Showing papers in "New Zealand Journal of Psychology in 2005"

Informal Relationships in the Workplace: Associations with Job Satisfaction, Organisational Commitment and Turnover Intentions

Abstract: Informal relationships between people within organisations can potentially either hinder or facilitate organisational functioning. The presence of informal relationships at work and the degree of cohesiveness perceived by individuals was investigated in two studies. The association between relationship factors and organisational outcomes such as job satisfaction, turnover intentions and organisational commitment were assessed. Study 1: Employees of a large Auckland hospital (NZ) (n=124) were surveyed using a pen and paper questionnaire. Results were analysed using path analysis and indicated that cohesiveness and opportunities for friendships were related to increased job satisfaction; leading to increased organisational commitment and decreased turnover intentions. The actual prevalence of friendships was primarily related to decreased turnover intentions. Overall there was good support for the proposed model. Study 2: To address some of the limitations of Study 1 (primarily sample size and homogeneity) a second study was conducted using an Internet based questionnaire; accessed both from within NZ and worldwide. A diverse sample of employees responded (n=412). Structural equation modelling indicated further support for most aspects of the model, suggesting that the findings are generalisable and the model is robust. ********** Numerous close friendships evolve from existing formal relationships in work places, and for many people, these relationships are maintained within the organisational setting. Yet, despite the frequency of dual friendship/work relationships, we know very little about how they function and how the blurring of relational boundaries might affect organisational functioning, the enjoyment of work, and perhaps even performance. Authors investigating workplace relationships comment on the dearth of literature in this area; there is relatively little theoretical or empirical work that has attempted to examine the behavioural or attitudinal consequences of informal relationships within the work context (Fritz, 1997; Riordan & Griffeth, 1995; Winstead, Derlega, Montgomery, & Pilkington, 1995; Zorn, 1995). In the early nineteen-thirties, Elton Mayo (1933) brought the topic of workplace relationships to wide attention, when he wrote the first management book focusing on the social needs of employees. Mayo advocated the role of socio-emotional factors in determining employee behaviour, contending that the extent to which employees received social satisfaction in the workplace was the most powerful influence on productivity. Subsequently, Maslow's (1954) classic theory of human motivation was published, which first described the "hierarchy of needs" contending that; as lower level needs (such as physiological and safety needs) are satisfied, higher level needs (such as social, esteem and self-actualisation needs) emerge as motivators. Needs have been shown to influence performance in certain jobs. For example, the opportunities to satisfy needs are still studied in organisational contexts, and are thought to be related to competence (Medcof & Hausdorf, 1995), organisational commitment (Steers, 1977; Steers & Braunstein, 1976), job satisfaction and tendency to leave (Zinovieva, ten Horn, & Roe, 1993). Thus, although the simple hierarchy that Maslow envisioned does not adequately reflect the complexity of human motivation, the philosophy still has use (Bedeian & Wren, 2001). Following this early attention to the topic however, the interest in workplace friendships waned. Although Hackman and colleagues developed the job characteristic termed "friendship opportunities" in the early seventies (Hackman & Lawler, 1971; Hackman & Oldham, 1975), it was not really until the last decade that scholars have focused on the impact of workplace friendships once again (e.g., Markiewicz, Devine, & Kausilas, 2000; Nielsen, Jex, & Adams, 2000; Riordan & Griffeth, 1995; Winstead et al. …

Confounded by Competencies? An Evaluation of the Evolution and Use of Competency Models.

Abstract: Competency models are a key tool in human resource systems and practice. This article examines the origins and development of the competency concept, identifying three main approaches, the claimed benefits of implementing competency models, and their actual application in a sample of New Zealand organisations. The relationship of the competency construct to areas of research in I/O psychology is discussed. The claims made by some authors and the widespread support of generic competency models in HR information systems are not supported by independent research. There is scant evidence as yet to suggest that such models provide any incremental predictive validity over existing cognitive and personality measures for overall job performance. Inappropriate use of competency models is likely to confound their purpose. I/O psychologists must play a greater role in informing evidence-based practice in their implementation. An urgent research agenda is suggested.

The relationship between organizational climate, occupational type and workaholism.

Abstract: Two dimensions of workaholism--Drive to work and Enjoyment of work--and four aspects of organizational climate--Work Pressure; Involvement; Supervisor Support; Co-worker Cohesion--were considered in the reported research The relationship between these variables revealed that aspects of the workplace environment were related to levels of both Drive and Enjoyment Work pressure, Involvement, Co-worker Cohesion and Supervisor Support were all related to work enjoyment, with Co-worker Cohesion and Supervisor Support the strongest predictors Only Work Pressure was related to the drive to work Further, comparisons between two occupational groups--Business Services (n=85); Social Services (n=66)--revealed differences in levels of the components of workaholism Those in the Business Services had higher Drive and lower Enjoyment than those in the Social Services Implications for understanding and reducing workaholism are discussed ********** When introduced by Oates (1971), the term 'workaholic' was a negative one Workaholism was considered to be an addiction, an uncontrollable compulsion to work incessantly As such workaholism was compared to other additions, such as alcoholism, and attention was focused on negative effects of this compulsion to work, and on ways to overcome or reduce workaholism Indeed, workaholism has been associated with high stress levels, physical and emotional health complaints, poor family functioning, work-life conflict, co-worker stress and employee burnout (Burke, 2000; Spence & Robbins, 1992) A strong drive to work can also, however, have positive consequences for both an individual and an organization For example, a strong drive to work has been associated with high job satisfaction and high productivity (Scott, Moore & Miceli, 1997) Accordingly, more recent definitions have incorporated both positive and negative components of workaholism For example, Spence and Robbins' (1992) tripartite model and measurement scale has recently been revised to a two-dimensional structure (McMillian, Brady, O'Driscoll, & Marsh, 2002; WorkBAT-R), and consists of Drive to work and Enjoyment of work Drive relates to an inner pressure to work and captures the compulsion to work that was central to the early definitions of workaholism Enjoyment refers to the level of pleasure derived from work, in accordance with evidence that high job satisfaction may be associated with workaholism (Scott et al, 1997) Consistent with traditional definitions, a workaholic would score highly on Drive but low on Enjoyment The "happy workaholic", however, scores highly on both Drive and Enjoyment; he or she may feel driven to work but at the same time derive much pleasure from that work (Spenee & Robbins, 1992) To further the understanding of workaholism and its consequences for both individuals and organizations, it is important to consider both of these components of workaholism, and the balance of positive and negative outcomes The present research used the WorkBAT-R to assess levels of Drive and Enjoyment amongst workers in two distinct types of occupation--Social Service professions (teachers, nurses, social workers) and Business professions (lawyers, accountants, management consultants)--and to relate components of workaholism to aspects of organizational climate The recent introduction of the Health and Safety in Employment Amendment Act (2003) in New Zealand renders addressing workaholism particularly pertinent Employers are liable for large fines or two years' imprisonment if they do not take preventive measures to minimise the hazards of workplace stress and fatigue If employers are found to be creating a climate that is conducive to, or may cause, workplace stress (akin to workaholism) in employees they may be liable for prosecution Workaholism and Organizational Climate Much research has focused on identifying the characteristics of the workaholic individual …

A Comparative Investigation of the Predictors of Work-related Psychological Well-being within Police, Fire and Ambulance Workers.

