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Showing papers in "Pacific Affairs in 1990"


BookDOI
TL;DR: The concept of Inner Asia was introduced by Denis Sinor as mentioned in this paper and the geographical setting was defined by Robert N. Taaffe and Peter B. Golden in their book "Inner Asia at the dawn of history".
Abstract: Preface 1. Introduction: the concept of Inner Asia Denis Sinor 2. The geographical setting Robert N. Taaffe 3. Inner Asia at the dawn of history A. P. Okladnikov 4. The Scythians and Sarmatians A. I. Melyukvoa 5. The Hsiung-nu Ying-Shih Yu 6. Indo-Europeans in Inner Asia A. K. Narain 7. The Hun period Denis Sinor 8. The Avars Samuel Szadeczky-Kardoss 9. The peoples of the Russian forest belt Peter B. Golden 10. The peoples of the south Russian steppes Peter B. Golden 11. The establishment and dissolution of the Turk empire Denis Sinor 12. The Uighars Colin Mackerras 13. The Karakhanids and early Islam Peter B. Golden 14. Early and medieval Tibet Helmut Hoffman 15. The forest peoples of Manchuria: Kitans and Jurchens Herbert Franke Bibliographies Index.

237 citations


BookDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, six essays search for what can be explained in the ultimately inexplicable evils perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge, and a photo essay provides shocking visual evidence of the tragedy of Cambodia's autogenocide.
Abstract: One of the most devastating periods in twentieth-century history was the rule of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge over Cambodia. From April 1975 to the beginning of the Vietnamese occupation in late December 1978, the country underwent perhaps the most violent and far-reaching of all modern revolutions. These six essays search for what can be explained in the ultimately inexplicable evils perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. Accompanying them is a photo essay that provides shocking visual evidence of the tragedy of Cambodia's autogenocide. "The most important examination of the subject so far.... Without in any way denying the horror and brutality of the Khmers Rouges, the essays adopt a principle of detached analysis which makes their conclusion far more significant and convincing than the superficial images emanating from the television or cinema screen." --Ralph Smith, The Times Literary Supplement "A book that belongs on the shelf of every scholar interested in Cambodia, revolution, or communism.... Answers to questions such as What effect did Khmer society have on the reign of the Khmer Rouge?' focus on understanding, rather than merely describing." --Randall Scott Clemons, Perspectives on Political Science

90 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a study of past and present policies of the People's Republic of China towards its numerous and varied minority groups, a subject about which there is scant information in the West, is presented.
Abstract: This book is a study of past and present policies of the People's Republic of China towards its numerous and varied minority groups, a subject about which there is scant information in the West. It examines the impact of Chinese culture on these diverse groups and China's attempt to bring them into the mainstream of Han life. The impact of the Cultural Revolution on the minority peoples, the future of Tibet, and the implications of Chinese minorities policies for Sino-Soviet relations are among the topics discussed in this book.

80 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Ponam Island, a small community in Manus Province, Papua New Guinea, is the subject of an innovative study as discussed by the authors, which describes the links between a peripheral village society and the national economy and institutions in a way that will interest all those concerned with development and underdevelopment.
Abstract: Ponam Island, a small community in Manus Province, Papua New Guinea, is the subject of this innovative study. The authors extend the criticism within anthropology of ethnographies that attempt to analyze village communities without reference to the nations of which they are a part, and that equate the traditional and the exotic with the untouched. They do so by describing the links between a peripheral village society and Papua New Guinea's national economy and institutions, in a way that will interest all those concerned with development and underdevelopment. The analysis focuses on major socioeconomic areas of village life: education, migration, wage employment, and remittance; trade, commerce, and exchange; subsistence fishing; ceremonial exchange. The authors' findings challenge the idea that colonial and Western-oriented encroachment leads to the decay of village societies or to their adopting Western values and practices. Ponam has been under significant Western influence for almost a century, yet the society has not decayed. It remains flourishing and generative, uniquely itself and neither blindly traditional nor mindlessly Western.

