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Showing papers in "New Zealand Journal of Psychology in 2000"


Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors discussed the implications of the distinction between objective and public risk assessment and assumptions made regarding the relationship between risk perception and preparation and discussed some conceptual and methodological issues involved with understanding and promoting risk reduction.
Abstract: Drawing upon research conducted in New Zealand, this paper discusses some conceptual and methodological issues involved with understanding and promoting risk reduction. Conceptual issues include the implications of the distinction between objective and public risk assessment and assumptions made regarding the relationship between risk perception and preparation. Methodological issues focus on the need for longitudinal analysis. While volcanic activity per se is not amenable to reduction, several emergent social, economic and physical effects are. For example, taping house windows or covering air conditioning units can reduce damage from ash, storing food and water ensures that essential needs can be met, and insurance can reduce subsequent financial demands on households from repairing or replacing items destroyed or damaged. Despite the intuitive appeal of preparation being driven by perceived risk, this assumption may not be justified (Lindell & Whitney, 2000). This paper draws upon recent New Zealand research to discuss some conceptual and methodological issues involved with understanding and promoting risk reduction. Risk: Public and Expert Assessments Objectively, risk can be summarised as a function of the interaction between hazard effects and vulnerability to these effects. For example, in the areas surrounding Ruapehu, risk is increasing (Johnston et al., 2000). Even if the probability and intensity of eruption effects remains constant, continuing population growth and economic development in the surrounding area increases vulnerability, and consequently, risk. Public perceptions may not, however, mirror this process. For example, in Ohakune, volcanic risk perception following the 1995/96 Ruapehu eruptions was determined by the relationship between hazard effects and economic disruption and was not evenly distributed throughout the community. (Paton, Millar & Johnston., 2000). Risk perception is a highly interpretive and dynamic process (Human & McClure, 1997; Lindell & Whitney, 2000; Sjoberg, 2000). Risk reduction strategies tend to reflect objective risk assessment. The inference that public judgements about risk are made in a similar way, and using similar data, has fuelled the assumption that providing the public with information about hazard activity will automatically lead to their becoming better prepared (Paton et al, 2000; Smith, 1996). This need not be the case (Paton, 2000). For example, in Wellington, despite earthquake hazard awareness levels of some 97%, only 48% stored water or food, and fewer had a radio (22%), an emergency plan (11%), or a first aid kit (9%). In Auckland, despite volcanic hazard awareness of 92%, only 10% stored food and water, 9% had a first aid kit, and only 7% reported having a radio. While public education programmes may be successful in promoting awareness, additional interpretive processes influence whether a threat is accepted and whether the person acts to reduce this risk. Risk Perception & Preparation The measurement of risk perception, and the identification of the information used when making such judgements, is complex. For example, people differ in regard to their prior knowledge, misconceptions, beliefs and experience of hazard activity, and the manner in which their knowledge and beliefs were acquired (e.g., from direct experience, reading information from emergency management agencies, or from watching television). Given the lack of a common baseline, cross sectional surveys will not elucidate people's decision making regarding hazards and risk. In this paper, studies comparing risk perceptions and preparedness before and after the experience of volcanic activity, or exposure to a volcanic hazard public education campaign, are used to examine risk perception and to outline an alternative approach to promoting preparation. The locations discussed here (Hastings, Whakatane, Auckland) are vulnerable to volcanic hazards and have experienced damage and ash fall from historic eruptions. …

140 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the assessment of higher-order and middle-order personality traits for personnel selection is discussed, and correlation data is presented from a sample of police recruits who completed the NEO Personality Inventory-Revised early in their basic training.
Abstract: While I/0 psychologists have traditionally viewed personality testing as contributing little to the prediction of job performance, recent development of the `big five' personality constructs has shown that personality tests can be valid predictors of performance and may add significant incremental validity to tests of cognitive ability. The generality of these higher-order traits, however, may limit their usefulness in a selection setting. Correlational data is presented from a sample of police recruits (n=284) who completed the NEO Personality Inventory-Revised early in their basic training. Both higher- and middle-order traits were found to be linked to both broad and narrow performance outcomes. Conscientiousness added incremental validity to cognitive testing. The assessment of higher-order and middle-order personality traits for personnel selection is discussed. During the past three decades the view that personality is a poor predictor of job performance has become established among many occupational psychologists in New Zealand. Early reviews (Ghiselli & Barthol, 1953; Guion & Gottier, 1965; and Mischel, 1968) that helped shape this gloomy evaluation may have been overly pessimistic in their conclusions. Many criticisms raised by early personality test reviews (eg. Mischel, 1968) have been addressed and shown to be less significant than previously thought, or have resulted in improved methodology (Hogan & Nicholson, 1988). One such improvement is the development of personality inventories designed to measure qualities among typical individuals instead of psychopathology among the deviant or mentally disordered. Guion and Gottier (1965) found that tests developed for specific purposes were more predictive of performance than tests scored with standardised algorithms. Personality tests designed to measure "normal" behavioural traits are likely to improve the development of logical links between job requirements, personality measurement, and performance (Rosse, Miller, & Barnes, 1991). During the last decade two developments have lead some researchers to re-evaluate the potential validity of personality tests when selecting personnel. First, there is increasing agreement among personality theorists and researchers alike that personality can be organised and classified within a `big five' structural framework, also labelled the five-factor model (Norman, 1963). This has provided a useful taxonomy in which to identify consistent and meaningful relationships between personality traits and performance criteria for different occupations. Secondly, the techniques of meta-analysis, which Barrett (1992) coined the first wonder of personnel psychology, have recently been applied to new reviews of personality and job performance. The five-factor model of personality is based upon peer ratings using ordinary trait vocabulary (Digman, 1990; Norman, 1963). While a number of researchers have claimed to successfully identify a larger number of major personality traits, these five traits or dimensions have proved to be replicable over different theoretical frameworks, using different instruments, and with ratings obtained from different sources, a variety of samples, and with a high degree of generality (Barrick & Mount, 1991; Conn & Ramanaiah, 1990; Costa & McCrae, 1990; Goldberg, 1990). These `big five' have traditionally been labelled Neuroticism (vs. emotional stability), Extraversion (or surgency), Openness to experience (alternatively viewed as culture or intellect), Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness (or dependability). In brief, Neuroticism is the inclination towards expressing anxiety, anger, depression, and other negative affects. Extraversion is marked by sociability, energy, and a buoyant frame of mind. Openness is characterised by objectivity, need for variety, and curiosity. Agreeableness is a tendency towards altruism, trust, and sympathy, and Conscientiousness is characterised by self-discipline, order, reliability, and foresight. …

94 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors report findings on employment and mental health from the first phase of a longitudinal study on the settlement of three groups of skilled immigrants to New Zealand: 36 from the People's Republic of China, 36 from India and 35 from South Africa.