Abstract: The recognition that employers are legally and morally responsible for their worker's psychological health has produced legislation and litigation both within New Zealand and overseas. This paper empirically compares the experiences of organisational and operational work hassles, work-family conflict, neuroticism, job satisfaction, and work-related psychological well-being within three emergency services populations. A total of 723 respondents from the New Zealand Police, Fire and Ambulance Services returned completed self-report questionnaires. The police respondents reported more minor work stressors (hassles) and higher levels of work-family conflict and intrinsic job satisfaction. The ambulance service respondents reported significantly higher levels of work-related psychological well-being. Work-family conflict, neuroticism and job satisfaction all significantly predicted work well-being in the hypothesised directions and these associations were similar within all three services. The implications for the treatment of occupational stress and the considerations for work-family conflict experienced by these emergency service workers are discussed. ********** Investigations of the influence of work experiences upon individual health outcomes have traditionally focused upon occupations that are perceived to offer a high level of risk to their employees. Accordingly, both the emergency and armed services, and especially the police services, have received considerable scrutiny due to the demanding aspects of these jobs upon their workers (e.g., Kroes, Margolis, & Hurrell, 1974). Similarly, other occupations have received scrutiny due to the serious consequences of adverse job performance, such as aircraft pilots, air traffic controllers (Reiche, Kirchner, & Laurig, 1971; Shouksmith & Burrough, 1988) and train drivers (Lewis, 1987). The methodological argument for the individual examination of such occupations has focused upon occupation-specific characteristics and has even been extended to specific localised characteristics (e.g., the Royal Ulster Constabulary: Hamilton, 1995). This argument has the most strength when the focus of investigation is placed upon operational work demands, which are often influenced by local climates and specific regulations. Comparative well-being investigations between the emergency service occupations are scarce. The justifications for conducting these comparative investigations include the ability to apply organisational-specific interventions to a second similar occupational group: providing the opportunities to evaluate intervention outcomes, costs, and effectiveness across occupations (e.g., Brough & Smith, 2002). For example, Beaton, Murphy, Johnson, Pike, and Corneil (1998) found a high degree of comparability in duty-related incident stressors experienced by a combined sample of U.S. firefighters and paramedics. Miller (1995) also described similarities in the experiences of trauma encountered by police, fire and paramedic professionals and discussed the implications for effective psychotherapeutic approaches to manage individual health outcomes for these workers. It therefore appears that occupational stress and psychological well-being experienced by the primary emergency service groups are largely comparable. This suggestion contradicts earlier literature that identified the uniqueness of work demands experienced by emergency service workers, especially that of police officers (e.g., Kroes et al., 1974). The early police stress literature linked police work to a number of non-work adverse consequences such as divorce rates, alcoholism, heart disease and suicide (e.g., Fell, Richard, & Wallace, 1980, Kroes, 1976; Maynard & Maynard, 1982) and furthermore, suggested that police-work was unique in eliciting such adverse outcomes. Recent investigations of police officers' psychological well-being have compared the influence of traumatic operational incidents versus frequently occurring minor work demands (i. …

Exploring the dynamics of New Zealand's talent flow

Abstract: Recruiting talented workers has become a global international concern, yet the diversity of human motives driving labour mobility has yet to be captured in any psychometric measure. By means of an internet survey administered through 32 professional associations based in New Zealand, 2201 highly skilled but expatriated New Zealanders completed a 26-item measure of issues pushing them towards staying overseas versus returning to New Zealand. Principal components analysis was used to explore the structure of this instrument, which suggested five motivational components: Lifestyle and Whanau/Family (primarily, for this sample, 'pull' components); and Career; Cultural; and Economic (primarily 'push' components). Discussion focuses on the content validity of this instrument with respect to pools of talent not originally from New Zealand; on its contribution to theories of career mobility; and on its increasing relevance for recruiters and policy-makers within organisations, government ministries, and global development agencies like OECD, which has recently called specifically for the construction of standardised instrument sets to measure global talent flow. ********** As the market for jobs becomes progressively global, issues surrounding migration have become increasingly important to organisations. The shift, from locally to globally oriented recruitment, has intensified. The facilitating influences include advances in global networking technology and related increases in job opportunities; air travel becoming increasingly accessible; and the increase in boundaryless careers, both between organisations (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996) and more recently between geographical locations (Donohue, 2003). But whatever the cause or causes of the internationalisation of labour markets, the operating environment of organisations is today characterised by a scramble to recruit and retain human talent, and so become employers of international choice (Lavigna & Hays, 2004). Under such conditions, having the capacity to understand and measure the dynamics of international labour becomes crucial to strategic human resource planning, recruitment, and selection (Pillay & Kramers, 2003). The evidence reported in this paper represents a first, exploratory step toward developing a psychological measure of the motivations underlying global migration. It is hoped that this will eventually assist academics and governmental agencies to understand migration and to formulate appropriate policies, and enable organisations to better communicate with potential recruits. A Local Concern In New Zealand, as in other countries, the notion of brain drain has received much attention in the mass media, and has provoked fears that New Zealand is permanently losing a large amount of its intellectual capital to larger and more affluent economies like the UK, the USA, and Australia (Carr, Inkson, & Thorn, in press). This popularised view in the media presents a narrow focus on the reality of the complexities surrounding the movement of talent around the global arena (Inkson, Carr, Edwards, Thorn, Jackson, Hooks, & Allfree, 2004). From a wider perspective, country X's loss is country Y's, gain, and the process of losing talent also involves an associated potential for regaining it (Neave, 2004). Moreover, talent that leaves a country may appreciate abroad before returning to the original country (Inkson & Myers, 2003). We therefore wish to move beyond the 'brain drain' concept by promoting a more dynamic concept of labour mobility and migration--i.e., talent flow, in which talent regularly and fluidly moves and changes from location A to location B and vice versa, depending on the net attraction towards A or towards B at a particular time. Conceptual Analysis By "talent" we refer, in this article, to highly skilled, educated, and/or experienced individuals. Talent flow appears to be composed of at least three major components that are not restricted to the outflow of talent in brain drain (Leung, Lau, & Kwong, 2004). …

Media Consumption, Body Image and Thin Ideals in New Zealand Men and Women

Abstract: This study investigated the relationships among awareness and internalisation of societal ideals, body perception and media consumption for young adult New Zealand men (n=62) and women (n=119) attending the University of Otago. This survey confirms that young New Zealand women, but not men, experience the body image dissatisfaction deemed normative for women living in Westernised cultures. Women, but not men, selected significantly smaller ideal figures than the figures they thought and felt their bodies looked like. Both men and women were equally aware of the importance society places on physical attractiveness and being thin, but women reported significantly greater internalisation of thinness norms. Total media consumption, which did not significantly differ as a function of gender, was correlated with increased awareness and internalisation of thinness ideals for both men and women but only predicted body perceptions in the latter. Overall, these results suggest that New Zealand women, but not men, are unhappy with their bodies and want to be thinner.

The Suitability of Goldberg’s Big Five Personality Markers in New Zealand: A Dimensionality, Bias, and Criterion Validity Evaluation

Abstract: This paper presents a series of analyses of New Zealanders' responses to a widely used Big Five personality inventory (Goldberg's IPIP 50 item markers). The suitability of the Big Five Model for the New Zealand work context was investigated by: comparing the fit of the Big Five model with those for other plausible models; establishing measurement equivalence of the Big Five markers across gender groups; and showing evidence of the criterion and construct validity for the five factors with multiple regression analyses and path modeling. Our findings indicated adequate fit for the five-factor model. There was little evidence of measurement bias at the item or scale level. Overall, females scored significantly lower on Emotional Stability and Intellect, but higher on Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness. There were no significant differences between gender groups on Extraversion. The five factors showed great similarity with United States findings in terms of their relation to job satisfaction and contextual performance criteria. ********** The questionnaire-based individual differences approach to the study of personality searches for a universally applicable set of traits that can explain the inter-individual variation in personality. It is now agreed by many personality researchers that five broad factors account for a large proportion of the variance in self-report personality questionnaires (e.g. Saucier & Goldberg, 2003). These five factors are Neuroticism (Emotional Stability), Extraversion, Openness to Experience (Intellect), Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness. Collectively, they are known as the Five-Factor Model (FFM) of personality or, simply, the Big Five. Because the FFM is found to be robust across cultures, languages, gender and age groups (cf., Hough & Ones, 2001), it provided a common foundation for comparing results from different studies, which, in turn, galvanized personality research around the world. For an informative and brief discussion of the history of the FFM see Goldberg (1993). The benefits of the FFM in the work context were fully realized only recently. Barrick & Mount (1991) combined the use of the recta-analytic method with the Big Five factor taxonomy to investigate whether personality can predict important organizational outcomes (i.e., job performance or training proficiency). Results indicated that broad personality dimensions are useful in predicting successful performance in many occupational groups. Since then, almost a dozen further meta-analyses investigating personality-job performance links under a FFM framework have been published showing personality is related to job performance, with Conscientiousness and Emotional Stability being the most powerful predictors across occupational groups and performance criteria (Barrick, Mount, & Judge, 2001). The utility of these findings for organizational settings is augmented by the fact that personality variables are not highly correlated with cognitive ability, thus adding incremental validity to selection decisions based on cognitive ability test scores (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998). Moreover, personality-based selection decisions have been found to have less impact against members of ethnic minority groups than cognitive ability-based selection decisions (Day & Silverman, 1989; Gelatly, Paunonen, Meyer, Jackson & Goffin, 1991). As a result, use of Big Five measures in industrial and organizational (I/O) research and practice is now widespread. While FFM research has gained considerable momentum overseas, New Zealand has generally lagged the United States and Europe in research into the FFM. An exception is Black (2000) who investigated the predictive validity of the five-factor model in a sample of New Zealand Police. In our view, there is a need for research examining the applicability of the FFM in New Zealand, especially in the work context where personnel decisions are routinely based on personality test scores. …

Influential Factors Moderating Academic Enjoyment/motivation and Psychological Well-Being for Maori University Students at Massey University

