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Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1968"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a framework under which to view the Issei generation-the Japanese immigrants in America, using a structured questionnaire designed to find out about their background, their experiences in immigration and adaptation, their achievements, and their reactions to complex events they had experienced.
Abstract: T HE 1960 CENSUS RECORDED some 25,000 surviving first-generation Japanese immigrants in the continental United States.' The Japanese American Research Project, University of California, Los Angeles, questioned a sizeable sample of these, using a structured questionnaire designed to find out about their background, their experiences in immigration and adaptation, their achievements, and their reactions to the complex events they had experienced.2 Their answers enable us to develop with more than usual confidence a framework under which to view the Issei generation-the Japanese immigrants in America. The present paper will contend that the history of this generation of immigrants can be

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The controversy is whether the agreed-upon memorandum was a "secret pact" and thus an international agreement as mentioned in this paper, a view first asserted by Tyler Dennett in 1924 and until 1959 generally accepted by the major scholars in the area of American-Far Eastern relations.
Abstract: SINCE 1959, when Raymond A. Esthus' revisionist view appeared in the Journal of Modern History, the TaftKatsura memorandum has become one of the important issues in American diplomatic history.? The controversy is whether the agreed-upon memorandum was a "secret pact" and, thus, an international agreement2-a view first asserted by Tyler Dennett in 1924 and until 1959 generally accepted by the major scholars in the area of American-Far Eastern relations3-or whether it was a mere exchange of views as Esthus maintained. Most authors who have recently touched upon the subject accept much of the revisionist view,4 but

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bourquin's decision in the case of United States vs. Ves Hall had a marked effect on subsequent events in Montana and was instrumental in the passage of stringent federal legislation designed to suppress the opponents of war as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: DURING WORLD WAR I, an extraordinary amount of hysteria prevailed in Montana. Citizens conducted a frenzied campaign to find and punish supposed traitors and spies. One of the men who dared to oppose the "super-patriots" was Federal District Judge George M. Bourquin. His ruling in the case of the United States vs. Ves Hall had a marked effect on subsequent events in Montana and was instrumental in the passage of stringent federal legislation designed to suppress the opponents of war. Several factors contributed to the absence of reason in Montana.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the state of Oregon, voters in November, 1922, approved an initiative proposal that required nearly all children between the ages of eight and sixteen to be educated only by the state as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: FEW PERIODS in American history have exhibited such clear signs of nativism as the 1920's. The meteoric rise of the newly reorganized Ku Klux Klan to popularity, the success of such evangelistic entrepreneurs as Billy Sunday or Aimee Semple McPherson, the unusually bitter antagonism against aliens, particularly those from the Far East-all testify clearly to at least one important facet of "New Era" America. No section of the country was altogether able to escape some aspect of the false patriotism, religious fundamentalism, or national bigotry which was preached. In "BibleBelt" states such as Tennessee or Arkansas, for instance, anti-evolution laws were passed to forbid the teaching of Darwinian theory; in others, such as Michigan, Nebraska, and Texas, serious attempts were made to "Americanize" the schools. Only in Oregon, however, were various political and religious groups able to convince a state's citizenry that the threat of foreign domination was great enough to warrant the abridgement of educational freedom. Under the guise of guaranteeing universal patriotism, Oregonians in November, 1922, approved an initiative proposal that required nearly all children between the ages of eight and sixteen to be educated only by the state.' The closing of all secular and religious private schools could have been the only result. Had it not been for the landmark decision of the United States Supreme Court in the case of Pierce v. Society of Sisters2 which declared the law uncon-

10 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the late summer of 1919, Mather and Grant as discussed by the authors came to the west coast for a conservation visit, and their visit presaged a turning point in the conservation movement on the Pacific coast.
Abstract: IN THE LATE SUMMER Of 1919 Stephen T. Mather and Madison Grant, two leaders in the nascent struggle for the preservation of America's scenic beauty, came to the west coast. Mather was director of the National Park Service, a bureau he had helped create. More than any other man he was responsible for vitalizing the administration of the scenic preserves established by Congress.' Grant, though destined to be remembered primarily for his anti-immigration work, was just as dedicated to saving America's beauty from despoilation. As a respected amateur naturalist, president of the Bronx Parkway Commission, chairman of the executive committee of the New York Zoological Society, and prominent New York citizen, Grant came west with Mather not as a subordinate, but as a co-worker.2 Their visit presaged a turning point in the conservation movement on the Pacific coast.