Abstract: This paper reports findings on employment and mental health from the first phase of a longitudinal study on the settlement of three groups of skilled immigrants to New Zealand: 36 from the People's Republic of China, 36 from India and 35 from South Africa. They were interviewed face-to-face after having been residents of New Zealand for an average of 5 months. A questionnaire collected demographic data and employment related experiences. The mental health instrument used was the General Health Questionnaire 12 (GHQ-12). The results indicated that migrants' mental health levels were low and independent of their mean number of months residence in New Zealand. Even though unemployment is usually a cause of mental distress, there were no significant differences between employed and unemployed migrants and also no differences among the three immigrant groups. The lack of difference related to employment success suggests that another source of low mental health -- perhaps the difference in motivational factors for migration, as explained by Kunz's (1973) kinetic model of migration - may have been affecting the South Africans who were 83% employed. During the last decade New Zealand, in common with North America and Australia, has placed increasing policy emphasis on attracting highly qualified migrants. Since the 1991 introduction of a points system for immigration which emphasises professional and trade qualifications and business and work experience, New Zealand has received large numbers of educated and skilled immigrants. Recent reports, however, have highlighted significant unemployment levels among new Asian immigrants, and raised concerns about the waste of human resources and its costs to society (Boyer, 1996; Ho, Bedford & Goodwin, 1997). As immigration is an essential element in New Zealand's economic development and growth, the successful settlement of migrants, including their economic integration and mental health, is an important issue. However, employment success and its relationship to the mental health of these skilled settlers have received little research attention. Beyond New Zealand, the adverse effects on mental health of migration have been widely researched and established. There is evidence in the international literature that migrants go through different stages during their resettlement and some of these stages are characterised by a higher level of mental health risk than others. Most research supports an initial euphoric period, which may last three months, six months or one year (Sluzki, 1986). This is followed by increasing mental health difficulties with the occurrence of a peak or crisis at any time from six months to two and a half years or even up to six years after arrival. A second response pattern proposes that immigrants pass through some stressful periods with some mental health improvements over time (Pernice & Brook, 1996a; Scott & Scott, 1989). Various studies have attempted to explain why some migrants experience a deterioration in mental health and suggest that it is due to transition and adjustment difficulties in the new society. A broad range of factors associated with relocation to another country have been identified, each of which can influence the degree and direction of stress behaviours which affect mental health. These factors include: the circumstances of migration (being a refugee or immigrant) (Pernice & Brook, 1994); the type of immigrant group and its attitudes towards various modes of acculturation (Krishnan & Berry, 1992); social supports, both within the migrant group and within the new society; language; and discrimination and prejudice within the host country (McDonald, Vechi, Bowman & Sanson-Fisher, 1996; Pernice & Brook, 1996b). The importance of employment issues among other factors in the settlement process has been highlighted by Pernice and Brook (1996b) who suggest that for both refugees and immigrant settled in New Zealand on average for 5 years, the experiences of discrimination, unemployment and lack of support in the society of settlement was related to depression and anxiety levels. …

55 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: A survey of 230 psychology students revealed that they underestimated the time they thought they would need to pay back student debt and overestimated their future incomes relative to the average student.
