Showing papers in "Modern Asian Studies in 1980"
TL;DR: In the 1946 elections, the League won 75 of the total Muslim seats as mentioned in this paper, which was the best result in the history of the Muslim League in the Punjab's last elections.
Abstract: On August 21st 1945 the viceroy announced that elections would be held that Winter to the Central and Provincial Legislative Assemblies. They were to precede the convention of a constitution-making body for British India. The Muslim League had to succeed in this crucial test if its popular support of its demand for Pakistan was to be credible. In particular it had to succeed in the Punjab as there could be no Pakistan without that province. But in the Punjab's last elections held in 1937 the League had fared disastrously. It had put forward a mere seven candidates for the 85 Muslim seats and only two had been successful. In the 1946 elections the League won 75 of the total Muslim seats. This improvement in its performance which had momentous implications for the future for the subcontinent requires explanation.
38 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the publisher is the bride's parents, the readers are the bridegroom, and the kashihonya is the go-between, where the publishers are the parents and readers are brides.
Abstract: The publisher is the bride's parents, the readers are the bridegroom, and the kashihonya is the go-between.
34 citations
TL;DR: Evidence from Rajasthan and elsewhere is adduced which shows the peasant cultivator to be more likely to cut back his current food intake rather than risk a loss of future production by depleting his capital assets, and N. N. Jodha sees that farmers are rational and plan for the future, the disagreement being whether they plan for crop failures in the midst of good harvests or plan for goodHarvests in the middle of crop failures.
Abstract: What, in detail, do Indian peasants do when famine looms? How do they defend themselves, who succumbs and who survives? Recently several talented economic historians have given these questions a vigorous airing. Morris D. Morris in particular set off the discussion by suggesting that South Asian peasants are well prepared for periodic drought famines. He argues (I compress him almost to parody) that long experience with the monsoon's periodic failures has taught the Indian cultivator prudence: when crops begin to fail the cultivator draws upon previously stored substances—his wife's jewelry, grain, cattle, etc.—and sells them or barters them to keep up his usual level of food consumption. Thus, while his assets are cyclically depleted and replenished, he can usually stave off the most feared effect of drought, which is starvation. N. S. Jodha, however, has partially contradicted Morris by adducing evidence from Rajasthan and elsewhere which shows the peasant cultivator to be more likely to cut back his current food intake rather than risk a loss of future production by depleting his capital assets. Like Morris, Jodha sees that farmers are rational and plan for the future, the disagreement being whether they plan for crop failures in the midst of good harvests or plan for good harvests in the midst of crop failures In fact these two views, suitably softened, are not incompatible, and one can imagine both operating at different phases of a worsening episode of drought.
28 citations
TL;DR: In the context of Indian nationalism, the model that will be studied for its impact on the mind of India's first generation of political leaders, belongs to the Irish Home Rule movement launched in 1870 and welded by Charles Stewart Parnell into a powerful anti-imperial force as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In the historiography of Indian nationalism the didactic impact of the West is generally recognized but seldom detailed. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the nature of Ireland's contribution to the development of an Indian national consciousness in the formative phase of political awakening. It is hoped to establish that while many of the ideals of civic freedom and patriotism were derived from continental sources, the immediate lessons of a country struggling to free itself from the British ‘colonial’ yoke were provided essentially by Ireland. In this context, the model that will be studied for its impact on the mind of India's first generation of political leaders, belongs to the Irish Home Rule movement launched in 1870 and welded by Charles Stewart Parnell into a powerful anti-imperial force.
27 citations
TL;DR: I shall turn Japanese, for they at least can think, and be reticent! But I fail to see any Western people in a position to set the Japs an example in their diplomacy, their organization, their strategy, their virile qualities, their devotion and self control.