6 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated the role of the United States' Navy and State departments and the League of Nation's Permanent Mandates Commission to penetrate the bamboo veil woven by Tokyo authorities to isolate their central Pacific islands.
Abstract: Philippines.' Because of Japanese secretiveness regarding activities in these areas, Western officials and their publics gradually became convinced that the Japanese government was violating its promise not to construct military installations on these islands-a conviction that has persisted.2 Most accounts of Japanese-American relations during this period stress the unsuccessful efforts by the United States' Navy and State departments and the League of Nation's Permanent Mandates Commission to penetrate the bamboo veil woven by Tokyo authorities to isolate their central Pacific islands. The Far Eastern Military Tribunal, in its investigations of Japanese "war crimes," did little to clarify the precise nature of Japan's construction in these islands prior to the war. Nor, indeed, have recently published historical studies moved much closer to eliminating the confusion surrounding Japan's prewar activities in its central Pacific mandates. Thus at least five essential, but interrelated, questions are posed by this interwar episode. What authority did the United States or

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the various explanations for the deportation and offer their own, arguing that the explanations so far offered do not get to the heart of the issue and that the deportation, while reprehensible and inconsistent with our basic democratic concepts and ideals, was a predictable response on the part of the people of Bisbee, in terms of the beliefs, values, and norms they shared as contrasted to those held by the Industrial Workers of the World.
Abstract: what has already been done but to examine critically the various explanations for the deportation which have been put forth and to offer our own. It is our contention that the explanations so far offered do not get to the heart of the issue-to understand how a whole community could have so easily repudiated the very heritage upon which our society is built, a heritage embodied in our Bill of Rights and which includes the right to free speech, the right to promote unpopular beliefs, the right to free association, the right to face one's accusers and defend oneself against attack. Our thesis is that the deportation, while reprehensible and inconsistent with our basic democratic concepts and ideals, was a predictable response on the part of the people of Bisbee, in terms of the beliefs, values, and norms they shared as contrasted to those held by the Industrial Workers of the World. The essential facts of the deportation can be quickly recalled. The IWW had begun to organize Arizona's miners in the fall of 1916. By June, 1917, they were the dominant element among the factionridden Bisbee miners. They were rebuffed by the mine managers when they sought to present a list of demands concerning working conditions and wages and called a strike to begin June 27, 1917. While from forty to fifty per cent of the men remained at work, the strike seriously crippled copper production. This was a very real threat to the economy of the mining district, which was wholly de-

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Tsui Kwo Yin this paper had argued that congressional prohibition of Chinese immigration was a violation of the Angell Treaty of 1880, and had employed several prominent attorneys to prepare a case challenging the registration and deportation provisions of the Geary Act and asked Secretary Gresham to have Attorney General Richard Olney schedule the case with the Supreme Court.
Abstract: SHORTLY AFTER Secretary of State Walter Q. Gresham took office in March, 1893, the Chinese minister, Tsui Kwo Yin, asked the government of the United States to accept a constitutional test of the Geary Act, the new Chinese exclusion law. Minister Tsui explained that the Chinese "Six Companies" had employed several prominent attorneys to prepare a case challenging the registration and deportation provisions of the act and asked Secretary Gresham to have Attorney General Richard Olney schedule the case with the Supreme Court sometime before it adjourned in May. The Chinese had decided to challenge these provisions on the ground that they violated the rights of Chinese residents in the United States and because the American government had ignored China's claim that congressional prohibition of Chinese immigration was a violation of the Angell Treaty of 1880.1 Rather ironically, the steps initially taken by Tsui early in 1893 eventually led not to a modification of the exclusion legislation, but to its acceptance by China in a new treaty. The Burlingame Treaty of 1868 had given the Chinese the right to migrate freely to the United States, but in 1880, this right was curtailed by the Angell Treaty in order to allow the American government to "suspend" the immigration of Chinese laborers. In 1883 and 1884, Congress had passed legislation putting the so-called "exclusion" policy into effect. However, because Chinese laborers managed to enter illegally, an attempt was made to prohibit their migration

