Showing papers in "New Testament Studies in 2006"
TL;DR: Pilate's coinage and the Pilate inscription from Caesarea indicate a prefect determined to promote a form of Roman religion in Judaea as mentioned in this paper, which is not the case today.
Abstract: While Pontius Pilate is often seen as agnostic, in modern terms, the material evidence of his coinage and the Pilate inscription from Caesarea indicate a prefect determined to promote a form of Roman religion in Judaea. Unlike his predecessors, in the coinage Pilate used peculiarly Roman iconographic elements appropriate to the imperial cult. In the inscription Pilate was evidently responsible for dedicating a Tiberieum to the Dis Augustis. This material evidence may be placed alongside the report in Philo Legatio ad Gaium (299–305) where Pilate sets up shields – likewise associated with the Roman imperial cult –honouring Tiberius in Jerusalem.
25 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the fundamentally Jewish character of 1 Corinthians is recognized, and a clear structure and argument emerges that the order of the material reflects Paul's own agenda seen in patterns elsewhere in his letters.
Abstract: This article argues that when the fundamentally Jewish character of 1 Corinthians is recognized, a clear structure and argument emerges. The order of the material reflects Paul's own agenda seen in patterns elsewhere in his letters. While unity is clearly a significant issue, Paul's main concern is with the purity of the church and the glory of God. The Corinthian church is part of the fulfillment of the OT expectation of worldwide worship of the God of Israel, and as God's eschatological temple they must act in a manner appropriate to their holy status by shunning pagan vices and glorifying God under the lordship of Christ.
15 citations
TL;DR: For the last 150 years the Gospel of Marcion has been considered to be an abbreviated edition of the canonical Luke as discussed by the authors, and it was argued that the differences between these two editions are best understood as Lukan additions to Marcion rather than Marcionite abbreviations of Luke.
Abstract: For the last 150 years the Gospel of Marcion has been considered to be an abbreviated edition of the canonical Luke. This article renews the reverse hypothesis of Marcion's priority to Luke, Luke therefore being a revised and enlarged edition of Marcion. The arguments include a critique of the traditional view, based primarily on its failure to verify Marcion's alleged editorial concept on the basis of his text, and to solve the problem what Marcion would have done with Acts. On the other hand, the beginning of Luke (esp. 1.1–4; 4.16–30) suggests that the differences between both editions are best understood as Lukan additions to Marcion rather than Marcionite abbreviations of Luke. This Lukan, anti-Marcionite revision is very close to the Four-Gospel-collection and first created the unity of Luke–Acts.
11 citations
TL;DR: A close comparison with Plutarch's De amore prolis and Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics shows the author of 4 Maccabees to have used common topics from Greek ethical reflection on love for offspring as a means of commending Torah-observance as the means by which one is enabled to secure one's children's eternal well-being as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A close comparison with Plutarch's De amore prolis and Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics shows the author of 4 Maccabees to have used common topics from Greek ethical reflection on love for offspring as a means of commending Torah-observance as the means by which one is enabled to secure one's children's eternal well-being, fulfilling the natural goal of love for offspring more completely. The author shows how trust in God's future enables the mother to view even the death of her children as the fulfillment rather than the negation of her maternal investment, as in the laments of Euripides's heroines in Trojan Women and Hecuba, from which the author explicitly distances her, enabling her exemplary courage.
9 citations
TL;DR: The question of whether Jesus preached repentance has been discussed in historical Jesus research over the past twenty years, without any scholarly consensus being at hand as mentioned in this paper, and the question has been investigated by investigating early Jewish conceptions of repentance.
Abstract: The question as to whether Jesus preached repentance has been discussed in historical Jesus research over the past twenty years, apparently without any scholarly consensus being at hand. This article seeks to eliminate some unnecessary confusion from the debate by investigating early Jewish conceptions of repentance and suggesting that a distinction should be maintained between moral and ritual repentance. It argues that Jesus, while most probably expecting moral repentance of his followers, did not uphold the customary rites of repentance. The article suggests some reasons for Jesus' avoidance of traditional penitential prayers and practices, which may account for the instances of strong criticism against him indicated by the synoptic Gospels.
9 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, it has been argued that a gentile reference is implicit in the logion based on the broader context of the inter-textual echoes of passages concerning the regathering of Jewish exiles and a wider ethnic membership for those who participate in the patriarchal banquet.