Abstract: I shall turn Japanese, for they at least can think, and be reticent! … I fail to see any Western people in a position to set the Japs an example in their diplomacy … their organization, their strategy, their virile qualities, their devotion and self control. Above all, their national capacity for self reliance, self-sacrifice and their silence, …
26 citations
TL;DR: The history of the European empires still seems to be virtually synonymous with their military power and with stories of battles in tropical climes; by contrast, academic historians of imperialism now show little interest in purely military history as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: To a general reading public the history of the European empires still seems to be virtually synonymous with their military power and with stories of battles in tropical climes; by contrast, academic historians of imperialism now show little interest in purely military history. Campaigns and battles were no doubt frequently the means by which European power came to be exerted over other parts of the world, but, especially from the early nineteenth century onwards, their outcome was generally predictable. If the Europeans were prepared to make adequate efforts, their ultimate success was not usually in doubt. Defeats occurred often enough at the hands of Africans or Asians, but where it seemed worthwhile to do so, at least until the Russo—Japanese War, these defeats were sooner or later avenged. Historians' debates have therefore tended to concentrate not on the means of expansion but on the motives for it: why Europeans should have wished to exert their power or why they should have been drawn into doing so in certain situations. Books on battles are left to decorate that somewhat improbable piece of furniture, the coffee table.
24 citations
TL;DR: The rapid expansion of European power throughout much of the world in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was a matter of wonder at the time, just as its causes have remained a subject of contention ever since as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The rapid expansion of European power throughout much of the world in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was a matter of wonder at the time, just as its causes have remained a subject of contention ever since. To pious contemporaries it was simply the natural triumph of the True Faith over pagan and infidel. Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, wrote of his ‘just war’ against the tyrant Aztec emperor and his people addicted to unspeakable practices. Freedom to navigate the Indian Ocean, maintained Joao de Barros, the chronicler of Portuguese triumphs, was properly denied by his compatriots to those ignorant of Christianity and Roman Law. More recently, subtler explanations have come into fashion. The penetration by Portugal (with about 1,500,000 inhabitants) of the maritime economy of Asia (sustaining populations of millions), and the destruction by Castile (with a population of about 7,500,000) of the Aztec empire, some 27,000,000 strong, were the victories of superior morale. Europeans, with their will to win,
overcame the adherents of stoic, passive and pessimistic religions, or, as M. Chaunu unkindly puts it, quality triumphed over quantity.3 Equally all-embracing is the thesis that meat-eating Iberian warriors had a natural advantage over the troops of civilizations whose grain-based diets were deficient in protein, or that Europeans, with their superior technology-their firearms and their sailing ships mounting artillery— were the predestined winners in any conflict with the less technologically advanced.4 The aim of this paper is to suggest that such arguments have little to commend them, and that European success very largely came from the adept exploitation of conflicts and divisions in indigenous societies, and from the securing of indigenous aid. Such behaviour reflects the pragmatic approach of European commanders in the field, typified by Afonso de Albuquerque, the captor of Goa–future capital of the Estado da India–who there pressed into service all from local dancing girls and musicians to war elephants and mercenaries.5 But such proceedings also reflect the attitudes of an age highly conscious, through resurgent knowledge of the classics, of the virtues of statecraft, just as they reflect, of course, the willingness of some elements in non- European societies to come to terms, for a variety of reasons, with alien intruders.
24 citations
TL;DR: The sugar industry in Java was transformed almost beyond recognition during the course of the nineteenth century as discussed by the authors by Dutch East India Company rule, which effectively lasted until the arrival on the island of Governor-General Daendels in 1808.
Abstract: Java's long-established sugar industry was transformed almost beyond recognition during the course of the nineteenth century. Under Dutch East India Company rule, which effectively lasted until the arrival on the island of Governor-General Daendels in 1808, sugar production had been organized almost exclusively by Chinese entrepreneurs, whose dozens of small sugar factories and plantations were scattered across the lowlands around Batavia (present day Jakarta). Their output played a subsidiary role in the prevailing pattern of colonial exploitation, was unable to compete in Europe with the production of West Indian sugar colonies and consequently found a sale, for the most part, only in other ‘protected’ Asian markets. During the nineteenth century, all this changed. First under government auspices—the so-called Cultivation System—and later under the direction of metropolitan-owned Sugar Corporations, the industry was transformed into a paradigm of colonial economic ‘development’. It was efficient, immensely profitable and productive (vast quantities of sugar were exported to the West), heavily capitalized and equipped with the best and most up-to-date machinery.