Abstract: Perceptions of stress and discomfort in the university environment and the relation between these perceptions and academic enjoyment/motivation and psychological well-being were examined in a sample of 122 Maori psychology students at Massey University. The moderating effects of perceived control and cultural identity were also considered. Major findings were that: (a) individuals reporting high stress, more feelings of discomfort at university, and a lower sense of academic control, were significantly more likely to be experiencing a lowered sense of well-being, and reduced feelings of academic enjoyment and motivation; (b) under conditions where there is a high sense of academic control, those with a high sense of comfort with university report significantly higher well-being that those with low comfort; (c) there were no moderating effects of cultural identity. Providing a comfortable academic environment that students' perceive as culturally-congruent increases perceived psychological well-being and academic enjoyment and motivation. ********** Education will "... provide people with the skills and knowledge that enable them to lead fulfilling lives and to contribute to building the nation's wealth and communities, ... supporting and enhancing New Zealand's unique identity, culture and values ..." (Ministry of Education, 2001, p. 1). In 1993, there were 18,527 Maori students enrolled in tertiary education. By 1999, the number of Maori enrolled had increased to 27,837. This rate of growth (150 per cent) is six times that of Pakeha/European students (Ministry of Education, 2001 b). Nevertheless, whilst initial participation (as measured by enrolments) is increasing, poor retention rates for Maori in mainstream tertiary institutions (Coombes, 2003) remains an issue of concern. In 2000, only 45 per cent of all Maori tertiary enrolments were in a degree-level or higher course, compared with 59 per cent of non-Maori enrolments (Ministry of Education, 2001b). A recent study looked at full-year, first-time degree students in 1997, and again in 1999. The study found that only 58 per cent of Maori students were still enrolled at the same institution in 1999, compared with 75 per cent of non-Maori students (Ministry of Education, 2001a). The information available does raise concerns about the number of Maori students who do not complete their course of study. From a pragmatic viewpoint, an investigation into some of the factors that influence continued Maori student participation seems timely and appropriate. An analysis of factors that affect Maori students' academic performance (and more global psychological well-being) are important to consider, especially in relation to recruitment and retention of Maori students. Bennett and Flett (2001) demonstrated that cultural identity can moderate the relationship between study-related problems and academic achievement in a sample of Maori students at Massey University. The importance of cultural identity as an empowering resource has been emphasised both in local contexts (e.g. Durie, 1998, 2001; Hirini & Flett, 1999) and in overseas research with indigenous populations (e.g. Byron, 1997; Romero, 1998). A student's perceived academic control is another influential factor that may affect academic performance and psychological well-being. Perry, Hladkyj, Pekrun and Pelletier (2001) noted that high academic control was related to a range of positive outcomes in a sample of US students. Other research has suggested that a sense of comfort with the university environment (e.g. Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001) is associated with positive university experiences in a group of Native American students. Again, further analysis of the relationship between these variables for Maori students seems warranted. Following on from the work of Bennett and Flett (2001), Perry et al., (2001) and Gloria and Robinson Kurpius (2001), the specific aims of the study reported here were to: (1) assess the moderating effects that cultural identity and perceived academic control has on the relationship between general stress experienced by Maori students' in the university environment, and their academic enjoyment/motivation and psychological well-being, and; (2) assess the moderating effects that cultural identity and perceived academic control potentially has on the relationship between specific discomfort experienced by Maori students' in the university environment, and their academic enjoyment/motivation and psychological well-being. …

Immigrant Job Hunting, Labour Market Experiences, and Feelings about Occupational Satisfaction in New Zealand: An Exploratory Study

Abstract: We investigated how an integrated model of often under- or un-employed immigrants' (a) job-hunting behaviours pre-interview, (b) positive behaviours used at interview, (c) cognitive flexibility, (d) acculturation style, and (e) acculturation 'fit' between (d) and employers' preferred style of acculturation for immigrants to adopt, predict how close immigrants come to finding full employment; and how this proximity to full employment may relate to broader feelings about occupational life. Seventy predominantly skilled immigrants to New Zealand provided indices of (a) to (d) through a sample survey, whilst (e) was measured with the added assistance of 20 experienced recruitment agencies, interviewed by telephone. Path analysis suggested that feelings about occupational life are related to proximity to full employment, which is itself predicted by a combination of (a) and (d), but not (b), (c) or (e). Links between proximity to employment and feelings about occupational life in New Zealand were unexpectedly negative, but only moderately stable. Our findings may challenge some of the received wisdom in the vocational literature, but are nonetheless consistent with implicit prejudice from prospective employers, and with a lived vocational experience of relative deprivation amongst immigrants themselves. ********** The world today is increasingly characterised by movement of people and skill, via professionally skilled emigrants and immigrants, from one economy to another (Carmon, 1996). New Zealand is, hypothetically, part of this knowledge exchange, in that skilled immigrants are encouraged to enter the country through a system of points awarded for qualifications, years of on-job experience, and professional qualifications (New Zealand Immigration Service, 2002). Yet such initiatives lose their value if the same immigrants face barriers to full (i.e., appropriate) employment, for instance through prejudice and discrimination, once they arrive here and as such cannot fully use their skills (Carr, 2004). Our research explores such challenges in the employment market psychologically, through the eyes of immigrants themselves. We also include observations from the perspective of potential employers. Principally however, we seek to identify (i) subjective barriers and facilitators to full employment, and (ii) how the human factors and perceptions in (i) may relate to feelings about occupational life in New Zealand. Highly Skilled Immigrants Globally, under-employment and unemployment of immigrants is relatively common, even when they are highly skilled (International Labour Organization, 2004). Immigrant underemployment and unemployment like this is now widely recognised in the global context, and in the substantial literature on migration and development economics, where it is termed "brain waste" (Mahroum, 2000). In Canada for example, Aycan & Berry (1996) found that only 30.9% of their skilled immigrants from Turkey had found satisfactory work, with 36.4% being unemployed and 32.7% currently underemployed. In New Zealand, Oliver (2000) found over half of a sample of 39 professional immigrants had lowered their occupational status after moving to New Zealand, even after undertaking further occupational training. In a further New Zealand study, only 35% of skilled immigrants from Asia were in full time employment, 13% were in part time employment, 10% were in self-employment, and 42% were unemployed, after 2 years in the country (Chart, 2001). Even after a skilled job is found, New Zealand research by Winkelmann (1998) has found income differentials remain between immigrant workers and their New Zealand born counterparts. Census data in New Zealand also reveals that immigrants often (a) have lower labour force participation than the New Zealand born population (particularly amongst immigrants from Asia and the Pacific), and also (b) tend to earn less income than New Zealand born employees (New Zealand Immigration Service, 2003). …

Pakeha Attitudes toward the Symbolic and Resource-Specific Aspects of Bicultural Policy in New Zealand: The Legitimizing Role of Collective Guilt for Historical Injustices

Abstract: A culture-specific model integrating research on collective guilt and the perception of historical injustices, within the context of Duckitt's (2001) more universal dual process model of ideology and prejudice, is proposed. As expected, a majority of self-identified Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent) sampled from the New Zealand population supported the symbolic principles of bicultural policy (66% support, 5% opposition) but opposed its resource-specific aspects, such as affirmative action policies (21% support, 37% opposition). Pakeha opposition toward the symbolic aspects of Maori-Pakeha intergroup relations was predicted directly by motivations for intergroup dominance and superiority (high Social Dominance Orientation); whereas the relationship between Social Dominance Orientation and opposition to resource-based issues, such as support for Maori claims to the foreshore, was notably weaker and fully mediated by both the refutation of responsibility for and absence of collective guilt for historical injustices, which it is argued functioned as a legitimizing myth justifying social inequality in this context. This model illuminates the role of group-based motivational goals (competitively-driven dominance and superiority, threat-driven control and conformity) and legitimizing myths (in this instance the refutation of responsibility for historical injustices) theorized to underlie Pakeha opposition toward different aspects of bicultural policy at a time when debate surrounding the legitimacy of Maori claims to the areas of the foreshore and seabed was beginning to intensify in early 2004. ********** There has been considerable debate regarding how bicultural policy, in particular the allocation of resource rights, should be implemented in contemporary New Zealand (NZ) society (see King, 2003, for an historical review). In NZ, biculturalism reflects the ideal of a partnership between Maori (the indigenous peoples of NZ) and Pakeha (1) (NZers of European descent) that is deemed fair and equitable by both parties (Ritchie, 1992). This ideal is often justified with reference to the Treaty of Waitangi, signed in 1840 (Orange, 1992). Of course, how one defines terms such as fair and equitable is in itself the subject of considerable debate (Billig, 1991; Billig, Condor, Edwards, Gane, Middleton, & Radley, 1988). This is particularly true with regards to the interpretation of the finer points of the Treaty concerning Maori claims for reparation for historical injustices, resource rights and titles (e.g., Nairn & McCreanor, 1990, 1991, 1997; Tuffin, Praat, & Frewin, 2004). This issue has been under the spotlight in recent times due to Maori calls for Pakeha to recognize the legitimacy of Maori claims to areas of the foreshore (the land between the high and low tide), to which Maori have argued they are legally entitled under common law. From a psychological perspective, one key line of enquiry for research examining this issue is the development of models allowing us to identify both the underlying motives, and understand their relation to, individual differences in Pakeha opposition or support for different aspects of bicultural policy. The present research seeks to develop a culture-specific model predicting individual differences in Pakeha attitudes toward Maori-Pakeha intergroup relations and different aspects of bicultural policy. In order to do so, we firstly outline Sibley and Liu's (2004) culture-specific research distinguishing between Pakeha attitudes toward the symbolic and resource-specific aspects of bicultural policy. We then seek to explain individual differences in support/opposition for these two aspects of biculturalism using Duckitt's (2001) dual process model of the cognitive and motivational processes underlying intergroup attitudes. Finally, we review research on the concept of collective guilt for historical injustices (Steele, 1990; Doosje, Branscombe, Spears, & Manstead, 1998), and argue that the refutation of collective responsibility and the absence of guilt for historical injustices against Maori may serve to legitimize opposition to resource allocations benefiting Maori, especially those that are framed in terms of reparation. …