Abstract: Since Joachim Jeremias' Jesu Verheissung fur die Volker (1956) it has often been assumed that in Matt 8.11–12 Jesus looked forward to the inclusion of gentiles into the kingdom at the eschaton. However, several recent studies, most notably by Dale C. Allison, have called this view into question and have instead advocated that the logion refers to the regathering of the Diaspora. The purpose of this study is to evaluate Allison's arguments and to propose that a gentile reference is implicit in the logion based on: (1) the broader context of the inter-textual echoes of passages concerning the regathering of Jewish exiles; and (2) a wider ethnic membership for those who participate in the patriarchal banquet based on the reference to ‘Abraham’. Furthermore, the logion is interpreted in the historical Jesus' ministry through the lens of a partially realized eschatology. As such the saying represents Jesus' contention that Israel's restoration was already becoming a reality and that gentiles were already entering the kingdom as an embryonic foretaste of their inclusion at the eschaton.
6 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the appearance of the risen Jesus to the community of the disciples on Easter evening is interpreted in terms of a Johannine theology and spirituality and as integral to the Johannine resurrection narrative as a whole.
Abstract: This article proposes to interpret the appearance of the risen Jesus to the community of the disciples on Easter evening in terms of a Johannine theology and spirituality and as integral to the Johannine resurrection narrative as a whole. The scene is a narrative exploration of Johannine ecclesiology, that is, the establishment of the New Covenant with the New Israel and the raising of the New Temple, the body of Jesus, in it midst.
6 citations
TL;DR: Rom 2 is not antijudaistischer text, sondern zunachst Teil des innerjudischen Israel-Diskurses, von dem er sich aber zugunsten einer universalen Verurteilung der Menschheit vor Gottes Forum fortentwickelt and damit universal-anthropologische Dimensionen annimmt.
Abstract: Rom 2 ist kein antijudaistischer Text, sondern zunachst Teil des innerjudischen Israel-Diskurses, von dem er sich aber zugunsten einer universalen Verurteilung der Menschheit vor Gottes Forum fortentwickelt und damit universal-anthropologische Dimensionen annimmt. Die Heftigkeit der Polemik gegen bestimmte Juden resultiert aus der unerhorten These des Paulus, auch gesetzestreue Juden, die im Bund leben, seien vor Gott nicht gerecht, sondern schuldig. Um die Leserschaft von dieser These zu uberzeugen, bedient Paulus sich einer so starken diatribischen Polemik, dass diese ethischen Schuhtexte trotz ihrer anthropologischen Intention antijudaistisch wirken. Weiterhin fuhrt Paulus in Rom 2 nicht das Gericht nach Werken neu ein, sondern beschreibt den Ist-Zustand des Verhaltnisses zwischen Gott und den Menschen in der adamitischen Welt, dies aber im Horizont der neuen Existenz in Christus, die Inhalt seines Evangeliums ist. Daraus entwickelt sich eine neue christliche Universalanthropologie.
5 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the reception theory of textual criticism is used to understand how readers understood the New Testament during the course of its transmission or reception, i.e. that inquiry is broadened through its correlation to reception theory.
Abstract: Current methodological discussion within the field of New Testament studies focuses today on the influence of the work and its history, and is often motivated by newer findings in linguistics and literary criticism. Such inquiry is broadened through its correlation to reception theory, i.e. that inquiry that focuses on how readers understood the work during the course of its transmission or reception. By contrast to the above, textual criticism is that science that tries to discover the ‘original text’ as exactly as possible. Here I would like to ask, to what extent do the ‘witnesses’ (e.g. manuscripts, versions, quotations, etc.) of textual criticism also function as interpreters and ‘receivers’ of the text. In all three of the topics handled here we have been aware of an interaction between text and reader.
5 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors employ Eviatar Zerubavel's "sociomental typography" of the'sociobiographical memory' in order to conceptualize the contours of the Sitz im Leben of the Gospel of Matthew.
Abstract: The recent interest in social memory theories among NT scholars promises a new framework for the study of the social dynamics reflected in the Gospels. This essay employs Eviatar Zerubavel's ‘sociomental typography’ of the ‘sociobiographical memory’ in order to conceptualize the contours of the Sitz im Leben of the Gospel of Matthew. The perspective of social memory as described by Zerubavel reveals the mnemonic character of the Sitz im Leben and discloses how those participating in it related to and used the Gospel of Mark, identified with the scribal traits of the Matthean disciples, cherished Peter, and situated themselves in history.
4 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that a one-sentence reading of the passage is the most satisfying reading of Rom 12.4.6.8 and v. 8.
Abstract: Is Rom 12.4–8 to be read as one sentence or as two sentences – do verses 12.6–8 form a different sentence from Rom 12.4–5, or does the sentence begun in v. 4 continue all the way through to the end of v. 8? One initial difficulty when considering this problem is that grammarians and commentators discussing this issue usually comment on one or two (or none) of the seven or so pertinent issues in the passage and then offer their opinion as to whether this is one sentence or two. Romans 12.4–8, however, features a number of difficult issues that must be held together in order to arrive at an adequate understanding of what Paul intends. The goal of this short study is to consider each of these issues and to argue that a one-sentence reading is the most satisfying option.