22 citations
TL;DR: The nationalist rhetoric of Aurobindo Ghosh and other leaders of the political movement protesting the decision of the Government of British India to partition Bengal province in 1905 contained frequent allusions to Hindu myths and symbols.
Abstract: The nationalist rhetoric of Aurobindo Ghosh and other leaders of the political movement protesting the decision of the Government of British India to partition Bengal province in 1905 contained frequent allusions to Hindu myths and symbols. Militant political leaders primarily drew upon Śakta symbolism, especially the imagery of the Hindu cult of Kālī worship, and they adopted philosophical justifications of nationalism which were based on modernist, Neo-Hindu interpretation of Śaṁkara's Vedānta philosophy. The nation was described as an incarnation of the goddess Kālī, and nationalists were considered her devotees.
13 citations
TL;DR: The Imperial Household Agency's capacity for survival, despite the many transformations in Japanese society and politics over the past thirteen hundred years, has few parallels in the history of human institutions as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The imperial institution's capacity for survival, despite the many transformations in Japanese society and politics over the past thirteen hundred years, has few parallels in the history of human institutions. In 1965 the Imperial Household Agency could legitimately claim that the structure for managing the palace even today, though changed several times, including the ‘epoch-making’ renovation of 1947, could be traced back to the Taihō Institutes of 701.
12 citations
TL;DR: In an interview given in July 1974, Intiār Ḥusain, one of the most perceptive creative writers of Pakistan, had this to say about the experience of migration that was the direct outcome of the Partition of India in 1947: But today, after our political ups and downs, I find myself in a different mood as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In an interview given in July 1974, Intiār Ḥusain, one of the most perceptive creative writers of Pakistan, had this to say about the experience of migration that was the direct outcome of the Partition of India in 1947:A decade ago when I was talking about the experience of migration and the articles I wrote concerning it, I was in a state of great hope and optimism. It was then my feeling that in the process of the Partition we had sudenly, almost by accident, regained a lost, great experience—namely, the experience of migration, hijrat, which has a place all its own in the history of the Muslims—and that it will give us a lot. But today, after our political ups and downs, I find myself in a different mood. Now I feel that sometimes a great experience comes to be lost to a nation; often nations forget their history. I do not mean that a nation does, or has to, keep its history alive in its memory in every period. There also comes a time when a nation completely forgets its past. So, that experience, I mean the experience of migration, is unfortunately lost to us and on us. And the great expectation that we had of making something out of it at a creative level and of exploiting it in developing a new consciousness and sensibility—that bright expectation has now faded and gone.
TL;DR: Tambiah has drawn attention to two recent developments in Thai Buddhism which strike him as having a particularly seminal significance as mentioned in this paper, the first is the new politico-economic role of monks themselves as promoters of government-sponsored community development programmes.
Abstract: S. J. Tambiah has drawn attention to two recent developments in Thai Buddhism which strike him as having a particularly seminal significance. The first is ‘the new politico-economic role of monks themselves as promoters of government-sponsored community development programmes’. The characteristics of this aspect of Thai Buddhism have been charted into the early seventies at least, by Tambiah, Suksamran and Ruth-Inge Heinze.