Abstract: A survey of 230 psychology students revealed that they underestimated the time they thought they would need to pay back student debt and overestimated their future incomes relative to the average student. The tendency to overestimate future income was positively correlated to their level of actual debt. Overall, the results suggest a bias towards optimism regarding their future careers. In recent years, the New Zealand government, like many overseas, has acted to raise university fees and has introduced Government student loans to help students finance their studies. The New Zealand Student Loan Scheme, introduced in 1992, permits students to borrow to pay tuition fees, course costs, and living costs. These loans, which incur interest at approximately market rates from the time they are drawn down, have been a major factor in increasing student debt levels and have given rise to widespread social concern (e.g. Ashby, Robertson, and Parata, 1996; Brett & Chamberlain, 1997; New Zealand University Students' Association, 1998). In turn, both New Zealand and overseas concern about the causes and effects of student debt has given rise to a small but expanding body of research into the phenomenon (e.g. Boddington & Kemp, 1999; Chapman and Harding, 1993; Davies and Lea, 1995; Lea and Webley, 1995; Watson, 1997). Much of the justification for the new policies is the expectation that those who attend university will recoup their fees and pay off their debts out of the increased earnings they later receive as a result of their education, and, indeed, at least two economic theories suggest that students might voluntarily and rationally accumulate debt while they are at university. According to the life-cycle hypothesis (e.g. Friedman, 1957; Modigliani and Brumberg, 1954) students anticipating higher future incomes may justify borrowing now, in order to maintain their standard of living through a difficult period. According to Becker's (1993) human capital theory, the costs of tertiary education may be viewed as an investment to obtain the higher future earnings that result from raising one's human capital. Under both theories, the expectation of comfortable future earnings should encourage students to consume now and provide a justification from the outset for borrowing to fund their education. On the other hand, there are reasons to question whether the growing tendency of students to accumulate debt is rational. One such reason is the existence of optimism bias, under which people display unreasonable optimism about their futures (e.g. Weinstein, 1980; Weinstein and Sandman, 1992). For example, people generally rate their own chances of developing cancers as less than those of similar "average people". As students have voluntarily undertaken the courses they have, optimism bias about their future prospects might result from attempts to reduce cognitive dissonance about accumulating debt that might not lead to compensating returns (e.g. Festinger, 1957). These considerations suggested the investigation of whether students tended to be over-optimistic about their own career prospects and their ability to repay debt, and whether over-optimism might be reflected in a more pronounced tendency to incur debt. Method Participants and procedure All participants were enrolled in papers (at first, second or third year level) offered by the Psychology Department at the University of Canterbury. Students taking second-year psychology courses completed questionnaires at leisure, those taking first or third year courses during scheduled classes. In all, 275 questionnaires were distributed, with 245 returned (giving an 89% response rate). Of these, 230 questionnaires were retained for final analysis. (A few students with very incomplete data and those reporting mortgages were excluded.) The final sample contained 68 males and 162 females. There were 80 first-year, 52 second-year, and 98 third-year participants. …

52 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: This paper examined factors relating to levels of job burnout in a sample of 386 New Zealand teachers and principals at 47 Auckland North Shore primary schools and found that these teachers recorded significantly higher scores on the MBI emotional exhaustion sub-scale than a normative sample of United States teachers.
Abstract: This study examined factors relating to levels of job burnout in a sample of 386 New Zealand teachers and principals at 47 Auckland North Shore primary schools. The results confirmed the construct validity of the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI; Maslach & Jackson, 1993) and showed that these teachers recorded significantly higher scores on the MBI emotional exhaustion sub-scale than a normative sample of United States teachers. The nature of these differences and implications of the findings for reducing work stress among teachers are discussed. Over the past three decades, increasing attention in the literature has been given to job-related stress and burnout in occupational settings. Indeed, numerous commentators have noted that job stress features significantly in the lives of many working adults (Maslach & Jackson (1993). Freudenberger (1974) and Maslach (1976) coined the term burnout to describe a particular kind of stress response experienced by those working in the helping professions, such as nurses, social workers, police officers and educators. Burnout refers to a state of physical, emotional, and mental exhaustion resulting from involvement with people in emotionally demanding situations. A number of studies on burnout have focused specifically on the teaching profession due to the fact that this profession is one of the largest and most visible professions in society and a recognition of the extreme demands and pressures which teachers often confront (Whitehead & Ryba, 1995). Recent research has shown that a number of key school culture variables are associated with teacher burnout. These include: (1) increased drive for measurable goal achievement imposed on teachers by school administration; (2) the lack of trust in teachers' professional adequacy; (3) circumscribing school culture; and, (4) disagreeable physical environments to work in (Friedman, 1991). In New Zealand, educational reforms over the past decade have placed increased pressures on schools by requiring them to operate as self-managed organisations working under charter to the Ministry of Education. One effect of this is that school staff often have responsibilities for financial and resource management, as well as for the delivery of the curriculum to a specified standard. Schools are held accountable to the Ministry through a stringent evaluation process administered by the Education Review Office (Taskforce to Review Educational Administration, 1988). n the contex of primary education, another significant contributor to stress and burnout in New Zealand teachers has been the lack of qualified personnel available to teach and the increased workload thus placed on primary teachers. Teacher shortage has been the subject of much media debate concerning the resultant difficulties and personal stress this imposes on the profession. At the time of writing this paper, recruitment efforts have been made to staff primary school positions from overseas, yet many schools have been unable to find enough teachers to fill existing classroom vacancies. Recent studies of teacher stress literature in New Zealand by Manthei and Gilmore (1994) and Whitehead and Ryba (1995) have shown that levels of stress among teachers have increased since the 1980's and that teachers report being under increasingly high stress in their job. Results of these studies indicate that a substantial number of New Zealand teachers may well be experiencing burnout, a more extreme and intense form of stress, which, apart from having severe adverse effects on the teachers themselves, could significantly disadvantage students' growth and learning capacity. Burnout has been defined by Maslach and Jackson (1981,1986) as a tripartite syndrome comprising emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation, and a reduced sense of personal accomplishment. Emotional exhaustion, a core component of burnout, is characterised by fatigue and weariness that develop as emotional energies are drained. …

45 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: O'Reilly et al. as discussed by the authors investigated the criterion-related validity of the Omnia Profile[R] using three criterion variables (job performance, job satisfaction and organisational commitment).