Stages of change for fruit and vegetable intake and dietary fat modification in Maori women: Some relationships with body attitudes and eating behaviours

Abstract: We examined the influence of psychological factors (social physique anxiety, dietary self-efficacy), difficulties associated with making dietary changes and food security on stages of change for dietary fat reduction and increased fruit and vegetable intake in a non-probability convenience sample of New Zealand Maori women (N = 111) recruited through several acquaintanceship networks of the first author. We found that dietary fat intake, dietary self-efficacy and difficulties associated with changing fruit intake were significantly related to the stages of change for both dietary fat intake reduction and increased fruit and vegetable intake. In addition, difficulties associated with reducing dietary fat intake were significantly related to the stages of change for dietary fat intake reduction. As one moved along the change continuum, dietary fat intake and barriers associated with dietary change steadily reduced, whilst dietary self-efficacy increased. Sixty eight percent of the sample were categorised as either overweight or obese, and these participants reported significantly more anxiety and lower self-efficacy. Discussion focussed on the applicability of the study variables in the implementation of dietary related interventions for Maori women. ********** More than one billion adults across many parts of the world are obese or overweight (World Health Organisation, 2003). The potential negative health consequences of excess weight are extensive and have been well documented (e.g., Type 2 diabetes, cardiovascular disease, hypertension, stroke, various forms of cancer, gallbladder disease, musculoskeletal disease, respiratory problems, lipid abnormalities). The social and psychological burdens of obesity (including prejudice, discrimination, stereotyping) are similarly far-reaching (Wolf, 1998). Overweight and obesity are salient issues among the New Zealand Maori population. Around 61% of Maori women are obese or overweight, and over 78% of Maori women aged 45 years and over are in this weight category (Grigg & Macrae, 2000). The etiology of excess weight is multifaceted with physiological predispositions, socioeconomic and cultural factors playing a role (Cowan, Britton, Logue, Smucker, & Milo, 1995). Much has been written about the relative importance of different dietary components in contributing to this problem (e.g., Howarth, Saltzman, & Roberts, 2001). A reduction in dietary fat intake (particularly saturated fat) and a concomitant increase in fruit and vegetable consumption are integral parts of attempts to reduce the rates of overweight and obesity (5+ a day, n.d.; Grigg & Macrae, 2000; Ministry of Health, 2000). The current research aims to provide some insights into the psychology of eating behaviour change (in particular dietary fat intake and fruit and vegetable consumption) among Maori women. The Western cultural ideal for thinness is not particularly salient for many Maori, with a greater degree of tolerance toward obesity being expressed (Durie, 1998; Sachdev, 1990). The Rapuora Study, a pioneering health study of Maori women by the Maori Women's Welfare League (Murchie, 1984) showed that despite being aware of the negative consequences of obesity, Maori women did not take appropriate decisive action on the behaviours that were believed to be the cause. One important factor is the location of individuals at different stages of readiness to change. Health behaviour change is clearly not an "all or nothing" phenomena. The Stages of Change model (Cowan et al., 1995; Prochaska & DiClemente, 1992) considers a continuum from precontemplation (not intending to make changes) to contemplation (considering a change), to preparation (making small changes), to action (actively engaging in the new behaviour), to maintenance (sustaining the change over time). The path from pre-contemplation to maintenance is not a smooth one and people usually relapse and possibly go through the stages repeatedly before they achieve stability. …

Frequency of traumatic events, physical and psychological health among Maori

Abstract: We examined the lifetime prevalence of 12 traumatic experiences (combat, child sex abuse, sexual abuse as an adult, family violence, other physical assault, theft by force, vehicle accident, other accident, natural disaster, disaster precautions, traumatic death (secondary trauma) and the links between these experiences and physical and mental health, via a cross sectional survey of 502 community dwelling New Zealand Maori adults. We found that the overall frequency with which such events occur in this group to be relatively high. Males were significantly more likely than females to report experience of combat, physical assault, theft by force, vehicle accident and other forms of accident. Females were significantly more likely to report sexual abuse as a child or adult, violence at the hands of a family member, and a traumatic death of a loved one. Younger respondents and those living in urban areas also reported more traumatic experiences of various sorts. There were some significant linkages between traumatic experiences and mental health (specifically PTSD, and the well-being scale of the MHI) but the size of the effects were small. We argue, that despite methodological limitations, these data are instructive about the frequency and impact of traumatic events among this group. ********** Over the past twenty years an extensive literature has emerged relating to the psychological impact on the individual from exposure to traumatic events--events which are outside the realm of everyday human experience such as violence, combat, and criminal victimization. This research has more recently been via community-based survey studies. Exposure to traumatic events may be more widespread than once thought with estimates ranging from 39% to 84% of individuals being exposed to at least one traumatic event in their lifetime (Breslau, Davis, Andreski & Petersen, 1991; Fairbank, Schlenger, Saigh & Davidson, 1995; Norris, 1992; Vrana & Lauterbach, 1994). Traumatic experiences are relatively common and are associated with negative health outcomes in a range of ethnically diverse populations (e.g. Holman, Silver & Waitzkin, 2000; Peltzer 1999). The present study documents prevalence of a range of traumatic experiences in a community sample of New Zealand Maori. The DSM-IV (1994) defines an extreme traumatic stressor as involving direct personal experience of an event that involves actual or threatened death or serious injury, or witnessing of an actual or threatened death or serious injury (p. 424). Green (1990) suggested that there are certain generic experiences which make any event traumatic. These experiences, or dimensions, are: threat to one's life or bodily integrity; severe physical harm or injury; receipt of intentional injury or harm; exposure to the grotesque; violent and sudden loss of a loved one; witnessing or learning of violence to a loved one; learning of exposure to a noxious agent, and; causing death or severe harm to another. The present study will consider traumatic events defined by Green's criteria. The first large scale community study to consider exposure rates to traumatic events in a general population found that 39% had been exposed to at least one traumatic event in their lives, and of those, 24% had PTSD as defined by DSM-II-R (Breslau et al., 1991). Norris (1992) examined the frequency and impact of various traumatic events amongst a diverse group of North American respondents Jiving in the community. Participants lived in one of 12 neighbourhoods across four mid-sized south-eastern US cities and were sampled such that there was equal racial (50% African American, 50% European American), gender (50% male, 50% female) and age (33% young--18-39 years, 33% middle-aged--40-59 years, and 33% older--60+ years) representation. Nine different types of traumatic events were investigated; robbery, physical assault, sexual assault, tragic death, motor vehicle crash, combat, fire, other disaster (including injury or property damage because of a natural or man-made disaster) and other hazard (e. …

An Empirical Investigation of Discrimination against Overweight Female Job Applicants in New Zealand