4 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the British archives, new information has become available concerning the reaction of Sir Edward Grey to President Woodrow Wilson's Mexican policy as discussed by the authors, revealing that Grey's guideline in determining the British course of action was the avoidance of any difficulty with the United States.
Abstract: WITH THE RECENT OPENING Of the British archives, new information has become available concerning the reaction of Sir Edward Grey to President Woodrow Wilson's Mexican policy. Grey's guideline in determining the British course of action was the avoidance of any difficulty with the United States. Therefore, although he deemed the American policy unwise and made an effort to change Wilson's attitude toward President Huerta, Grey nonetheless tried to co-operate with the United States. As Arthur Link has pointed out, Wilson's distrust of Sir Lionel Carden, the British Minister in Mexico, made Grey's task more difficult.' The new documents also provide some interesting sidelights on the change in Wilson's view of the Mexican problem. In the autumn of 1913 Wilson, on the basis of a completely unrealistic assumption, expected Huerta to hold free elections in October. But instead, on October 10 and 11, Huerta surrounded the Chamber of Deputies, imprisoned 110 of its members, and took over dictatorial powers. Wilson not surprisingly concluded that Huerta was unfit for the presidency. Unfortunately for Anglo-American co-operation, Carden arrived in Mexico City during the coup and ostentatiously presented his credentials to the usurper. He then proceeded to compound his felony by telling reporters that Mexico needed a strong man as president.2 Convinced by Carden's actions that England was determined to frustrate his Mexican policy, Wilson plainly told the British


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Northern Pacific Railway's land grant holdings west of the Idaho-Montana border, including the states of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, were referred to from almost the very beginning as the western district as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THE NORTHERN PACIFIC Railway's land grant holdings west of the Idaho-Montana border, including the states of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, were referred to from almost the very beginning as the western district. A western land agent, supervised by the land commissioner, was placed in charge of the sale and leasing of lands in that area, and records of all transactions were kept separate from those of the eastern district. Although much of the good agricultural land had already been disposed of in this area by 1900, the acreage included a great deal of grazing land, as well as enormous amounts of timber. The agricultural lands which still remained after that date were often sold in small tracts to actual

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Miller pointed out that merchants and businessmen were often found at Granger meetings assuming roles of leadership, and that there was no evidence of any distinction between the farmers' demands and those of the commercial classes on the question of rate law reform in its general aspects.
Abstract: MUCH HAS BEEN WRITTEN concerning the motivations of those who fought for and against state railroad regulation during the so-called "Granger Era." In the histories of this subject, attention has usually centered on the relationship of various occupational groups, such as farmers and merchants, to the railroad regulation movement. Few have considered the possibility that the support which men gave to the movement was determined more by the general economic interests of their localities than by their occupations. In The Granger Movement, Solon J. Buck asserted that railroad regulation in the Midwest in the early 1870's was the product of farmer agitation.' No one can doubt that the farmer's dissatisfaction did much to create a political atmosphere within which stringent railroad regulation was possible. But as George H. Miller has pointed out, merchants and businessmen were often found at Granger meetings assuming roles of leadership.2 In regard to Illinois, Miller concludes: "There is no evidence of any distinction between the farmers' demands and those of the commercial classes on the question of rate law reform in its general aspects." 3 In his effort to revise Buck, Miller occasionally asserts that the regulatory legislation was the result of merchant agitation rather than of

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early years of the state, Californians overwhelmingly desired that the legislature maintain high legal maximum rates in order to encourage railroad construction as discussed by the authors. But, as the railroad system of California grew, providing more and more localities with rail service, agitation began for a curb on the Southern Pacific's monopolistic power and for lower legal maximum rate.
Abstract: RAILROAD RATE regulation had been discussed in California long before 1878, when a convention met in Sacramento to draft California's second constitution. In the early years of the state, Californians overwhelmingly desired that the legislature maintain high legal maximum rates in order to encourage railroad construction. But, as the railroad system of California grew, providing more and more localities with rail service, agitation began for a curb on the Southern Pacific's monopolistic power and for lower legal maximum rates. This movement, brought to a climax in the mid-1870's when state legislators hassled over rigid maximum rate bills, ended in failure.? Because of the apparent inability of the legislature to effectively regulate railroad rates, the constitutional convention decided to create a three-man railroad commission with the power to set maximum rates. In this way, specific rate schedules were not discussed by the delegates, and local rivalries, which had helped destroy past maximum freight and fare bills, did not enter the debate. California was not the first state to create a commission with the