Abstract: The Omnia Profile[R] is a popular tool used by organizations throughout New Zealand to assess job applicants' person-organization fit (P-O fit), person-job fit (P-J fit), and overall compatibility in personnel selection. Despite its popularity, however, this selection instrument has received virtually no prior research attention. The present study investigated the criterion-related validity of the Omnia Profile[R] using three criterion variables (job performance, job satisfaction and organisational commitment). It was carried out using a predictive validity strategy in two private-sector organizations (one in New Zealand and one in Australia). Results indicated that, contrary to expectation, the P-O fit measure correlated significantly with job performance, but not with attitudinal measures; and the P-J fit measure correlated significantly with both job satisfaction and organisational commitment, but not job performance. Combined overall compatibility scores failed to predict job performance (as used in practice), though they did predict attitudinal criteria. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed. Organisations are using new selection methods in the interest of avoiding the increased cost and time in dismissing employees unfit for the position. Increasingly, firms are basing their selection decisions on standardized techniques and tests that practitioners believe will aid them in selecting the best person for the position and for the company. In the present study, we test the criterion related validity of the Omnia Profile[R], a popular selection instrument that assesses applicants' `fit', based on measures of both person-job fit (P-J fit) and person-organization fit (P-O fit). The Omnia Profile[R] is reported to be a widely used fit measure for staff selection in New Zealand and Australia.(1) The test's distributor, The Omnia Group Inc., have indicated that, to date, the Omnia Profile[R] is used by over 10,500 client organizations in 20 countries (The Omnia Group Inc., 1987). The Omnia Group (NZ) Ltd reported that, in Australasia, the profile is regularly used as part of a standardized selection process by 150 organizations. In what follows, we review P-J and P-O fit literature germane to personnel selection instrumentation, and then review theoretical antecedents of the Omnia Profile[R] instrument. P-J Fit and P-O Fit The investigation of person-job fit has been a central concern in organisational research extending back 50 years. In a major review of person-job fit literature, Edwards (1991) came to the conclusion that the vast majority of empirical P-J fit research has focused on the fit between employee desires (i.e., the person side of the fit index) and job supplies (i.e., the job side of the fit index). With a few exceptions, most studies reviewed showed consistent positive relationship between P-J fit and work attitudes such as job satisfaction and organisational commitment (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984; Holland 1997; Locke, 1976; Tziner, 1987). The relationship of P-J fit with job performance has been less consistent, with a mixture of positive (Caldwell & O'Reilly, 1990; Tziner, 1987), and negative results (London & Klimoski, 1975; Porter & Lawler, 1968). Many researchers have suggested that it is imperative to take into account the organization as a whole (including the organization's culture, climate, goals, etc.) and how the candidate will fit within it (Barrett, 1995; Bowen, Ledford, & Nathan, 1991; Chatman, 1989; Kristof, 1996; O'Reilly, Chatman & Caldwell, 1991). For instance, Bowen et. al (1991) have argued that selecting people whose personalities are compatible with the organisational culture creates a flexible workforce with employees who can be moved easily between jobs. In a major review of person-organisation fit literature, Kristof (1996) came to the conclusion that empirical results supporting positive consequences for P-O fit predicting job satisfaction and organisational commitment was extensive (Boxx, Odom, & Dunn, 1991; Chatman, 1991; O'Reilly, Chatman & Caldwell, 1991). …

28 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS) was used to measure the prevalence of problem and pathological gambling among adolescents in New Zealand, and the results were compared with findings from a national sample and adolescent samples overseas.
Abstract: The prevalence of gambling and problem gambling among adolescents in New Zealand has not been adequately investigated. Prospective studies of current underage gambling may be unreliable, because respondents may fear self-incrimination. In this retrospective study, a non-representative sample of 68 first year psychology students, between the ages of 15 and 24 years, completed a questionnaire which asked them to recall their gambling activities before the age of 20 years, and which included the South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS). In adolescence, the entire sample had gambled for money at least once, and 18% regularly. Participants who played housie (bingo), gambled in casinos, or bought Lotto tickets, had the highest spending rates. 13% of the sample was classified as problem gamblers and 5% probable pathological gamblers in adolescence. Activities associated with pathological gambling included scratch tickets, gaming machines and housie. Regular gambling significantly predicted problem gambling scores. The results were compared with findings from a national sample and adolescent samples overseas. Recent research in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom (Buchta, 1995; Fisher, 1993; Jacobs, 1989, cited in Winters, Stinchfield, & Kim, 1995; Ladouceur, Dube, & Bujold, 1994; Lesieur et al., 1991; Shaffer & Hall, 1996) indicates that prevalence rates for adolescent gambling and for adolescent problem gambling are higher than for adult populations. Estimates of adolescent problem gambling range from one and a half to more than three times as high as for the adult population. The vast majority (85 to 95%) of adolescents have gambled for money at least once. Prevalence of gambling and problem gambling among adolescent males is usually greater than among female adolescents (Buchta, 1995; Jacobs, 1989, cited in Winters et al., 1995; Ladouceur et al., 1994; Winters, Stinchfield, & Fulkerson, 1993a, 1993b). Adolescent males may spend more than adolescent females on lottery tickets (Browne & Brown, 1994; Ladouceur et al., 1994) but not on fruit machines (Fisher, 1993). For some adolescent problem gamblers, gambling is associated with a number of problems. First, research suggests that a direct relationship exists between age of onset of underage gambling and the severity of future gambling problems (Abbott & Volberg, 1996; Bergh, & Kuhlhorn, 1994; Fisher, 1993; Griffiths, 1995a, 1995b; Ladouceur and Mireault, 1988; Stinchfield & Winters, 1994, cited in Winters, et al., 1995). Second, empirical investigations have consistently shown that adolescent pathological gambling is positively related to the use of alcohol, tobacco and addictive substances, to substance abuse, and to criminality including stealing, drug pushing, and prostitution (Arcuri, Lester, & Smith, 1985; Browne & Brown, 1994; Fisher, 1993; Griffiths, 1990, Jacobs, 1987; cited in Radecki, 1994; Ladouceur et al., 1994; Lesieur & Heineman, 1988, cited in Buchta, 1995; Shaffer & Hall, 1996; Winters, et al., 1993b). Other problems include suicide attempts, disruptions to relationships with family and friends, and educational difficulties such as truancy and poor academic performance (Browne & Brown, 1994; Fisher, 1993; Griffiths, 1990; Ladouceur et al., 1994; Shaffer, LaBrie, Scanlan, & Cummings, 1994; Winters et al., 1993b). In the United Kingdom, Fisher (1993) found that 10% of adolescents who played on fruit machines had fallen out with close friends and family as a direct consequence of their gambling. However, the causal relationship between gambling and family problems could be the reverse. Another study found that the majority of adolescent gambling machine players reported that family problems precipitated their addiction (Dickerson, 1984, cited in Bentall, Fisher, Kelly, Bromley, & Hawksworth, 1989). The severity of adolescent gambling problems is associated with gambling regularly and with the amount of money spent (Winters et al. …

25 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors measured the prevalence of psychological distress and physical illness among women in New Zealand, and identified the risk factors for psychological distress, with specific reference to domestic violence, and highlighted the need to improve policy for mental and physical health screening and care for abused women within health services.