TL;DR: In the case of India, a number of scholars turned to a Marxist class analysis to explain the Indian situation; by the mid-I97os a political economy model had begun to take shape that did offer a reasonable explanation of the pervasive inequality in India as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Given the system of parliamentary democracy that India developed after its independence in I947, it is understandable that pluralism came to be the major paradigm used to explain Indian politics. But just as the persistence of economic inequality was instrumental in calling pluralism into question as an appropriate model for explaining the American political system, so the continuation and even increase of inequality in India led social scientists to question the pluralist approach for India. And, as in the American case, a number of scholars turned to a Marxist class analysis to explain the Indian situation; by the mid-I97os a political economy model had begun to take shape that did offer a reasonable explanation of the pervasive inequality in India. Also, Mrs Gandhi's Emergency of 1975-77 fits very easily into this class analysis approach. But then came the elections of I977 and the ouster of Mrs Gandhi at the polls, an event not explicable in terms of the Marxist model, but which fits very well into the pluralist framework. Which model, then, is more appropriate to employ in accounting for the Indian system? The best answer seems to be to try to fit the pluralist approach within the Marxist one, with the latter carrying most of the explanatory load. * * * As the world's largest democracy, then the world's largest (or second largest, depending on one's view of the People's Republic of China) dictatorship, then again democracy, India has exercised a great fascination for students of politics. This fascination has been accompanied, naturally enough, by a compulsion to explain, to abstract, to get at underlying significance, to apply paradigms.
TL;DR: The development of official Japanese interest in Hainan was largely the work of the governor-general's office in Taiwan as mentioned in this paper, which was the desire to emulate the success which they had achieved in Taiwan in an area further south which could offer a full range of tropical products for the use of the Japanese economy.
Abstract: Japanese interest in Hainan stemmed from the desire to emulate the success which they had achieved in Taiwan in an area further south which could offer a full range of tropical products for theuse of the Japanese economy. The naval importance of Hainan was also recognized, because it could dominate the South China Sea from the excellent harbour of San-ya ( Samah) Bay, and there were indications that the island was rich in minerals. The development of official Japanese interest in the island was largely the work of the governor-general's office in Taiwan. Thus in 1918 and 1919 an official from Taiwan called Kaku () was sent to Hainan to observe conditions under the title of special sales office head. In the 1920's the Taiwan government sponsored conferences o the South China Japanese consuls to discuss plans for the area, and in 1935 a conference was held production in the tropics, to coordinate research on the economy, production possibilities and culture of the tropical part of China.Meanwhile Chinese government interest in Hainan began to be aroused in the 1930's, culminating in the visit of T.V. Soong, one of the highest ministers of e Kuintang government, in 1936. Thereafter a rail route a west of the island was surveyed but no furthe progress was made. Private businessmen in the 1930's began to develop rubber plantations to join those set up with overseas Chinese capital in the 1910's,and there was a sharp rise in the area planted to sugar in 1936 as the price of sugar rose. Hence when war broke out between China and Japa,the possibilities for the development were just beginning to be explored.1
TL;DR: In this article, a detailed study of the development of theological thought in India from the 1870s to the present day can be found in the context of the Hayat-i-Jawid book.
Abstract: Sayyid had published and demonstrated his theological principles. And this was achieved without, perhaps because he was without, a maulvi's education, like the great twentieth-century Indo-Muslim thinker Maulana Maududi. One part of his work remains unique in modern Muslim theological scholarship, the evaluation of the Christian and Jewish scriptures and dogma till the coming of Muhammad. Another part, his promotion of the historical study of Muslim religious thought is widely accepted by Indian Muslims today. He influenced Shibli, Iqbal and Azad markedly, while the contents of madrassa libraries reveal that he remains a challenge to the modern ulama. But a full understanding of his influence awaits, as Troll says, the much needed detailed study of the development of theological thought in India from the 1870s. It is a pity that Troll himself could not have placed Sir Sayyid more illuminatingly in the context of modern Islamic thought, but like Lelyveld he limits his scope with that endemic thesis-writer's caution. This may rob him of the wider audience he deserves, as will the lack of a glossary which is demanded by the many Arabic technical terms he uses. On the other hand the book remains a remarkable feat of scholarship in Arabic, Persian and Urdu; there are not many western scholars who can pick up faint resonances of Shah Waliullah or Imam Ghazali in an Urdu text. There are not many too whose understanding remains so little clouded by secularism and materialism. Troll should be read with Lelyveld to gain some balance of interpretation. Together the two books mark the greatest single advance in our appreciation of Sir Sayyid's achievement since Hali published Hayat-i Jawid in 1901. They also suggest what might be learned should one scholar devote himself to studying in depth every aspect of this remarkable human being.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study the role of middleman roles in rural Thailand, focusing on the ways in which such roles alter as village communities become progressively more deeply enmeshed in larger national or regional systems.