Abstract: This essay argues that the attempts of John Kloppenborg and several others to explain Paul's neologism θεοδιδακτος in 1 Thess 4.9 are unsuccessful. An alternative explanation is offered by taking into consideration available evidence regarding compound neologisms in Koine Greek and by drawing upon Emmanuel Tov's work on LXX translation tendencies. It is suggested that Paul draws upon Isa 54.13 in forming his neologism in a manner analogous to the ‘reverse and combine’ pattern of LXX compound-word formation noted by Tov. Paul creates a new word as part of his larger epistolary strategy of strengthening the communal identity of the troubled Thessalonian community.
TL;DR: In this article, the grosten Schwierigkeiten bei dem Versuch, 2 Kor als einheitlichen Brief zu lesen, bieten zum einen der Kontextbezug und die unpaulinischen Zuge von 6.14.7.1, zum anderen der Anschluss der Kap. 10−13 an den vorangehenden Kontext.
Abstract: Die grosten Schwierigkeiten bei dem Versuch, 2 Kor als einheitlichen Brief zu lesen, bieten zum einen der Kontextbezug und die unpaulinischen Zuge von 6.14–7.1, zum anderen der Anschluss der Kap. 10–13 an den vorangehenden Kontext. Getrennt haben diese beiden Fragen bisher keine uberzeugende Losung gefunden. Die hier vertretene These lautet: Die beiden Schwierigkeiten bedingen sich gegenseitig, denn der Textabschnitt 6.14–7.1 stellte ursprunglich die jetzt fehlende Verbindung zwischen den Kap. 1–9 und 10–13 her und wurde sekundar von dort an seine jetzige Stelle versetzt. Wird diese Versetzung ruckgangig gemacht, der Text also zwischen Kap. 9 und 10 eingefugt, erhalt er einen klaren Kontextbezug; andererseits entsteht ein sinnvoller Ubergang von 1–9 zu 10–13. Es lasst sich plausibel erklaren, wie und warum der Text aus seiner ursprunglichen Kontextstellung gelost und an seiner jetzigen Stelle eingefugt wurde.
TL;DR: This paper made the argument that a numerical motivation was at the heart of the addition of this passage to the earliest manuscript of the Gospels, and that it was added in order that there be seven sayings and not six that Jesus spoke from the cross.
Abstract: Luke 23.34a, ‘Father forgive them for they know not what they do’, has been a textual conundrum in text criticism. The weight for the external evidence points to the probability that this logion of Jesus from the cross was not in the earliest manuscript of Luke. What motivation then led to this saying being added to the text of Luke? In this article, the argument is made that a numerical motivation is at the heart of the addition. Luke 23.34a was added in order that there be seven sayings and not six that Jesus spoke from the cross. This issue arose as the four Gospels were collected together and read as one narrative of the life, ministry, and passion of Jesus.
TL;DR: In this article, the reception of the New Testament has been studied in the context of the first letter of Paul's first letter to the Thessalonians (1 Thess 4.15.17).
Abstract: Certain ancient philosophers (Celsus, Porphyry, Hierocles, Julian, and Macarius Magnes' critic) responded antagonistically to the New Testament. Their responses to several New Testament themes that appear in Paul's first letter to the Thessalonians and one specific text (1 Thess 4.15–17) show how difficult it was to persuade some individuals to give up paganism. Their criticisms of the New Testament probably indicate how the antagonists would have read 1 Thessalonians. The essay is a contribution to the history of the reception of the New Testament.
TL;DR: The first Epistle to Thessalonians (1 Thess 2.6.1.12) as mentioned in this paper was written by the Lukan redactor of Acts 17.1-9.
Abstract: Two sources, the Acts of the Apostles and the First Epistle to the Thessalonians, inform us of the arrival, sojourn and activity of Paul in Thessalonica (Acts 17.1–9; 1 Thess 1.6–2.12), but they hardly tally with each other. Evidence of the Lukan redactor's hand in Acts 17.1–9 invites us to see this narrative as secondary, perhaps, in relation to the account Paul himself gives in 1 Thessalonians, particularly in 1 Thess 2.1–12. It would be of interest, then, to analyse this passage in Paul's letter to detect how he himself portrays the first
TL;DR: In this article, the authors untersuchten angefuhrten Textstellen unter Berucksichtigung der Wortfeldanalyse der drei Worte von Sehen.