Abstract: This study aimed to measure the prevalence of psychological distress and physical illness among women in New Zealand, and to identify the risk factors for psychological distress and health, with specific reference to domestic violence. A survey was carried out among a community sample of 961 women aged 19-90 years. Among all women surveyed, 25% were classified as experiencing psychological distress at the time of interview, 22% were classified as experiencing severe symptoms of physical illness, and 17% reported domestic violence by a family member at some point in their lives. Among those women who had experienced domestic violence, the perception that their life was in serious danger and the impact of the violence on their life each contributed significantly to variability in psychological distress (22% variance accounted). An estimated 12% of all cases of psychological distress and 7% of all cases of serious physical illness were attributable to domestic violence. The study underscores the need to improve policy for mental and physical health screening and care for abused women within health services in New Zealand. Domestic violence is increasingly becoming recognized as a worldwide public health problem that presents serious implications for the psychological and physical health of women and children. Despite the fact that population-based research is lacking, the available data suggests that between 20% and 50% of women in most countries have been abused at some point in their lives (Heise, Raikes, Watts, & Zwi, 1994). Domestic violence has been indicated as a significant risk factor for a diverse range of health conditions, including but not limited to, low birth weight (Bullock & McFarlane, 1989), gynecological disorders (Schei & Bakketeig, 1989; Stewart & Stotland, 1993), injuries and mortality (Grisso, Schwarz, Miles, & Holmes, 1996), and sexually transmitted diseases (Handwerker, 1993). Indeed, preliminary research suggests a host of medical conditions may be associated with domestic abuse (see Fischbach & Herbert, 1997; Gerlock, 1999). The impact of domestic violence on women's mental health has also been well documented (Koss, 1990). Battering may be the single most important factor in predicting suicidality in women (Stark & Flitcraft, 1996), and women exposed to domestic violence within an intimate relationship typically exhibit a wide variety of symptoms of psychological distress, including depression and anxiety, high avoidance or arousal, and substance abuse or addiction (Hill, 1995). In combination with the concomitant cognitive disturbances (Gondolf, 1998; Roberts, Williams, Lawrence, & Raphael, 1998), these psychological symptoms often meet criteria for diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (1994). A limitation of existing data on the risk of mental and physical illness following domestic violence is that the majority of studies have been conducted on convenience samples of women seeking help for mental health problems related to their abuse (Sorenson & Saftlas, 1994). Given that prior data is drawn from samples of women who have sought help, it is possible that that the findings are not representative of those who do not seek help, either for domestic violence, or general physical and mental health problems. The existing studies that have surveyed population-based samples have focused exclusively on specific populations, such as Nicaraguan (Ellsberg, 1997) and American Indian (Norton & Manson, 1995) women. Thus, data on the impact of domestic violence among women in the general population is lacking. Further rationale for sampling a broader cross-section of the population may be drawn from the fact that gender differences are consistently found in epidemiological studies of psychiatric disorders. A primary example is depression. …

25 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: Mentoring is becoming an increasingly popular strategy for addressing the needs of young people who are considered at risk for failure in mainstream contexts, and many schools and social service agencies in New Zealand now conduct mentoring programmes as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Mentoring is becoming an increasingly popular strategy for addressing the needs of young people who are considered at risk for failure in mainstream contexts, and many schools and social service agencies in New Zealand now conduct mentoring programmes We suggest various psychological mechanisms for understanding the possible processes involved in effective mentoring The literature evaluating mentoring programmes is selectively reviewed, and while the evidence is less convincing than might be expected from the confidence that some policy agencies place in mentoring, there is nevertheless indication that mentoring can have valuable outcomes, depending on how it is done In general, the benefits for children and youth will be seen in education and the acquisition of specific life skills, rather than being a preventative panacea for all social problems We argue that natural environments which are mentor rich are preferable to artificially designed programmes with short-term or haphazard matches between mentor and young person Thinking carefully about the psychological processes and principles involved in mentoring should allow the development of innovative programmes that are suited to the unique cultures of Aotearoa/New Zealand, rather than simply imitating overseas models With nation-wide concern for the many social and familial disadvantages that place children and youth at risk for serious emotional and behavioural problems (Fergusson, Horwood, & Lynskey, 1994; Ritchie & Ritchie, 1993), policy makers have become increasingly interested in programmes that can be broadly implemented in communities at relatively little cost Mentoring has received considerable attention-especially in the United States--as one such approach for intervening in the lives of vulnerable young people In New Zealand, belief in mentoring as a strategy for social change is growing, and there has been an explosion of interest in schools serving low-income communities with rapidly altering demographics of traditional family structures (Adair & Dixon, 1998) The concept has popular appeal in educational, welfare, and business contexts, and various social agencies, particularly in the voluntary sector, are establishing mentoring programmes (eg, Ave et al, 1999; Courtney, 1998) There are, however, conceptual as well as practical