Abstract: relatively autonomous systems into a broader political and socioeconomic framework,' generating in the process new pressures on local systems as they are forced to reformulate their relationship with the encompassing state. Even in the case of peasant societies where there is, by definition, a relationship between local community and an overarching political and economic structure,2 there has, historically, been a high degree of decentralization in many spheres, and a relatively low demand for the integration of the total society. The process of modernization, however, is generally accompanied by increasing central interference in subordinate systems, leading to new pressures, opportunities, interests and alignments. Under these conditions of growing entanglement, the roles of those who stand at the crucial meeting points between village and larger worlds become increasingly important and complex-particularly in societies where institutionalized channels of demand articulation are weakly developed-and a study of these roles, both formal and informal, can reveal a great deal about the processes and pressures of national integration.3 The purpose of the present paper is twofold. In the first place it seeks to work towards an understanding of the dynamics of middleman roles in rural Thailand, concentrating on the ways in which such roles alter as village communities become progressively more deeply enmeshed in larger national or regional systems. Secondly, it aims to draw attention
TL;DR: The main reason no doubt is due to the policy Roches pursued and the role he is alleged to have played; although in fact the main line of his policy did not differ radically from that of his Western colleagues and his role had tended to be exaggerated.
Abstract: The majority of foreigners involved in the turbulent period marking Japan's early transformation to modernity have been relegated to the obscurity of archival research, only occasionally surfacing in specialist studies. One exception is Leon Roches, head of the French legation from 1864 to 1868; he enjoys a considerable degree of notoriety and controversy, with very few of even the most general works no modern Japanese history failing to mention him. The major reason no doubt is due to the policy Roches pursued and the role he is alleged to have played; although in fact the main line of his policy did not differ radically from that of his Western colleagues and his role had tended to be exaggerated.
TL;DR: This paper surveys the changing sources of entrepreneurship in the Chinese coal industry between 1895 and 1937 and suggests reasons for the prominence or otherwise of the various groups involved, including followers and adaptors who made a vital contribution to industrialization.
Abstract: The emergence of new groups in society willing and able to supply capital and enterprise to modern industry is one of the crucial aspects of economic development. The sources of entrepreneurship in China and the relations of those entrepreneurs with the rest of society have been insufficiently studied. Previous writers have tended to focus on outstanding individuals such as Sheng Hsuan-huai and Chang Chien, and to pay insufficient attention to their more run-of-the-mill followers. This paper surveys the changing sources of entrepreneurship in the Chinese coal industry between 1895 and 1937 and suggests reasons for the prominence or otherwise of the various groups involved. The concept of entrepreneurship used here is one much wider than the classic Schumpeterian definition, and includes the followers and adaptors who, as Redlich points out, also make a vital contribution to industrialization. Thus we take into our view all those who made a contribution to the development of modern coal mining enterprises as entrepreneurs, as managers or as stockholders—in many cases these functions overlapped. The companies covered are those owned either wholly or partly by Chinese nationals. Such companies accounted for 50–60 per cent of China's coal output of about 30 million tons in the 1930s.
TL;DR: The authors survey the impact of Chinese politics, economics, and society on the frontier, and examine the changes wrought by foreign imperialism and Chinese nationalism on frontier policies of the Ch'ing government.
Abstract: WHILE China's response to Western imperialism during the closing years of the Ch'ing dynasty has been the subject of thoughtful and imaginative research, the history of China's frontiers during that period, by contrast, has received relatively little attention. This article attempts to survey briefly the impact which the transformation of Chinese politics, economics and society had on the frontier, Outer Mongolia in particular, and to examine the changes wrought by foreign imperialism and Chinese nationalism on the frontier policies of the Ch'ing government.