78 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a more democratically organized society, is it enough to label as "leaders" those who "head a political party or organization?" as discussed by the authors argue not, as would many others whose books and articles have examined the concept.
Abstract: L EADERSHIP STUDIES have long attempted to explore the extent to which leadership is dictated by structure, culture, and overall environment and to what extent it is the product of individuals seizing the initiative and manipulating events. We have seen this debate most prominently in the discussions of Soviet leader Gorbachev. Are his meteoric rise in influence and the dramatic events in Eastern Europe and the USSR the result of the forceful imprint of one man's vision or is he riding a tiger he cannot control? Do events happen because he is pushing them along or because he is powerless to control them? Do we explain the leader as "one in charge or in command of others" in terms of "Great Men" or "Great Events"? Or in a more democratically organized society, is it enough to label as "leaders" those who "head a political party or organization"?2 John Gardner in his studies of leadership would argue not, as would many others whose books and articles have examined the concept.3 A dictionary definition looks pallid and simplistic. Yet many studies of leadership also yield unsatisfactory definitions because they suffer from inadequate models. Most studies of leadership are based on particular western cultures. Most are not simultaneously concerned with gender, and most do not agree with each other except in the degree of complexity associated with the notion of leadership and the importance of the topic. Thus, with regard to gender, it is worth exploring why countries so long associated with patriarchy and the subordination of women should be the focus for so many politically prominent females. This subject seemed particularly germane in 1990. At that point, there was every prospect that the most famous Asian female leaders might soon be gone from the political landscape: A pregnant Benazir Bhutto barely survived a vote of confidence in Pakistan in December, 1989 before being unceremoniously replaced by

70 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Fogel et al. as discussed by the authors proposed Fogel Fogel and Mann's Fogel-Mann algorithm, which is an extension of Fogel's Mann algorithm, to the Fogel algorithm.
Abstract: Contents Fogel Joshua A. Mann Susan 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

66 citations


BookDOI
TL;DR: A basic guide to developing China from 1949 to 1989 can be found in this paper, where the authors present a history of the current geography of China and present some perspectives on the current geography of China.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: A Basic Guide to Developments from 1949 to 1989 2. Regions: Spatial Inequality and Regional Policy 3. History: Past Perspectives on the Current Geography of China 4. Environment: Understanding and Transforming the Physical Environment 5. People: Demographic Problems and Policies 6. Rural China: Old Problems and New Solutions 7. Industry, Energy and Transport: Problems and Policies 8. Urban Development: The Urbanisation Process 9. Foreign Investment and Trade: The Impact of the Economy on Spatial Structure 10. Environmental Impact of Economic Development: Problems and Policies 11. Defining and Defending the Chinese State: Geopolitical Perspectives

64 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper reviewed the circumstances leading to the NEP, as well as progress in achieving the specific redistributional goals of the OPP, before considering popular perceptions of NEP and alternative policies for the future.
Abstract: T HE YEAR 1990 was the last year of the Outline Perspective Plan (OPP) for the period 1971-90 under Malaysia's New Economic Policy (NEP). The NEP was declared in the aftermath of post-election race riots in May 1969 to create the socioeconomic conditions for national unity through reducing poverty and interethnic economic disparities, especially between the indigenous Bumiputeras (mainly Malays, especially in Peninsular Malaysia) and non-Bumiputeras (mainly Chinese and Indian Malaysians). Many people identify the OPP with the NEP itself, resulting in the widespread belief that the NEP would end at the close of 1990 unless the Malaysian Government declared otherwise. Quite understandably, there is much concern among many Malaysians about economic policy after 1990. Not surprisingly, in the light of how the NEP has been implemented and perceived, the main divide is ethnic-with many ethnic Malays concerned about their fate if the NEP is discontinued, while many ethnic Chinese hope for an end to ethnic discrimination, especially in the form of quotas, after 1990. It would therefore be useful to consider realistic policy options for the future in light of the experience of the last two decades. This article will therefore review the circumstances leading to the NEP, as well as progress in achieving the specific redistributional goals of the OPP, before considering popular perceptions of the NEP and alternative policies for the future.

64 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined whether this exodus is in response to the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in 1997 and found that Hong Kong's long-term viability is more likely to be associated with the potential for regional development in the Pearl River delta as a whole than with the outflow of population.
Abstract: Emigration is not new from Hong Kong but its volume is presently at an all-time high. This paper examines whether this exodus is in response to the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. While the impending transfer is clearly one factor there are more important reasons to be found in the policies of potential destination countries and in those conditions which are giving rise to an increase in the movement of Chinese peoples throughout Asia. The characteristics of the emigrants are biased towards the upper end of the educational and occupational spectrum. The loss of these personnel to the local economy may cause short-term problems in particular sectors but Hong Kongs long-term viability is more likely to be associated with the potential for regional development in the Pearl River delta as a whole than with the outflow of population. (EXCERPT)