aspects of mentoring that need to be considered within bi-cultural Aotearoa/New Zealand The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of these psychological and social concerns, and their implications for programme development and community-based interventions for "at-risk" children and youth Definition and a Brief History In Homer's Iliad, Mentor was Odysseus' trusted friend who became the advisor to his son Telemachus Today, mentoring refers to an enduring relationship between a novice and an older, more experienced individual who provides guidance in a particular domain The role is different from that of a friend (whose relationship is more reciprocal), a teacher (who imparts specific skills), or a counsellor (who offers personal guidance), although it may contain some elements of all these Natural mentoring relationships are common in successful business (Collins & Scott, 1978), work (Kram, 1985), artistic and scientific (Zuckerman, 1977) endeavours In human services, however, the concept has come to have a more structured, planful meaning Mentoring as the explicit pairing of volunteers with disadvantaged youth began in 1902, when Coulter (1913), a clerk of the juvenile court in New York city, founded the Big Brother (and later Big Sister) movement In the USA, groups like the YMCA organised activities focussed on career encouragement, such as The Black Achievers Program of Harlem In 1906, the alumni of an African-American student fraternity became active in providing mentoring, tutoring, youth clubs, and bursaries From these early origins, service organisations are now major initiators of mentoring programmes; in New Zealand, for example, there has been a long-standing collaboration between Penrose High School and the local Rotary, and Presbyterian Support Service in Otago has a well-established programme using mainly tertiary students as mentors …

20 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated the impact of retirement on health and well-being in a group of retired older adult males in New Zealand and found that the nature of retirement (forced/voluntary) was unrelated to well being outcomes; number of years retired was negatively associated with well-well-being outcomes; and prior job satisfaction was positively related to wellbeing outcomes.
Abstract: With New Zealand's increasing older adult population comes an increase in the number of retirees. Changes in work patterns, earlier retirement and increasing life expectancy are resulting in longer periods of time spent in retirement. The effects of retirement on health and well-being have been viewed both positively and negatively and previous research on the impact of retirement has been equivocal. Inconsistencies may be attributable to a number of factors including time since retirement, changes in health status of the retiree, loss of social supports, policies of voluntary versus mandatory retirement and whether the work career was satisfying versus unfulfilled. Further, there are many possible outcomes following retirement and indices such as depression, and psychological well-being may be influenced by retirement in different ways. The present study sought to address a number of these issues by investigating the relative contribution of demographic, health, social support and retirement related variables to a number of indices of well-being in a group of retired older adult males. The present study found the nature of retirement (forced/voluntary) was unrelated to well-being outcomes; number of years retired was negatively associated with well-being outcomes; and prior job satisfaction was positively related to well-being outcomes. However, retirement variables contributed little to the overall explained variance in well-being indices. The major contributors to outcomes were diagnosis of a long-term illness or disability and satisfaction with social supports. Findings are discussed in relation to the literature. New Zealand's older adult population is gradually increasing (Melding, 1997). This trend is in line with a global increase in the numbers of older people (Santrock, 1997; Belsky, 1990; Eliopoulos, 1997; Butler, Lewis & Sunderland, 1991). In 1996, 11.8% of the population in New Zealand was 65 years of age or over (Ministry of Health, 1997; Bonita & Beaglehole, 1998). In the year 2025, with the aging of the baby boom generation, this age group will represent 18-19% of the total population. With this aging population comes a concomitant increase in the number of retirees. In addition, changes in work patterns, earlier retirement and increasing life expectancy are resulting in longer periods of time spent in retirement. The effects of retirement on well-being have been viewed in a number of different ways. First, retirement can be viewed as an alienating process with negative effects. The retiree becomes withdrawn from society, socially isolated, and without a role. The retiring individual leaves the work environment where they have developed well-defined roles and interpersonal relationships. Their occupation is seen as their major source of identity, both within the work setting and in the non-work setting (McGoldrick, 1989). The move from this central life-role is seen as critical for the majority of people, as it cannot be replaced in leisure because leisure on the face of it lacks social value. As Burgess (1960) noted the individual moves to a "roleless role", "lacking in cultural value and any real role specifications". A contrary view is that retirement is a well-earned reward after years of hard work, a so-called "third age" where fulfillment, self-actualisation and leisure are paramount (Ross & Drentea, 1998). The trend toward earlier retirement suggests that third-agers will be affluent retirees in good health who can expect 20-30 years of the good life ahead of them. This view does not account for those in poor health or those with limited financial resources. Perhaps the view to receive most recent support is that of "continuity theory" proposed by Atchley (1971), which suggests that retirement does not ordinarily impact negatively on well-being. This view argues that the multiple roles individuals occupy are protective against any overall negative impact of retirement. …

17 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the New Zealand Government published the draft code of social and family responsibility as a public discussion document, which addressed eleven social issues and called for public responses to the document.
