and finally, what employment do university students expect to obtain?
Abstract: In this paper I attempt to answer three main questions: the first, who has access to university education? the second, what are the changes in the spread of opportunities for university education between 1950 and 1967? and finally, what employment do university students expect to obtain? and briefly to examine the implications of the answers to these questions in the formulation of educational policy.
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TL;DR: In this article, Bianco pointed out that the Red Army's responsiveness to the people's needs was also a vital factor in the upsurge of support for the CCP during the Second World War.
Abstract: attempts to mobilize the peasantry in the 1923-37 period. Bianco nonetheless ventures to conclude that 'the peasants who made the Chinese Revolution were not ready to make it on the eve of the Second World War' (p. 107). This assertion may well be true, but it needs qualification which takes fully into account political developments in the countryside before 1937. Evidence to be found in the work of Shinkichi Eto, Roy Hofheinz, Donald Gillen, Selden, and others, indicates that the CCP had some remarkable success from 1923 to 1937 in winning peasant support on the basis of radical social programmes. To be sure, the Communists also suffered repeated setbacks in the countryside during this period; but these were due largely to military weakness, not to peasant apathy. Given Bianco's view that the peasantry was not ripe for revolution before the late 1930s, it is not surprising that he is strongly attracted by Chalmers Johnson's 'peasant nationalism' thesis. But Bianco feels compelled to try to qualify and supplement this thesis by pointing out that a social consideration —the Red Army's responsiveness to the people's needs—was also a vital factor in the upsurge of support for the CCP during the Second World War. His views on the relative importance of social and national considerations are not entirely clear. At one point (p. 158) he gives precedence to the former; but earlier (pp. 150-3) he seems to stress the latter. In any case, he does in fact succeed, though without his usual trenchancy, in improving on Johnson's thesis. It should be noted in this connexion, however, that a good case can be made for attributing to peasant nationalism less importance than Bianco does. One wishes, in view of Bianco's grasp of the profound social crisis in the countryside, that he gave more careful attention in his book to this viewpoint—even if only to refute it.
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TL;DR: This paper explored the relationship between stress patterns of disyllabic constructions in the Peking Dialect of Modern Chinese and their grammatical structure and suggested that the existing diverse stress patterns represent different stages of stress shift which is the mechanism employed to signal a formative grammatical process leading from loose syntactical to close morphological constructions.
Abstract: This paper explores the relationship between stress patterns of disyllabic constructions in the Peking Dialect of Modern Chinese and their grammatical structure. It suggests that the existing diverse stress patterns represent different stages of stress shift which is the mechanism employed to signal a formative grammatical process leading from loose syntactical to close morphological constructions. It finally proposes that, apart from the well-known effects of stress shift such as the loss of the tone and reduction in the segmental structure of unstressed syllables, the process ultimately results in the fusion of syllables and the appearance of relatively more complex syllabic shapes.
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TL;DR: The reason for this is that scholars tend to be rather solemn people who may enjoy reading humorous verse in the brief periods of recreation which they allow themselves, but to whom the thought simply does not occur that a man may express in humorous verse ideas just as significant, and basically just as serious, as, let us say, a man who writes a voluminous commentary on holy writ.
Abstract: AKBAR Ilah-ab-adl-Akbar of Allahabad has been the victim of much injustice at the hands of scholars, both in the West and in the Inclo-Pakistan subcontinent that was his homeland.l The reason is a simple one. Akbar's fame is based and quite properly based upon his humorous verse; and scholars tend to be rather solemn people who may enjoy reading humorous verse in the brief periods of recreation which they allow themselves, but to whom the thought simply does not occur that a man may express in humorous verse ideas just as significant, and basically just as serious, as, let us say, a man who writes a voluminous commentary on holy writ. Akbar was such a poet. Indeed in one of his verses he tells us as much 2
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TL;DR: McLaughlin this article argued that the behavior of individual employers, which reinforces or creates labor market stratification, is explicable as behavior that employers see as enhancing either their own or their firm's welfare-not as behavior they perceive as enhancing the interests of their class.