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors reconstruct the complex decision-making process attending the break-up of Pakistan and the subsequent war between India and Pakistan, using interviews conducted with principal players in each of the countries immediately involved - Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh.
Abstract: A decade after the 1971 wars in South Asia, the principal decisionmakers were still uncertain why wars so clearly unwanted had occurred. The authors reconstruct the complex decisionmaking process attending the break-up of Pakistan and the subsequent war between India and Pakistan. Much of their data derive from interviews conducted with principal players in each of the countries immediately involved - Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh - including Indira Gandhi and leaders of the Awami League in Bangladesh.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that these reforms have had only a minor impact upon the political, legal, social, and economic institutions of the state, and explain the continued vitality of the Nizam-i-Mustapha, despite such non-implementation.
Abstract: T HAS BEEN A DECADE since the late President Zia-ul-Haq promulgated his Islamic reforms (Nizam-i-Mustapha) in Pakistan. I contend that these reforms have had only a minor impact upon the political, legal, social, and economic institutions of the state. This observation departs from conventional interpretations.' Admittedly, the politicization of the process of Islamization has played a very significant role in the political environment of Pakistan during the 1980s. During Zia's regime, the Islamic reforms had a very prominent public profile. Hardly a day passed in which one or more of the issues of the program were not the focus of political debate in Pakistan. Zia's government portrayed the reforms as leading Pakistan in the direction of becoming "truly Islamic, " and promised rapid and thorough implementation of the reforms. Opponents of the reform also argued that the reforms were being implemented rapidly although they deemed aspects of the reforms as misguided, reactionary, antidemocratic, and/or discriminatory to women. I contend, however, that such rhetoric, despite its strident nature, was primarily "political noise," signifying little in regard to implementation or public policy. This paper attempts to defend this hypothesis by first tracing in broad strokes the cautious implementation of Islamic legal reform in Pakistan during Zia's administration. Then, it will offer an explanation of the continued vitality of the Nizam-i-Mustapha, despite such "non-implementation," by exploring the interests of relevant institutional

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The rural reform programme of the 1980s, which has dissolved most of the country's rural collective structures and instituted a new rural economic system in which the household has an increased role as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: W A rRITING ABOUT THE LIVES OF WOMEN IN CHINA moved some years ago from accounts of extraordinary successes to troubled accounts of a revolution postponed or unfinished.' The consensus at present is one which acknowledges changes for the better as well as persistent and contemporary structural obstacles to change. A major focus of discussion is the mixed effect of a succession of official policies and political movements. As the limits of these have become increasingly apparent, there has been a partial shift in attention toward examining the importance of a familially-based patriarchy.2 This direction has been encouraged by the rural reform programme of the 1980s, which has dissolved most of the country's rural collective structures and instituted a new rural economic system in which the household has an increased role. This reform programme was instituted for broad economic and political reasons and has not included policies specifically designed to address the interests of women.3 There is consequently much concern, both within and beyond China, about the present and future lives of rural Chinese women.








Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hasan et al. as discussed by the authors discussed the state and identity in modern India and proposed the concept of identity formation in the Indian political system and the concept and its manifestation in Indian political systems.
Abstract: Introduction - Zoya Hasan State and Identity in Modern India PART ONE: THE STATE IN INDIA The Total State - Rasheeduddin Khan The Concept and Its Manifestation in the Indian Political System The Indian State - C P Bhambhri Conflicts and Contradictions Understanding the Indian State - K Raghavendra Rao A Historical-Materialist Exercise Class Struggles and the State in India - Sanjeeb Mukherjee Classification of Contemporary Governments - Syed Hasan Ahmed The Indian Case PART TWO: POLITICAL PROCESSES Towards the Concept of a Post-Colonial Democracy - Aswini K Ray A Schematic View The Emergency - Max Jean Zins 1975-77 Bureaucracy and Politics in India - Mohit Bhattacharya Centralist and Regionalist Parties in India's Federal Polity - Balveer Arora The Crumbling Political Process - Nawaz B Mody An Alternative PART THREE: IDENTITY: CLASS, CASTE AND NATION Dynamic View of Identity Formation - S N Jha An Agenda for Research Political Articulation of Mass Consciousness in Present-day India - Javeed Alam Class and Caste - Zoya Hasan The Dynamics of Political Change in Uttar Pradesh 'State, Communism' and the Reassertion of Muslim Identity - Mohammad Aslam The Ideology and Politics of India's National Identity - Ashish Banerjee Ethnicity, Regionalism and the Problem of National Identity in India - S K Chaube