Abstract: Significant discrimination against overweight people has been shown to occur in a variety of settings, including employee selection. Negative personality characteristics attributed to overweight job applicants because of their body size are thought to result in inaccurate perceptions of a mismatch between a job and a candidate, resulting in unfair discrimination. This study, the first of its kind in a New Zealand setting, investigated the presence of discrimination against overweight female job applicants. A balanced design was used in which 56 human resource/recruitment consultants in Auckland, New Zealand, ranked fictitious CVs on suitability for a specified position. Two weight conditions, normal and overweight, were created by the rotation, on the CVs, of photographs of the same four women before and after weight loss. Each consultant ranked a set of six CVs, including two normal weight male distracter CVs. Analyses of the rankings confirmed a general bias against overweight applicants. Further analysis revealed that this outcome was mainly attributable to the rankings given to the poorest quality CV. Contrary to expectations; consultants' years of experience did not significantly influence the effect of weight on rankings. ********** It goes without saying that personnel in an organisation are vital to its success, so that the selection of suitable employees is of paramount importance. Within the process by which some individuals are selected and others rejected, discrimination is necessary (Arvey & Faley, 1992). However, there is a clear distinction between discrimination that is considered to be fair and necessary, and that which is unfair or biased. Arvey and Faley (1992) claim: Unfair discrimination exists when members of a minority group have lower probabilities of being selected for a job when, in fact, if they had been selected, their probabilities of performing successfully in a job would have been equal to those of non-minority group members. (p.7) There are two broad reasons why unfair discrimination needs to be identified and addressed. Firstly, it results in ineffective utilisation of human resources for organisations, who may miss out on acquiring effective employees because of discrimination against a job-irrelevant characteristic or attribute (Arvey & Faley, 1992). Secondly, for the targets of unfair discrimination, the economic, social, and psychological effects are detrimental, unfounded, and can be severe (Gortmaker, Must, Perrin, Sobal & Dietz 1993). One factor known to promote unfair discrimination is being overweight (Roehling, 1999). Approximately fifty-three percent of New Zealanders are considered overweight or obese, and this figure appears to be climbing every year (Ministry of Health, 2003). The increasing occurrence of overweight individuals in the population is considered a significant problem because the consequences of obesity include negative health outcomes, as well as detrimental economic (Loh, 1993), social (Benson, Severs, Tatgenhorst & Loggengaard, 1980), and psychological (Friedman & Brownell, 1995), effects for the affected individuals. Among the consequences of being overweight that have an economic, social, and psychological impact, is weight-based discrimination in employee selection (Rothblum, 1992). The prevalence of overweight individuals is greater in lower socioeconomic groups (Sobal & Jeffery, 1989). This is generally assumed to be a result of lack of education about healthy eating, or lack of money to buy healthy foods (Rothblum, 1992). However, it is quite conceivable that it is attributable in part, to other factors such as the inability of overweight individuals to progress as far, or as fast, in their careers as their normal weight counterparts (Gortmaker, Must, Perrin, Sobal, & Dietz, 1993). Gortmaker et al. (1993) found that, compared to normal weight counterparts, overweight people completed fewer years of education, were less likely to marry, had lower household incomes, and higher rates of household poverty. …

Suicide Behaviour in a Clinical Sample of Children and Adolescents in New Zealand

Abstract: Treating young people at high risk for suicide has been identified as a priority area for development in mental health services. This study aimed to establish the prevalence of suicide ideation and suicidal behaviour in a child and adolescent mental health service and examine if children and adolescents with deliberate self-harm (DSH) were different from those who had not engaged in DSH in terms of individual and family risk factors. A file audit was conducted of 100 clients in a South Auckland service. Just under half of the clients (48%, N = 48) had engaged in DSH at the time of initial assessment, a further 16% (N = 16) had expressed suicide ideation without DSH. Children and adolescents who had engaged in DSH and/or had suicide ideation were older, had more maternal substance abuse, more family history of offending, were more likely to have been sexually abused, used more substances themselves, and were more likely to have previous episodes of DSH. ********** Suicide is of major concern in New Zealand. In 2000, the most recent year for which standardised statistics are available, 96 young people between the ages of 15 and 24 years died by suicide, of whom 81 were young men. New Zealand continues to have the highest rate of male youth suicide deaths among OECD countries (18.1 per 100,000 population) and our young women are defying international trends with increasing rates of suicide in recent years (New Zealand Health Information Service, 2003). In addition, more than fifteen hundred adolescents per year receive hospital treatment following deliberate self-harm (DSH) (New Zealand Health Information Service, 2001, 2003). Up to 90% of adolescents engaging in DSH do not present to hospital following deliberate self-harm (Hawton, Rodham, Evans, & Weatherall, 2002), or present to General Practitioners (GPs), so official statistics are likely to significantly underestimate the actual rates of DSH. Many young people consider suicide at some point in their lives, a significantly smaller number make suicide attempts, and even fewer die as a result. DSH may occur in the presence of suicidal thoughts, it may occur with or without the intention to die, or it can occur independently of suicidal thoughts. The term "self mutilation" is often used to describe the latter behaviour (Sakinofsky, 2000), and is frequently characterised by cutting behaviour, although burning is also common. Such acts of DSH are thought to reduce anger, tension or dissociative numbness. Regardless of intention or function, DSH is associated with increased risk of suicide, and for this reason, authorities such as the World Health Organisation (WHO) and others include any form of DSH as suicidal behaviour (Cantor & Neulinger, 2000; Hawton & van Heeringen, 2000). A further reason for considering any DSH as being within the suicide behaviours spectrum is that establishing the motives or intent for DSH is often difficult, regardless of the method used by the child or adolescent (Hawton & van Heeringen, 2000). Adolescents who engage in DSH often appear to be ambivalent about suicide or may report a number of reasons for engaging in DSH (Rodham, Hawton, & Evans, 2004). Fluctuating cognitive states can make it difficult to access clear information from adolescents about their suicide behaviour and intent, particularly when seeking this information retrospectively. Young people are known to underestimate risks (Wagner, Wong, & Jobes, 2002) and habitually engage in behaviours that carry high risk. Thus, a child or adolescent may not intend to die but selects a method that is lethal, or conversely, they may intend to die but select a method that is relatively benign (Bagley & Ramsay, 1997). However, it appears that once they actually engage in DSH behaviour, they cross some attitudinal and behavioural line, and are more likely to engage in this behaviour again (Goldston et al., 1999). Epidemiological studies in New Zealand, and overseas, have identified risk factors associated with suicide behaviour among children and adolescents in the general population across biological, demographic, cognitive, environmental and mental health domains. …

Differences in Personality Traits across Ethnic Groups within New Zealand and across an International Sample

Abstract: Research indicates that there are differences in personality traits between ethnic groups and between countries. This research has not, however, included a New Zealand sample. The current study examined personality differences between respondents from three New Zealand ethnic groups (546 New Zealand Europeans, 102 Maori and 78 Pacific Islanders), and between respondents from three countries (726 New Zealanders, 268 Australians and 1,128 South Africans). Analyses revealed some significant group differences at both the global and facet personality trait level. At the global trait level, the largest differences were between countries on the Extraversion, Neuroticism and Agreeableness traits. Small, but significant differences were detected between ethnic and country groups for the personality traits that are most predictive of job performance, Conscientiousness and Neuroticism. At the facet trait level, large differences were found on the Suspiciousness trait. We conclude by discussing the potential implications of these findings for employment selection. ********** Cognitive ability assessments are commonly used in employment selection to predict job performance (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998). More recently, personality assessments have also become more widely used as a personnel assessment tool by New Zealand organisations and consulting firms (Taylor, Keelty & McDonnell, 2002). Furthermore, in a survey of personnel selection methods across 18 countries, Ryan, McFarland, Baron and Page (1999) identified New Zealand organisations as being among the most frequent users of personality assessments. The increased application of personality assessments may reflect the growing empirical evidence and acceptance of the five-factor model of personality and its ability to predict job performance. Additionally, their popularity and acceptance may also be in part due to growing evidence that personality assessments add incremental validity over and above cognitive ability assessments (Driskell, Hogan, Salas & Hoskin, 1994; McHenry & Hough, 1990; Rosse, Miller & Barnes, 1991). However, as a result of their relatively new acceptance, group differences in personality have not been examined to the same extent as group differences in cognitive ability. Because selection professionals need to know the levels of impact associated with the use of particular selection techniques it is important to assess group differences, such as ethnicity, associated with personality assessments. The existence of five personality factors has repeatedly emerged in studies using different rating instruments (e.g. Goldberg, 1990; McAdams, 1992; McCrae & Costa, 1987; Noller, Law & Comrey, 1987), ratings from different sources (e.g. Borgatta, 1964; Goldberg, 1981; McCrae & Costa, 1989), different samples (e.g. Barrick & Mount, 1991; Tett, Jackson & Rothstein, 1991), and across different theoretical frameworks (e.g. McCrae & Costa, 1987; Noller et al., 1987). According to Goldberg and Saucier (1995), the five-factor model comprised of five global personality traits, commonly referred to as the Big Five, now enjoys wide acceptance as the most comprehensive and parsimonious model of the structure of personality. The Big Five traits are most commonly referred to as: Neuroticism, Extraversion, Openness to Experience, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness (cf. Barrick & Mount, 1991). The development of the five-factor model of personality was based on the English lexicon and Western culture, which raises concern regarding its cross-cultural generalisability. Juni (1996) noted that if the environment influences personality, the five-factor personality structure is not likely to be found in different cultures and different languages. It is important that personality assessments are culturally generalisable to enable cross-cultural comparisons, and also to ensure their fairness in the multicultural societies now found in New Zealand and the rest of the world. …

Quitting a Workplace That Discourages Achievement Motivation: Do Individual Differences Matter?