TL;DR: In this paper, the degree of system rigidity of three major dialect groups, namely, the Cantonese, the Hakkas and the Hokkiens, was investigated at the individual level.
Abstract: ABSTRACT The study attempts to delineate the degree of system rigidity of three major dialect groups, namely, the Cantonese, the Hakkas and the Hokkiens. The principal source of data is derived from inscriptions collected by Chen and Tan (1972). The findings reveal that at the individual level the system boundary of the Hokkiens was more rigid than that of the Cantonese and the Hakkas. This confirms earlier observations made at the organizational level. Earlier observations dictate that after 1854 the Cantonese and the Hakkas were, at the organizational level, not on good terms. This was, however, not the case at the individual level. We also found that the system boundary of religious organizations, i.e., temples and burial ground bodies, was least rigid.
TL;DR: In this paper, a detailed analysis of the military role in Thai politics since the coup of October 1976 ended Thailand's chaotic three-year democratic experiment and reinstated uniformed power is presented.
Abstract: Faced with the progression of events outlined above, it is small wonder that observers of the Thai political scene at times are a bit baffled as to precisely what is transpiring in the kingdom's continued search for a stable political future. Yet beneath the headlines and seemingly blatant military power grabbing lies a web of internal happenings which is not only in a sense predictable, but to which there is an order and a fitful progress towards some form of popular representation. That this is so will become clear in the course of this analysis dealing with the military role in politics since the coup of October 1976 ended Thailand's chaotic three-year democratic experiment and reinstated ‘uniformed power’.
TL;DR: Williamson's story has very much to do with the twenty years he lived in India before his return to England in 1798, both because this period was the career part of his life and on account of the wealth of experiences that it provided for him to draw upon later in his literary and musical compositions as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Thomas George Williamson, soldier, composer, music publisher and author, died in Paris in 1817. Though neither a great soldier nor particularly a significant creative writer, his attainments have qualified him for a short mention in various biographies and encyclopedias. None of these presents anything approaching an account of the whole man, however, because Williamson had a wide range of interests in which he invested his creative energies and he is known only from the standpoint of each of the subject specializations concerned without reference to the others. The present study was initiated by a commission to write an article on Williamson the composer for the new Grove's Dictionary of Music & Musicians, on whom in the previous edition three sentences had been devoted. Besides adding to a knowledge of his musical activities, source material has been brought together which could be of interest to historians and sociologists, not least in Asian studies. For Williamson's story has very much to do with the twenty years he lived in India before his return to England in 1798, both because this period was the career part of his life and on account of the wealth of experiences that it provided for him to draw upon later in his literary and musical compositions.
TL;DR: The distinction drawn in 1912 by Troeltsch between church and sect has been examined extensively by socologists of western religion as mentioned in this paper who have devoted much time and effort to delineating the principal characteristics of the denomination.
Abstract: Sociologists of western religion have devoted much time and effort to delineating the principal characteristics of the denomination. The discussion has emerged very largely from the distinction drawn in 1912 by Troeltsch between church and sect. The latter is represented as radical and egalitarian, at odds with the society of which it is a part, and demanding total commitment from its followers. By comparison, the former is hierarchic and conservative, at one with its social surroundings, and generally less concerned about the varying extent of members' adherence to the corporate body. There has ensued considerable discussion regarding the adequacy of this dichtomy, and a number of refinements and alternative schema have been proposed.
TL;DR: The main purpose of this brief article on the importance of the joint family in six villages in Anekal Taluk Bangalore District Karnataka State is to recommend a simple statistical method of measuring the incidence of jointness among the resident population; it also presents the results of my enquiry as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The main purpose of this brief article on the importance of the joint family in six villages in Anekal Taluk Bangalore District Karnataka State is to recommend a simple statistical method of measuring the incidence of jointness among the resident population; it also presents the results of my enquiry. (excerpt)
TL;DR: The most significant of the earlier initiatives came in December 1931, when Soviet Foreign Commissar, Maxim Litvinov, proposed a pact of nonaggression to the Japanese Foreign Minister designate, Yoshizawa Kenkichi.