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the role of editors and reporters at the very pinnacle of the official news apparatus in their efforts to promote the cause of the demonstrators and express their own aspirations for greater democracy.
Abstract: C HINA'S DRAMATIC POLITICAL UPHEAVAL in the spring of 1989, when student demonstrators occupied Tiananmen Square in the heart of Beijing to demand greater democratic rights, and hundreds of thousands of citizens in urban centers throughout the country poured into the streets in solidarity with the protesters, received saturation coverage by the western media. Less visible abroad, but crucially important to the Chinese audience, was the role that China's domestic news media played in both reflecting and supporting the protest movement. Journalists from official news organizations became active participants in the protest movement, not only taking to the streets themselves but also bolstering the movement through the content and conduct of their work. 1 This study is a detailed examination of one aspect of that journalistic activism, namely how editors and reporters at the very pinnacle of the official news apparatus defied, fought and circumvented government suppression in their efforts to promote the cause of the demonstrators and express their own aspirations for greater democracy. The inquiry focuses on two months of news coverage and other editorial content in the People's Daily, the official organ of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, from the inception of the protests in mid-April to the weeks following their suppression by armed force on June 4. It examines how that newspaper managed not only to cover news of the uprising, but also to convey discontent and protest against the country's political authorities through all sorts of editorial techniques including story selection and placement, headline creation, page design, writing style, and other aspects of news content and presentation.'

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hong Kong's political trust in its institutions of leadership is diffuse, though institutions closely associated with the colonial government enjoy a moderately higher level of trust as mentioned in this paper. And the general acceptance of the existing non-democratic political institutions, however, has impeded the rise of indigenous political leadership and engendered an idiosyncratic view of democracy.
Abstract: A s A COLONY AND AS A DEVELOPING SOCIETY, Hong Kong distinguishes itself by possessing an institutional structure which exercises political leadership functions and which is generally trusted by the people. It fails however to produce a group of trusted political leaders. What I call the "political trust" of the Hong Kong Chinese in their institutions of leadership is diffuse, though institutions closely associated with the colonial government enjoy a moderately higher level of trust. Political trust in turn is based largely upon "instrumental considerations. " The general acceptance of the existing nondemocratic political institutions, however, has impeded the rise of indigenous political leadership and engendered an idiosyncratic view of democracy. As a result, while the scheduled termination of colonial rule threatens the breakdown of the existing institutional structure, the establishment of alternative democratic institutions and the emergence of trusted political leaders are made difficult.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argued that normalization of relations with China would enhance Soviet security and also allow it to reduce several burdensome relations in the region and harness the economic dynamism of the region in order to benefit Soviet economic reform, especially the economic development of the Soviet Far East.
Abstract: SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY has since 1985 continued to undergo profound changes. The imperatives of domestic political and economic reform and the assumptions that underscore new political thinking have had a deep impact on the Soviet world view resulting in dramatic changes in Moscow's approach to international politics. Soviet foreign policy no longer appears to be based on East-West ideological competition but on measured cooperation in order to reduce tension and resolve outstanding global and regional problems in the pursuit of a "common" and "equal security," which is now defined broadly to encompass political, economic and military dimensions. The Asia-Pacific region has received greater attention under Mikhail Gorbachev. Soviet Asia-Pacific policy, first articulated in Vladivostok in July 1986, appears to have three broad thrusts. One is the normalization of relations with China. The conflict with China has dominated Soviet policy in the region for over two decades. Normalization would enhance Soviet security and also allow it to reduce several burdensome relations in the region. The second thrust is to harness the economic dynamism of the region in order to benefit Soviet economic reform, especially the economic development of the Soviet Far East. The initial target in this thrust was Japan but lack of progress in Soviet-Japanese relations resulted in South Korea becoming a key concern of Soviet policy. The third thrust is to engage the U.S. in arms control negotiations in the Pacific so as to enhance Soviet security in the Far East. This thrust seeks to make a virtue out of necessity. The desperate economic situation of the Soviet Union requires a substantial reduction in Soviet defence expenditure. By seeking this reduction through arms control proposals the Soviet Union also seeks to promote a favorable image of itself and, if successful, the proposals would limit and possibly cut back American forward deployment in the region and reduce the strategic vulnerability of the Soviet Union. The general goal continues to be to enhance the legitimacy of the USSR as an Asia-Pacific power by making it an integral part of the region and by simultaneously gaining acceptance of its status and role from the regional countries. In line with this new foreign policy approach and the new policy towards the Asia-Pacific region, Soviet policy towards Southeast Asia has


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present an overview of caste in gujarat studies sociology social anthropology and social anthropology are a good way to achieve details about operating certain products using instruction manuals.
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