Abstract: Personal success at work can attract hostility from others, but does the achiever's own personality influence how well they cope with that hostility? In a first exploratory study of core individual differences, 114 work-experienced Aucklanders completed measures of self-efficacy (Sherer et al's General Self-Efficacy Scale), the big five (Goldberg's International Personality Item Pool), achievement motivation (Cassidy and Lynn's Achievement Motivation Questionnaire), and Rundle-Gardiner's (2003) Tolerance Threshold measure of what proportion of discouraging bosses, peers, and subordinates they would tolerate before deciding to quit a job. Tolerance thresholds for discouragement of achievement motivation, or negative 'motivational gravity', bore little relationship to the personality of the participants, who preferred instead to stress emotion- and problem-focused coping skills. This emphasis on skills is both consistent with motivational gravity theory and suggestive of a role in managing career development for personalised coaching. ********** Whether we are discussing performance management, boundary-less careers, learning organisations, or employers of choice, a central underlying concern, at work today, is the enhancement of personal achievement. Achievement motivation itself however has a long history of being studied within psychology in general, and I/O psychology in particular (e.g., Murray, 1938; to McClelland, 1987; to Cromie, 2000). In New Zealand, achievement motivation has been studied in regard to labour mobility (Hines, 1973), and is arguably relevant to the development of small to medium sized enterprises that characterise our economy (Friese, 2003). Of particular relevance locally, may be tall poppy syndrome, or a desire to chop achievers down to size (Harrington & Liu, 2002). Yet whilst attitudes against tall poppies have been studied extensively (Feather, 1994), their impact on the achiever herself; and especially individual differences in that impact, have been virtually ignored (Chidgey, 1998). This project addresses that imbalance, by exploring empirically whether reactions to discouragement of achievement motivation at work are linked to individual differences in personality. Tests of personal impact like this are important (see below), because of their inherent implications for performance management, career development, and organisational turnover (Rundle-Gardiner, 2003). Motivational Gravity and Achievement Motivation Discouraging achievement motivation at work can take multiple forms. A taxonomy of these forms has however been proposed in the literature, under the rubric of 'motivational gravity' (Carr & MacLachlan, 1997). According to Cart and MacLachlan, motivational gravity is a useful metaphor for understanding attitudes and intentions towards individual achievement in organisations. Just as gravity draws individuals toward bodies of greater mass than themselves, so too can tall poppy syndrome, and other attitudes towards individual achievement motivation, influence the behaviour of an achiever herself. Motivational gravity theory proposes that gravity at work will emanate from different directions in the organizational structure, and will range in the valence of their intention from negative through to positive. This multi-directionality and range are depicted in Figure 1. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] From Figure 1, attitudes toward achievement motivation can emanate from bosses and supervisors, who can either push down on, or help to pull up, the promising high achiever--through discouragement or encouragement, respectively. Also from Figure 1, peers and subordinates, in the organisational structure, can choose to either push up (encourage) or pull down (discourage) their higher achieving colleagues. The Motivational Gravity, 'MG Grid' thereby envisages four key cultures of achievement motivation: Pull Up/Push Up (++); Push Down/Push Up (- +); Push Down/Pull Down (--); and Pull Up/Pull Down (+ -). …

What Does It Mean to Be a Culturally Competent I/O Psychologist in New Zealand?

Abstract: Cultural competence represents an important, but neglected, area of research and practice in I/O psychology. This article establishes the relevance of our concern with cultural competence for I/0 psychologists, then analyses its' meaning at the level of the individual practitioner and at the level of the business and organisational systems in which practitioners operate. The influence on cultural competence of the New Zealand context is examined including: the legislative environment; professional ethics, the Treaty of Waitangi and psychology. It concludes with a discussion of the implications of cultural competence for I/0 psychologists in New Zealand. ********** This article explores the concept and practice of cultural competence for I/O psychologists in New Zealand. There is a professional requirement for all psychologists to be culturally competent (New Zealand Psychological Society, 2002a). However, although cultural competence is a relatively well-explored area for clinical psychologists, it is a largely neglected area of discussion by I/O psychologists (Chrobot-Mason & Ferdman, 2001; Love & Whittaker, 2000; Thomas, 1993). Given New Zealand's increasingly culturally diverse workforce it is timely to initiate a closer examination of this issue. The relevance of cultural competence for I/0 psychologists Few would deny the relevance of cultural competence to one-on-one therapeutic relationships, assessments and interventions. But I/O psychologists practice in a very different environment to that of their clinical colleagues; indeed different enough to be recognised academically as different bodies of literature, and professionally as separate areas of practice. Clinical psychologists (and similarly other health and social service related professionals) may be employed by an organisation but the client relationship and therapeutic relationship is most usually one-to-one. Although they may advocate for social change as a result of issues they see with individual clients, the professional role and relationship is a clear one. For the I/O psychologist, although many interactions will be one-to-one and professional judgements will be made about individuals, most often the client is an organisation or employer. Alternatively, if the I/O psychologist is an employee then their role is usually as an agent of that organisation or employer. Whether consultant to, or agent of, the organisation the I/O psychologist is working not only at the level of the individual, but also at the level of the work group, and the organisation, and always in the broader context of the demands of the business system as well as the public policy environment. These demands may include employer pressure to act in ways that are not compatible with culturally competent behaviour. This makes the issue of cultural competence more complex for I/O psychologists but no less relevant. There are a range of both business and professional drivers which mean that I/O psychologists should be serious about cultural competence in their practice. These include for example, increasing cultural diversity and its impact on business and the public policy agenda, and professional obligations particularly with respect to the Treaty of Waitangi. New Zealand is a culturally and ethnically diverse nation. In 2001, 23.5% of New Zealand's potential workforce were Maori, Pacific people, or Asian (Department of Labour, 2003). Hence from a business perspective cultural competence is important in order to access the total labour market and maintain a full, productive workforce. A number of private sector business workforces are now made up of primarily non-European New Zealanders and new immigrants. Thus businesses are interested in reducing labour turnover, improving productivity, improving health & safety, and reducing absenteeism, across a diverse workforce (Department of Labour, 2004). A culturally competent advisor on how best to work with those from different cultures and assimilate them into the organisation through work design, workplace practices, workforce recruitment, is essential to the ongoing prosperity of many businesses. …

Maori Psychology: A Long Way from Imago, He Ara Roa Tonu (1)

Abstract: He Mihi: A Greeting E nga iwi o te Motu, e hga iwi o te Ao, e nga karangatanga hapu, e nga mata waka katoa. Tena koutou, tena koutou, tena tatou katoa. The dominance of Western paradigms has been identified as a significant barrier to Maori participation in psychology. Publishing has been proposed as a way of addressing resistance to the inclusion of Maori knowledge and paradigms in psychology (Levy, 2002). Whilst there is a growing body of so-called 'grey literature' on Maori psychology, such as The Proceedings of the National Maori Graduates of Psychology Symposium 2002 (Nikora, Levy, Masters, Waitoki, Te Awekotuku & Etheredge, 2002), Masters theses, a mounting body of PhD theses and work in the form of evaluation and contract research reports, there is a dearth of articles on or about Maori psychology published in refereed journals. Levy (2002) pointed out that environments supportive of the development of Maori psychologists and psychology need to enhance the ability of existing Maori psychologists to research and publish. The aim of this special feature issue of the New Zealand Journal of Psychology was to support Maori psychologists in their professional development by providing .just such an opportunity. The intent has been to produce a collection of papers that critique and reflect on emerging Maori psychological theory, practice and research, and showcase Maori psychologists in Aotearoa. The emphasis was on Maori-focused work, including kaupapa Maori work as well as papers that focus on working with Maori in parallel development or bicultural settings. When Glover & Robertson wrote about the development of kaupapa Maori psychology in 1997, the focus was on moving away from bicultural models of delivering psychological services to Maori workforce development. It was proposed that training needed to support an increase in the number of Maori psychologists familiar with both Western psychology and tikanga Maori who could bridge these two systems of beliefs and values. In 2002, Love (2003) bemoaned our progress in addressing the incommensurability presented by differences in the fundamental values underlying Western and Maori psychology. Which, Durie (2003) said, we need to do by re-examining psychological theory from a Maori perspective. The final selection of papers, drawn from a total of 14 submissions, reflect the permanence of Western paradigms in psychology training in New Zealand. Academic undergraduate and postgraduate work provides the impetus for most of the papers and thus this issue suggests Maori students of psychology are very much still focused on learning "the tools of the Pakeha" as the whakatauaki "E tipu, e rea ..." (2) promotes (Brougham & Reed, 1963). Consistent with this sentiment, Palmer's paper stresses the need for Maori psychologists to familiarize themselves with the value of psychometric tools. The Tassell & Flett paper showcases Maori undergraduate student work about dietary change for Maori women, and can be seen as an example of a Maori student's experience of learning and applying psychological research methods to Maori. Hirini, Flett, Long & Millar's paper does this at a postgraduate level when they investigate Maori experience of trauma and links with physical and mental health. Also at a postgraduate level, Glover attempts to break away from Western paradigms by taking more of a grounded approach to Maori descriptions of depression. She introduces Te Whare Tapa Wha as a potential Maori theoretical framework in this work. Applying Te Whare Tapa Wha as a primary analytical tool in Glover's work on smoking which demonstrates a shift to kaupapa Maori methodology where Maori are not only the focus of the research, matauranga Maori, that is Maori paradigms are preferred. Gavala & Flett's paper examined factors moderating academic enjoyment, motivation and psychological well-being for Maori students at Massey University. …