Abstract: While the developments leading up to the signature of the Soviet—Japanese Neutrality Pact in April 1941 have received considerable attention from scholars, the antecedents of this pact, the discussions between Japan and Soviet Russia over non-aggression or neutrality agreements from the mid-1920s onwards, are less widely known. The most significant of the earlier initiatives came in December 1931, when Soviet Foreign Commissar, Maxim Litvinov, proposed a pact of non-aggression to the Japanese Foreign Minister designate, Yoshizawa Kenkichi. Subsequently, at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, a Soviet legal expert was to argue that the Japanese refusal to accept this proposal was proof of their aggressive plans for war on the Soviet Union.
TL;DR: In the years leading up to the outbreak of war in Europe in early September 1939 Japan had been busy tackling the commitments she had made in North China at first and then in the whole of China.
Abstract: In the years leading up to the outbreak of war in Europe in early September 1939 Japan had been busy tackling the commitments she had made in North China at first and then in the whole of China. Although war was not declared, Japan had been at war with China since July 1937. It was a war of attrition; both Japan and China claimed to be winning, yet neither could, on any occasion, see any prospect of a final and definite victory. So long as Japan's military operations were confined to the area of North China, the war was named the ‘North China Incident.’ It was called the ‘China Incident’ after her successive and more or less successful operations had spread to Central and South China. And when a war broke out in the Pacific in December 1941 the Sino-Japanese war became an inseparable part of the ‘Greater East Asia War’ (Dai-tōa sensō), a name rarely heard by now, since it soon gave way to the ‘Pacific War’ (Taiheiyō sensō) in the sense of Japan waging the war of the Ocean, or to the ‘Second World War’ in the global sense.
TL;DR: Kolenda as mentioned in this paper argues that jatis are primarily descent groups which stand in the relation that they do to each other by virtue of the Hindu concern with purity and pollution and its expression in the power of the more pure to secure service from the less.
Abstract: This is one of a series of anthropological 'modules' apparently intended for undergraduates and others new to the subject. Its title is a better indication of what it contains than its sub-title. Although Kolenda does have some very brief chapters at the end of it on politics and on the effects of the commercialization of agriculture and of migration to the city on caste, she concentrates on a review of the literature on villages. She argues that jatis are primarily descent groups which stand in the relation that they do to each other by virtue of the Hindu concern with purity and pollution and its expression in the power of the more pure to secure service from the less. In this way, she manages to reconcile a considerable number of apparently conflicting accounts. But the main virtue of the book is its extremely thorough, lucid and accurate summary and review of these accounts. It is remarkably untendentious and agreeably brief and excellent as an introduction to a literature which is not well summarized elsewhere.
TL;DR: In this paper, Islam compares the trend rate of +0.3 per cent of his revised series with the −0.2 per cent which Blyn found for Greater Bengal and suggests that the difference is caused by the isolation of Bengal proper from Bihar and Orissa.
Abstract: the assistance that IBM can provide. Thirdly, he has (hopefully) closed down the academic debate about the causes of the especially vicious decline of agricultural output in Bengal, as revealed by Blyn. It is worth noting, however, that Islam compares the trend rate of +0.3 per cent of his revised series with the —0.2 per cent which Blyn found for Greater Bengal and suggests that the difference is caused by the isolation of Bengal proper from Bihar and Orissa. But surely the proper comparison is between Blyn's figure of — o. 2 per cent for Greater Bengal, and the +0.9 per cent of the official data on Bengal proper, before Islam's revision exercises. This comparison suggests a quite catastrophic rate of decline in Bihar and Orissa, or, alternatively, a massive statistical freak. The game goes on.