Abstract: In February 1998 the New Zealand Government distributed the draft code of social and family responsibility as a public discussion document. The code addressed eleven social issues and called for public responses to the document. In assuming the document constitutes political communication we have used discourse analysis to examine its rhetoric in terms of practical ideologies. Focussing on subject positioning, discourses and warranting devices we identify the constraints of economic rationalist discourse in constructing notions of social and family responsibility. We conclude that the code relies on individualised constructions of social problems and their solutions. Early in 1998 the National/New Zealand First coalition government printed 1.4 million copies of a booklet Toward a Code of Social and Family; Responsibility: Public Discussion Document, February 1998. A copy was delivered to every home in the country. The booklet purported to stimulate public discussion on eleven issues including welfare, health, education and employment. Readers were invited to discuss these matters and forward written responses to the Department of Social Welfare. The response rate of 6.7% yielded an impressive (by the standards of most social scientists) 94,303 responses, limited analysis of which is provided in a 125 summary document available on the web (www.dsw.govt.nz/comms/ publications.htm). Not all reaction to the code took place through the official channels. The day public submissions closed was marked by protests involving a wide range of community groups (Alley, 1998). The protesters accused the government of a fiscally driven attack aimed at beneficiaries and other already marginalised groups. Weeks prior to the closure of public submissions social scientists had attacked the code, and a group of psychotherapists criticised the code for the effects it was likely to have on those who were already victims and/or marginalised in some way. The debate and controversy surrounding the code included two main critiques, one concerned with the content of the code, and the other with the `consultation process' in which it claimed to engage. In relation to the code's content, community groups and individuals expressed alarm at the extent to which the document focussed on those receiving welfare support. It was suggested that "the code will create two tiers of law or regulation in New Zealand - one for workers and one for those receiving state support" (Shaw cited in Mathews, 1998, p. 7). Concern about the code's lack of attention to bicultural and multicultural issues was also expressed. Thickpenny (1998), spokesperson for the New Zealand Psychological Society, commented that the document ignored Treaty implications and multicultures within New Zealand. In addition, "the Code is blatantly directed at individuals and families when the issues raised are essentially government driven" (p. 25). It appears clear that a number of commentators (for example, Boston, Dalziel & St John, 1999) saw the notion of `social' responsibility presented in the code as minimising government responsibility and reducing the `social' to individual and parental responsibility. Indeed, Boston (1998) suggests the code is misnamed as seven of the eleven expectations are parental responsibilities. Reservations about the process of consultation were also expressed, with Thickpenny (1998) suggesting that the techniques for collecting and analysing responses were flawed in both research design and methodology. Visiting deputy-director of the London-based Institute of Public Policy Research, Anna Coote (cited in Mathews, 1998) criticised the process, suggesting that "the Government has earned 0 out of 10 for the way it has carried out consultation for the code" (p. 7). We share the concerns of these commentators in relation to the content of the code and the process of `consultation'. But as social psychologists, we are more concerned with the effects of the code in making the practical ideologies supporting economic rationalist conceptions of `the social', `the individual', `the family' and `responsibility' more widely accessible and legitimate within the New Zealand sociopolitical context. …

Journal Article
TL;DR: The socio-demographic and clinical characteristics of a sample of criminal defendants who were referred to the Court Liaison Service for psychiatric screening data has been extracted from the records of the court Liaison service and the psychiatric reports prepared for the courts as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This paper describes the socio-demographic and clinical characteristics of a sample of criminal defendants who were referred to the Court Liaison Service for psychiatric screening Data has been extracted from the records of the Court Liaison Service and the psychiatric reports prepared for the courts Most defendants were male, Pakeha, and facing serious charges They had high rates of both previous psychiatric contact and criminal conviction Defendants who received the usual correctional sanctions are compared with those who were admitted to a psychiatric hospital as an outcome of their court appearance More defendants who received correctional sanctions were referred because of concerns about dangerousness and they had high rates of depression Most defendants who were hospitalised had diagnoses of schizophrenia or bipolar affective disorder There are four ways in which criminal defendants can be compulsorily hospitalised due to a mental disorder in New Zealand Each of these options has distinctly different theoretical justifications, historical origins and developments over time They functionally lead however to the same outcome for the defendant who becomes compulsorily confined in a psychiatric hospital The admission criteria do not directly equate with any diagnostic classification The legal standard for insanity, based on the McNaughten rules, requires the presence of `natural imbecility or disease of the mind' that impacts on the person's understanding of the nature or quality of the act or that it was morally wrong (section 23(2) Crimes Act, 1961) While there are definitional issues, disability in New Zealand equates with fitness to plead in other jurisdictions It necessitates mental disorder that interferes with the defendant's ability to plead, to understand the court proceedings or to communicate with counsel (section 108 Criminal Justice Act, 1985) A defendant convicted of a criminal offence can be sentenced to a psychiatric hospital if the court is satisfied that the person is mentally disordered and that detention in a hospital is necessary for the safety of the public or is in the defendant's own interests (section 118 Criminal Justice Act, 1985) When a defendant faces charges that are not serious, there may be negotiation which results in the police prosecutor agreeing to drop charges and proceedings being commenced under the Mental Health (Compulsory Assessment and Treatment) Act, 1992 International studies of the characteristics of criminal defendants who receive a psychiatric disposition have often employed samples of either insanity acquittees or those found unfit to plea or both There are differences in legal standards and in the consequences of these findings across jurisdictions which makes comparisons difficult Approximately 10% of American criminal defendants who receive a psychiatric disposition are female, (Callahan, Steadman, McGreevy, & Robbins, 1991; Zonana, Bartel, Wells, Buchanan, & Getz, 1990) Most studies have found that these defendants are older than other criminal defendants and prison populations (Jeffrey, Pasewark, & Bieber, 1988; Pasewark, Jeffrey, & Bieber, 1987; Rice & Harris, 1990) Generally no association has been found between the race of the defendant and an adjudication of insanity (Callahan et al, 1991; Pasewark et al, 1987); however a meta-analytic review found that members of minority ethnic groups were more likely to be judged incompetent (Nicholson & Kugler, 1991) Marital status does not discriminate between insanity acquittees and comparison groups (Pasewark et al, 1987) Most acquittees are unemployed (Boehnert, 1988; Jeffrey et al, 1988; Pasewark et al, 1987) and employment is less frequent than in comparison groups (Rice & Harris, 1990) Over 70% of defendants who receive a psychiatric disposition have been previously arrested (Jeffrey et al, 1988; Pasewark et al, 1987) Some researchers have found that many insanity acquittees faced charges for minor nonviolent and nuisance offences (Boehnert 1988; Golding, Eaves, & Kowaz, 1989) …

Journal Article
TL;DR: The Profile of Functional Impairment of Communication (PFIC) was employed to examine communication by children with a traumatic brain-injury (TBI) during a family problem-solving discussion, and results provide encouraging preliminary evidence for the use of the PFIC in assessingChildren with a TBI.