Developing services in te rohe o Ngai Tahu for Maori with gambling related problems

Abstract: Although Maori, like other indigenous populations, have been identified as being disproportionately at risk of gambling related problems, there has been limited progress with strategies to address issues in this area. The purpose of the current study (1) was to contribute to the advancement of problem gambling services (2) for Maori living in te rohe o Ngai Tahu by identifying the capacity and willingness of existing services to engage with such development. Following a review of the relevant literature, information was gathered through a phone survey of local Maori health providers and several non-Maori gambling services. The survey identified a number of salient issues, many not surprisingly relating to recruitment and retention of appropriately skilled staff. A need for increased training of both Maori and non-Maori gambling treatment workers was highlighted, however the presence of some current capacity and a broad willingness to contribute to development of Maori responsive interventions was clearly indicated. The results of the survey along with information from the literature provided the basis for constructing a framework to guide problem gambling service development in te rohe o Ngai Tahu. While the current study was focused on this specific region, it is likely that many of the issues identified would be pertinent to developments in other tribal areas. ****** Within New Zealand, the last 10-15 years has been characterised by a growth in gambling opportunities and a related increase in the number of people presenting for help with related difficulties (Abbott & Volberg, 2000; Paton-Simpson, Gruys, & Hannifin, 2002). This has paralleled the emergence of gambling related harm internationally as a significant social and health issue (Amie, 1999; Shaffer, Hall & Vander Bilt, 1999: Shaffer & Korn, 2002). In this context, indigenous peoples have been indicated as being at disproportionate risk of gambling related harms (Abbott & Volberg, 1999, 2000; Wardman, El-Guebaly & Hodgins, 2001). Although there has been a significant increase in literature related to addressing gambling problems generally, there has been more limited development of literature focused on the needs and aspirations of indigenous peoples. Defining Problem Gambling The majority of the population are apparently able to engage in 'recreational' gambling with little impact, apart from opportunity cost, however, for a portion of the population such activity is associated with significant harm. Negative consequences for these individuals, as well as their families, friends and wider community have included financial hardship, relationship difficulties and criminal offending, as well as physical and mental health problems (Abbott, 2001; Productivity Commission, 1999), with an estimated 10-15 people adversely affected for every one problem gambler (Abbott, 2001; Dickerson, 1984, cited in Public Health Association of Australia, 2002). Like other forms of addiction, a number of factors have been identified in relation to the onset and maintenance of problem gambling (e.g. genetic, psychological, and environmental), contributing to various foci in terms of its conceptualisation (Murray, 1993; Baron, Dickerson & Balzczynski, 1995; Walker, 1995). Psychological theory and practice has arguably played a key role, particularly in terms of both aetiological formulation and development of interventions (Draycott & Dabbs, 1998; Lopez Viets & Miller, 1997; Sharpe, 2002). Despite such influence however, the most significant problems in this area have been constituted as 'pathological gambling' within the frameworks of psychiatric disorder, as defined in the DSM VI (Frances, First, & American Psychiatric Association Task Force on DSM VI, 1994). This definition has guided the development of policy, services, workforce and research from 1st July 2004 when the Ministry of Health took on the role of overseeing the funding and co-ordination of gambling services in New Zealand (Ministry of Health, 2004). …

Psychometrics: An Ancient Construct for Maori

Abstract: Capacity to measure the mind and monitor changes in psychological attributes is an ancient and inherent component of classical Maori culture. Within a contemporary context, however, Maori have yet to fully realise the power and potential of psychometric paradigms. As a particular discipline, psychometrics provides methodologies for constructing measurement tools and frameworks for testing whether such tools achieve expected objectives. Psychometric theory provides the rationale for critical analysis and evaluation of assessment tools commonly used on Maori. The advancement of psychometric skills and expertise among present-day Maori will enable the establishment of world class tools that meet the needs and aspirations of Te Ao Maori. The following discussion aims to raise awareness, generate debate and facilitate understanding of psychometric techniques, principles and issues that hold relevance for Maori engaged in the development and use of measurement tools. ********** Capacity for conceptualisation and measurement of conscious and sub-conscious psychological qualities is evident in classical Maori tradition and culture. The universe itself, for example, is seen to be pure energy eternally engaged in a process of logical progression: i te kore, kite po, kite ao marama (Shirres, 1997). Maori pantheon and cosmology is premised upon concepts of ebb and flow between material, psychic and spiritual realms interwoven and influenced by knowledge of Te Kete Aronui, Te Kete Tuauri and Te Kete Tuatea (Marsden, 1975). In retelling of Te Wehenga, the ancient creation story painstakingly describes subtle differences in character, form, disposition and quality. For example, the concepts of te korekore, te korekore-te-rawea, te-korekore-te-whiwhia, te-korekore-te-tamaua and te po-i-tuturi, te-po-i-pepeke, te-po-uriuri, and te-po-tangotango, represent particular states with discernible purpose, intent and implication (Fitzgerald, 2002; Marsden, 1975). Within the unfolding of the universe there is establishment of hierarchy, relativity and conceptual frameworks for the measurement of difference over aeons. Evidence of the importance our tupuna rangatira placed on meticulous definition and classification is demonstrated in karakia and other genre. In Tenei Au, Ruawharo from Takitimu refers to Rangi-tu-haha and Tihi-o-manono, both archetypal constructs for distinguishing between multiple levels of vitality, existence, consciousness and enlightenment (Shirres, 1998). In his oriori for Tu-Tere-Moana, Te Matorohanga (1865) of Wairarapa describes the sequential, incremental growth and development of cognition and consciousness during human gestation. Similarly, Enoka Te Pakaru uses the waka wairua of kumara to describe the methodical implantation of essential human qualities in her oriori Po Po (Te Reo Rangatira Trust, 1998). Around each atua, there are psychological benchmarks for the conceptualisation and manifestation of human potential. For example, Io-matua-kore is the all-encompassing source. Tane is associated with forty-one qualities, each with its own set of attributes and implications, such as Tane-nui-a-rangi, Tane-te-wananga, Tane-matua and Tane-te-waiora. Likewise, the female archetype, Hine is associated with multiple domains, such as, Hine-angiangi, Hine-i-te-korikori, Hine-rauwhangi, Hine-i-te-iwaiwa, Hine-te-hihiri and Hine-i-te-whita. Whare runanga represent another example of Maori determination to establish systems for classification. Each whare contains spiritual dividers, spatial divisions, symbolic pointers and numerous meaningful artefacts, for example, kopaiti, ihonui, kauwhanga, tahuhu, kaho, paepae, rehutai and rukatai (Fitzgerald, 2002). Each division serves its own purpose in terms of discerning difference and grouping people on the basis of physical, intrinsic, seemingly esoteric thresholds or attributes for example, mate/ora, tangata whenua/ manuhiri, rangatira/ringawera, tane/ wahine, puhi/pakeke, kauwae runga/ kauwae taro and tapu/noa. …

Taha Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand Clinical Psychology: Developments at the University of Canterbury