Abstract: ened class consciousness and more determined class action which increases relative bargaining power.\" In some ways, this describes what some workers have done in the past through labor unions. What intrigues me is the suggestion that reaching this conclusion requires the adoption of radical economic theory. Is it not possible for orthodox theory to accept the view that interest groups have economic and political power and that, consequently many economic outcomes are the results of bargaining situations? An evaluation of the radical perspective requires an assessment of whether radical theory has contributed in an important way to our understanding of the problem and to the development of solutions. In my view, it does not seem necessary to go beyond dual labor market theory to handle the phenomenon of labor market stratification, and dual market theory can be integrated into the framework of orthodox theory just as the findings of the labor market studies of twenty years ago were incorporated. In my opinion, the question of values is most important in economics at the level of the choice of research topics. In this respect, the radical critique of recent years has been important in encouraging economists to reorder their research priorities. The choice of problems studied by economists is more important than whether they espouse vigorously the neoclassical, radical, or any other paradigm. A pragmatic, eclectic approach may go further in dealing with economic and social problems than any of the more ideological alternatives. Although I fail to see that there is any basis in what is described in Gordon's book as a full-fledged methodological controversy, I think much of the radical view of labor market stratification is accurate. I have one reservation, however: the behavior of individual employers, which reinforces or creates labor market stratification, is explicable as behavior that employers see as enhancing either their own or their firm's welfare-not as behavior they perceive as enhancing the interests of their class. I do not think it is necessary to explain the phenomenon of stratification in terms of actions taken consciously to enhance class interests, even if this is the ultimate effect. This assertion adds nothing important to the radical analysis, but it does detract from its credibility. Francis M. McLaughlin Associate Professor Department of Economics Boston College
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors make a distinction between the post-1950 era and the earlier period, arguing that the latter is associated as much with the dearth of statistics as the former is with the proliferation of quantitative measurements of varying quality.
Abstract: modern economist. To quote but one example, GNP (Gross National Product), apart from the briefest mention in the section on the relative importance of manufacturing in Chapter 6, appears to be an exclusive property of the post-1950 era. Thus, in the period 1850-1902, 'the government had neither responsibility for, nor control over, the supply of money, which adjusted itself automatically to the needs of trade' (p. 151), but, 'the rise in the money supply (since 1950) kept pace with the rise in gross national product, which means that the income velocity of money (GNP-i-Sm) remained fairly stable' (p. 306). This difference in style, however, seems inevitable, for the earlier period is associated as much with the dearth of statistics as the latter is with the proliferation of quantitative measurements of varying quality. This significant change is also clearly reflected in the methodology of description and analysis in the source references cited. However, this incongruity should not distract the reader from the otherwise lucid treatment of a highly complex subject, and the excellent quality of the book is its best recommendation to all who are interested in Thailand in particular and modern Asia in general.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the author deliberately avoids any evaluation of Ch'ien-lung's political attitudes and achievements throughout the greater part of his reign, and deliberately avoids (p. 261) any evaluation on how great a monarch he really was, while ignoring the side issues like the Yung-lo usurpation in the early Ming and the historical precedents for abdication.
Abstract: cussions of side issues like the Yung-lo usurpation in the early Ming and the historical precedents for abdication. As to Ch'ien-lung's political attitudes and achievements throughout the greater part of his reign we remain little the wiser; the author deliberately avoids (p. 261) any evaluation of how great a monarch he really was. On such questions a more conventional political-intellectual treatment (perhaps in the manner of David Nivison's stimulating article, 'Ho-shen and his accusers', frequently cited here) is likely to yield greater results than Mr Kahn's brilliantly impressionistic approach. But to Ch'ien-lung's own question (p. 260): 'Who knows the true self of this man?', it is, alas, unlikely, given the nature of the sources, that any truly satisfactory answer will ever be forthcoming.
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TL;DR: The Dilemmas of growth is an excellent collection of papers bound into a unity of aim and execution for which James Morley and the contributors are to be accorded the highest praise as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: answers. Hayashi's study is perhaps the least impressive of the three efforts in comparison of the two countries, but the subject is of such enormous interest that virtually any delineation of the march towards the Second World War in both East and West that compares the two is bound to excite the historical imagination. It must be said that there is implicit in these comparisons a moral judgment: both countries were the aggressors and an attempt must be made to seek out the historical roots of their aggression. Does the explanation lie in the forced pace of industrialization, in the resulting economic duality, in the circumstances of unification with their attendant emphasis on militarism, Emperor-worship and so on, in the survival of politically powerful but economically vulnerable agrarian sectors? These and many other possibilities are canvassed and overlaid with such diverting questions as: 'Was Japan really fascist?' Edwin Reischauer feels that there are more differences than similarities between Germany and Japan, but all agreed that something did 'go wrong' and the debate is likely to be endless. Dilemmas of Growth is an excellent collection of papers bound into a unity of aim and execution for which James Morley and the contributors are to be accorded the highest praise. The series of six Princeton volumes and the other work of the contributors have transformed the study and teaching of Japanese history over the past decade. It has been an enormously significant achievement.