Abstract: The Profile of Functional Impairment of Communication (PFIC) was employed to examine communication by children with a traumatic brain-injury (TBI) during a family problem-solving discussion. Communication by 11 children with a TBI was compared with that of 11 children with orthopaedic injuries. Children with a TBI evidenced impaired communication on five of the 10 subscales of the PFIC. Injury severity was significantly correlated with scores on nine of the 10 PFIC subscales. Adequate inter-rater reliability was found for eight of the PFIC subscales. These results provide encouraging preliminary evidence for the use of the PFIC in assessing children with a TBI.

Journal Article
TL;DR: A review of the most recent evidence relating to the neurotoxic and europrotective effects of cannabis and cannabinoids on the brain and to critically evaluate their significance argues that there is increasing evidence that many cannabinoids have neuroprot protective effects, and may be useful in the treatment of some neuropsychiatric disorders.
Abstract: Recent studies have further confirmed that cannabis produces its psychological and behavioural effects by acting on specific cannabinoid receptors in the brain and that the brain also contains naturally occurring cannabinoids known as `endocannabinoids'. Although some recent studies suggest that cannabis may be neurotoxic and that this may explain the effects of cannabis on short-term memory, this review argues that this evidence is not convincing and that there is increasing evidence that many cannabinoids have neuroprotective effects, and may be useful in the treatment of some neuropsychiatric disorders. The aim of this review is to provide a summary of the most recent evidence relating to the neurotoxic and europrotective effects of cannabis and cannabinoids on the brain and to critically evaluate their significance. In doing so I will not attempt to provide an exhaustive summary of the increasingly vast field of cannabinoid neuropharmacology but will focus on key recent developments which have occurred in the last 2 years. The term `cannabinoid' will be used throughout to refer to chemicals which activate the cannabinoid receptors. Some of these are chemically similar to the active ingredient in cannabis - [delta.sup.9]-tetrahydrocannabinol ([delta.sup.9]-THC) - others are synthetic and chemically dissimilar but in some cases still activate the cannabinoid receptors. Collectively, all of these substances are now referred to as `cannabinoids' in a way that is analogous to the term `opioids', which is used to refer to natural and synthetic morphine-like compounds that activate, opiate receptors (Mechoulam, Fride & Di Marzo, 1998). A Brief History Of Cannabinoid Neuroscience Until the 1980's, [delta.sup.9]-tetrahydrocannabinol ([delta.sup.9]-THC) was thought to affect neurons in the brain by dissolving into the lipid (i.e., fatty acid) component of their membranes and disrupting cellular function in a non-specific way. Since cannabis is highly soluble in lipids, it seemed very likely that this was the way that cannabis produced its various psychological and behavioural effects. However, cannabinoid pharmacology changed in the late 1980's when William Devane and colleagues at the University of St Louis Medical School in Missouri demonstrated a specific receptor protein for cannabinoids on the surface of neurons (i.e., an extracellular receptor) which appeared not to bind any other neurochemical (Devane, Dysarz, Johnson, Melvin & Howlett, 1988; see Feldman & Glass, 1998; Ameri, 1999 for recent reviews). This finding was quickly replicated and the study of cannabinoids became one of the most active fields of neuropharmacology throughout the 1990's. It was also demonstrated in these early experiments that activation of the cannabinoid receptor resulted in biochemical effects within neurons, in particular a reduction in the intracellular second messenger, cyclic adenosine-3',5' monophosphate (cAMP). Activation of the cannabinoid receptor produced this effect by activating a so-called `G-protein' (guanine nucleotide binding protein), which acted as a switching mechanism to produce biochemical effects inside neurons (Bidaut-Russell, Devane & Howlett, 1990). By the early 1990's, cannabinoid receptors had been extensively mapped in almost every area of the central nervous system (CNS), including the post-mortem human brain, and the cannabinoid receptor gene had also been identified and cloned (see Feldman & Glass, 1998; Ameri, 1999 for reviews). Cannabinoid receptors were divided into 2 categories: the CB1 receptors which are located in the nervous system (both the central and peripheral nervous systems) and the testis; and the CB2 receptors which are located in many other areas of the body, including various parts of the immune system (see Feldman & Glass, 1998; Ameri, 1999 for recent reviews). In addition to their numerous functions in the nervous system, it is now clear that cannabinoid receptors exist in sperm and may regulate their function; they may influence the response of the immune system to bacterial and viral infections, and they may also be important in cardiovascular function (see Feldman & Glass, 1998; Mechoulam, Fride & Di Marzo, 1998; Ameri, 1999, for reviews). …