Abstract: Maori continue to be over-represented in many negative social statistics, but are less likely to voluntarily access mainstream mental health services than non-Maori (Ministry of Health, 2002) Reviews of Aotearoa/New Zealand Clinical Psychology training programmes (Abbot & Durie, 1987; Brady, 1992) identified a lack of Maori trainees and culturally specific clinical skills as key concerns The writers review progress in these areas, with reference to the requirements of the Code of Ethics for Psychologists Working in Aotearoa/ New Zealand (2002) and the overall aims of the Maori mental health strategy, Te Puawaitanga (Ministry of Health, 2002) New Zealand clinical psychology programmes are extending the years of study and content areas for students to mirror the doctoral format of the USA and UK However, this has generally not been matched by efforts to extend cross-cultural clinical practice skills for clinical psychology trainees Recent initiatives to integrate taha Maori into the post-graduate diploma in clinical psychology programme at the University of Canterbury are outlined It is suggested that the short-term goal of educating non-Maori to work with Maori is attendant upon the long-term goal of creating an environment that is more attractive to Maori students, thereby lessening the barriers to Maori participation in clinical psychology (Levy, 2002) Cultural training for clinical psychologists must be integrated into the overall course programme Recommendations are made to achieve that aim ********** Maori comprise approximately 15% of the New Zealand population Maori continue to be vastly over-represented at the negative end of a wide range of social statistics, particularly for health, income, employment and offending For example, Maori on average have a shorter life expectancy than Pakeha, even when living in more favourable socio-economic circumstances (Te Puni Kokiri, 2000) There is limited data on mental health service utilisation However, the trends are for Maori to be over-represented in non-voluntary (hospital committal) or legislative pathways (forensic services) to receiving assistance, and to be underrepresented in utilisation of general medical practitioners and mental health outpatient services (Ministry of Health, 2002) There have been several proposed strategies for addressing the disadvantage of Maori The New Zealand Labour government attempted to implement a "closing the gaps" policy instructing all departments to develop plans and strategies for addressing the needs of Maori According to Prime Minister Helen Clark, "closing the gaps between Maori and other New Zealanders is a fundamental goal of the new Labour government" (Te Puni Kokiri, 1999, p1) Mental health policy has focused on providing more choices for tangata whaiora through there being a greater number of trained mental health staff An example is the Ministry of Health's Maori mental health policy (2002) which aimed to increase the numbers of trained Maori mental health workers by 50% over 1998 baselines Similarly, it was proposed that 50% of tangata whaiora should have the choice of a mainstream or kaupapa maori mental health provider Te Rau Matatini (2002), a workforce development initiative aims "to ensure that Maori mental health consumers have access to a well-prepared and well-qualified Maori mental health workforce" These strategies are based on the principle that Maori clients will often have a preference for working with Maori mental health workers However, Maori may still opt to work with non-Maori, as occurs with the Department of Corrections Bicultural Therapy Model (McFarlane-Nathan, 1994) This combined with the still low numbers of Maori in key areas such as clinical psychology (Levy, 2002) suggests that non-Maori mental health workers need to be competent to work with Maori These have been some of the factors in the authors' attempts to better develop the bicultural component of the University of Canterbury post-graduate clinical psychology programme …

Descriptions of Depression among a Sample of Maori Smokers

Abstract: Information about depression was extracted from a PhD study on Maori smoking cessation behaviour. Participants were asked to define and report on their experience of depression. One hundred and thirty Maori smokers aged 16-62, who were intending to quit, were interviewed prior to their quit attempt and on average four months later. Over a third believed they had experienced depression at some time. Qualitative responses were collected from eighty eight participants (68%). Participants described the range of generally recognisable symptoms of a Major Depressive Disorder. They attributed a number of other behaviours to depression, such as, korero about injustice they had experienced and preoccupation with a close relative who had died. Participants said there were many types of depression ranging from mild to severe. Depression was believed to worsen over time if an initial violation was not resolved. Whanau aroha, being able to talk about their feelings and injustices, learning self-help skills and learning about themselves were important for healing. Participants were generally resistant towards the use of medication. ********** Tiwhatiwha te po, tiwhatiwha te ao. Gloom and sorrows prevail day and night. (Brougham and Reed, 1963) Both smoking and depression are major public health problems. The combination of these factors in the same person is risky, because immune function is reduced in depression and the adjusted relative risks of cancer at sites associated with smoking has been reported to be especially high--nearly 20-fold in heavy, depressed smokers compared with never smokers without depression. In addition, the most important risk factor for suicide is treatment resistant depression. However, smoking has also been implicated as a risk factor for suicide both in men and women (Tanskanen, Korhonen, Uutela, Viinamaki and Puska, 1996). In New Zealand, about one in seven people (one in five women) will develop a depressive disorder some time in their lifetime (National Advisory Council on Health and Disability, 1996). There is some evidence suggesting Maori suffer higher rates of depression or are disproportionately admitted to psychiatric hospitals for schizophrenia, alcohol dependence or abuse and drug dependence or abuse (Pomare et al., 1995). In 2002, half(49%) of all Maori adults smoked (Ministry of Health, 2003). Even among people who may not meet the strict criteria for a clinical diagnosis of depression, depressive symptoms are related to higher rates of smoking (Tanskanen et al., 1996). There have been suggestions that people with psychiatric disorders smoke as a form of self medication (Covey et al., 1994). Some studies have identified a genetic predisposition for addiction to nicotine. For example, a study of 1566 female twins showed "that shared genes, rather than a common environment, more convincingly explained the relationship between major depression and cigarette smoking" (cited in Covey et al., 1994, p.227). Not only do people with schizophrenia, dysthymia, depression, generalised anxiety disorders, alcohol dependence and other drug addictions, smoke more, research has shown a consistently adverse relationship between these disorders and quitting (Covey et al., 1994; Dale et al., 1997; Fiore et al., 1996). People with depression may also experience more withdrawal symptoms (Gritz et al., 1995). As well, nicotine withdrawal can exacerbate a comorbid condition (Fiore et al., 1996). The little information that exists on Maori and depression suggests that Maori have different views of the cause and treatment of depression (National Health Committee, 1996). Durie (cited in National Health Committee, 1996) states that "explanations of illness based on a possible breach of tapu continue to have meaning for Maori and therefore have implications for health workers." Method One hundred and thirty self-identified Maori smokers, aged 16-62, who were intending to quit, were interviewed during 1997-1998. …

Perceived Control over Physical Ageing: An Exploratory New Zealand Survey

Abstract: An exploratory survey investigated adults' views on control over physical ageing. A sample of 174 New Zealand adults responded to specially constructed scales, which measured: perceived primary control over, and acceptance of, age-related physical changes; actual and potential use of strategies to help control physical ageing; potential use of sources of information about physical ageing. Participants rated age-related physical changes as modestly controllable on the whole, but rated some changes as much more controllable than others, and some changes as more appropriately accepted than resisted. Perceived control over, and acceptance of, physical ageing were negatively correlated with each other. Participants' responses indicated some discrepancies between actual and potential use of specific strategies, and a preference for observing other people to learn about physical ageing. ********** Recent gerontological research indicates that many physical changes associated with ageing are largely secondary, i.e. caused by disuse, abuse or disease, rather than intrinsic to ageing itself (Leventhal, Rabin, Leventhal, & Burns, 2001). Research also increasingly suggests that the individual can minimize his or her own secondary ageing by adopting appropriate lifestyle strategies (Hazzard, 2001). It is clear, however, that many people do not consistently follow such strategies (Hazzard). The gulf between usual and optimal physical ageing probably has complex causes. One cause may lie in individuals' perceptions of the extent to which they can influence the physical ageing process. This proposition has support from a substantial body of research in relevant fields such as health psychology. An important psychological determinant of behaviour and health is the individual's sense of control. Perceived control, especially since Rodin and Langer's (1977) seminal study of mortality and control over the physical environment, has been shown to be an important predictor of health behaviour and health outcomes in many contexts (Krause & Shaw, 2000; Shapiro & Astin, 1998; Walker, 2001; Wallhagen, 1998). For example, a New Zealand study (Campbell, Busby, Robertson, & Horwarth, 1995) using a single-item measure of control, found that perceived control over future health in old age was positively correlated with health practices in old age. Such findings from the wealth of research in the field of health psychology and from the general field of perceived control (Schulz & Heckhausen, 1999; Skinner, 1995), suggest that an individual's perception of the possibility of control over physical ageing will influence the extent to which he or she follows strategies that can minimize secondary ageing. There are reasons to speculate that people tend to underestimate the controllability of physical ageing. For instance, extensive research (Palmore, 1998) suggests that people do not know very much about ageing in general, and typically hold negative stereotypes about it. In the past, inadequacies of research methods--such as reliance on clinical samples and cross-sectional designs--have probably led gerontologists to reinforce such negative stereotypes by mistaking secondary for primary ageing (Rowe & Kahn, 1998). The preceding arguments suggest that there is substantial justification for investigating people's perceptions of their control over physical ageing. It is perhaps surprising, then, that there appears to be very little directly relevant research. As discussed above, there is a lot of published research on perceived control over health. There are also several studies on perceived control over psychological aspects of ageing. For example, Heckhausen and Baltes (1991) asked respondents to rate how much influence people have over age-related increases in various psychological attributes. The overall mean perceived control score was slightly above the scale midpoint, indicating that participants believed the changes as a whole to be moderately controllable. …