Abstract: Vom ‘Sehen des Herrn’ vor Damaskus durch Paulus ist sowohl in Apg 9.1–9; 22.4–11 und 26.9–18 als auch in Gal 1.13–15 und 1 Kor 9.1; 15.8–9 die Rede. Was bedeutet die Aussage: Jesus erschien Paulus? Das Resultat der Untersuchung der angefuhrten Textstellen unter Berucksichtigung der Wortfeldanalyse der drei Worte von Sehen – βλeπω = ‘Ansicht’ in Apg 9.8c, 9a; θeωρeω = ‘Durchsicht’ in Apg 9.7e oder οραω = ‘Einsicht’ in Apg 22.15; 26.16 – und die Notiz von der ‘Stimme’ aus dem Himmel lassen eine Steigerung der Darstellung des so genannten Damaskusereignisses in der Apg feststellen. Auf der Grundlage dieser Vision bzw. Erscheinung ist die Missionstatigkeit des ‘Zeugen’ respektive ‘Apostel’ Paulus aus der Sicht von Apg 26 und Gal 1.13–15 eine von Gott selbst gewollte.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the Authentizitat des Redners, the Techniken der Visualisierung, der Einwirkung auf die Affekte und des Raumlassens fur (4) Kreativitat of Horers behandelt.
Abstract: Unter der Leitfrage ‘Was uberzeugt und gewinnt die Horer?’ werden die (1) Authentizitat des Redners sowie die Techniken der (2) Visualisierung, der (3) Einwirkung auf die Affekte und des Raumlassens fur (4) Kreativitat des Horers behandelt. Mit paulinischem Material lassen sich Quintilians Erkenntnisse zu diesen vier Themen exemplifizieren. Sodann kommen der Prozess der (5) Kreativitat des Autors/Redners sowie das (6) Gedachtnis in den Blick.
TL;DR: In this article, a Reihe von μαρτυρeω-bzw. belegen im vierten Evangelium rufen formlich synoptische Zeugnisse auf.
Abstract: Eine Reihe von μαρτυρeω-bzw. μαρτυρια-Belegen im vierten Evangelium rufen formlich synoptische Zeugnisse auf. Das ist nicht verwunderlich, wenn man zur Kenntnis nimmt, dass es auch sonst johanneische Befunde der unzweideutigen Kenntnis, Verwendung und Umgestaltung synoptischer Vorlagen gibt. Dabei ist sorgfaltig auf subtile unterschiedliche Tempusverwendung im Johannesevangelium, zumal den Gebrauch des Perfekts zum Ausdruck schriftlicher Textreferenz zu achten. Zu der fundamentalen Taufermartyria, die die Evangelienerzahlung eroffnet, bildet Joh 19.35, der ursprunglich μαρτυρeω-Beleg, eine Inklusion, indem unter dem Kreuz anstelle des Bekenntnisses des romischen Centurio (Mk 15,39) ausdrucklich an die Verkundigung des ersten Christus-Zeugen (Jon 1.29–34) erinnert wird.
TL;DR: The Scheide and Schojen Coptic manuscripts of Matthew were published by the late Professor Hans-Martin Schenke as mentioned in this paper and are of great interest for Coptisants and also for New Testament textual critics.
Abstract: Two Middle Egyptian Coptic texts of Matthew, published by the late Professor Hans-Martin Schenke, namely the Scheide Codex and the Schojen Codex, are of great interest, not only for Coptisants but also for New Testament textual critics. These manuscripts probably belong, respectively, to the fifth and fourth century. So they may tell us something about form and character of the Greek text in the fourth or perhaps even third century in Egypt, at least if we assume that these manuscripts were copies of older Coptic texts. Moreover, the two texts are also important for our knowledge of the language technique and competence of early Coptic translators. This knowledge may be significant for the question of which form of the Greek text might ‘shine through’ in Coptic texts. In a review of Schenke's magnificent edition of the Schojen text I have dared to criticize his attempt to give a reconstruction of the Greek text that underlies this Coptic text. The history of such ‘retranslations’ teaches us that they are sometimes utter failures, which might easily mislead those who use them without any knowledge of the languages of these versions.
TL;DR: Within the current discussion of myth in New Testament theology, the authors reconsiders the ongoing myth debate between Greco-Roman, Jewish and Christian authors against the background not of atheism but of philosophical theology.
Abstract: Within the current discussion of myth in New Testament theology this article reconsiders the ongoing myth debate between Greco-Roman, Jewish and Christian authors against the background not of atheism but of philosophical theology. Over against its challenges Greco–Roman authors defend the myth as exemplum within a sociologically framed accommodation theory and interpret problematic texts using allegorical exegesis. Jewish and Christian authors follow these patterns. In particular, ancient Christian commentators on the Bible use the ancient category of ‘myth as exemplum’ to understand the activities of God and Jesus Christ not only as the base but also as an exemplum for the pious life.