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For a man who had the good fortune to be involved in the vanguard of much of western activity during the 1840's, Lansford Warren Hastings remains a shadowy and elusive figure as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: FOR A MAN WHO HAD the good fortune to be involved in the vanguard of much of western activity during the 1840's, Lansford Warren Hastings remains a shadowy and elusive figure.1 Most written accounts of his impact upon the development of the Far West have been either fragmentary in scope or superficial in explanation. In part, at least, this is due to the absence of adequate documentation concerning his many exploits. Hastings left no diary or volumes of papers for this period whereby his activities could be more carefully charted and his motives more clearly discerned.2 Where little is known about the man, much has been suspected. These suspicions, moreover, have been used to close the gaps in the historical record until it is extremely difficult to separate fact from fiction in what has become a growing Hastings myth. Faced with such scattered and conflicting evidence, one is tempted to cry out with John Donne, " 'Tis all in peeces, all cohaerence gone." Nowhere is this problem more observable than in the past genera-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Men of the American "elint" vessel Pueblo captured off that nation's coast on January 23, 1953 as discussed by the authors were the first to declare war on the United States.
Abstract: men of the American "elint" vessel Pueblo captured off that nation's coast on January 23. These negotiations were complicated by the very real threat of a resumption of warfare across the thirty-eighth parallel. At the same time the Johnson administration was under heavy criticism because the nation was bogged down in a somewhat similar and increasingly distasteful land war in Southeast Asia. Republican aspirants for the presidency questioned why so powerful a nation as the United States could not defeat "a fourth-rate military power." They also reminded the public that it was a Republican administration that ended the Korean War.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: There is no reason to suppose that the coming to power of the Soviets has brought an end to the operation of the frontier process in Russia as mentioned in this paper, and the reported preference of many Soviet youth for jobs in Siberia, for example, is unlikely in the long run to strengthen the system of political control most effectively applied in the Moscow region.
Abstract: There is no reason to suppose that the coming to power of the Soviets has brought an end to the operation of the frontier process in Russia. The reported preference of many Soviet youth for jobs in Siberia, for example, is unlikely in the long run to strengthen the system of political control most effectively applied in the Moscow region. While the Soviets have vigorously backed development of the Siberian area, one may doubt that even that authoritarian government can entirely evade the manifold effects of the frontier process, with its combined support and threat to the existing regime.'

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine these attitudes and assess the effects of policy based on them and conclude that the division of opinion was a continuation of the argument over land policy that had existed since the early days of settlement in Australia and arose out of different approaches that were made to it.
Abstract: THREE MAIN FACTORS can be distinguished in the development of land policy in Queensland during the later nineteenth century. One was the physical environment, which determined to a very great extent the way in which the land could be used and also served to modify the policies that were introduced. The others were the contrasting attitudes toward land utilization and settlement that formed the basis of land policy during this period. It is the purpose of this article to examine these attitudes and to assess the effects of policy based on them.' Summarized in very general terms, the division of opinion was a continuation of the argument over land policy that had existed since the early days of settlement in Australia and arose out of different approaches that were made to it. On the one hand was the view derived from an economic interpretation of the land question, which held that the land should be utilized in the way for which it appeared best suited and that government policy should reflect this. Such an approach might be termed the rural one, since it came to be held by most of the rural interests during the period. At best it was a logical assessment of the problem, but it tended to represent a static interpretation of economic questions and often did not take political





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The existence of an organized Lutheran church in Russian Alaska before 1867 is one of the least-known aspects of early early Alaskan society as mentioned in this paper, although a full half century elapsed between the coming of the first promyshlenniki and the arrival of pioneer missionaries from the Orthodox monasteries of Valamo and Konevsky in the islands of Lake Ladoga to Kodiak in 1794.
Abstract: ]HE EXISTENCE of an organized Lutheran church in Russian Alaska before 1867 is one of the least-known aspects of early Alaskan society. References in historical works which deal with the Russian period of the Lutheran church in Alaska are at the most very brief and often contain a number of factual errors. Bancroft's well-known history of Alaska is no exception to this rule. The student of Russian history in the tsarist period begins with the assumption that the Orthodox church established itself in the Russian possessions of the New World. This is true in the case of Alaska, although a full half century elapsed between the coming of the first promyshlenniki and the arrival of pioneer missionaries from the Orthodox monasteries of Valamo and Konevsky (Konevitsa) in the islands of Lake Ladoga to Kodiak in 1794.' From 1794 on, the small, slowly growing Russian society in Alaska reflected the same close union between the altar and the throne that was one of the distin-



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Ashikaga shoguns, who functioned between 1338 and 1573, had been designated in the diplomatic correspondence of the Ming dynasty by the title koku6'.
Abstract: WHEN THE NATIONS of the West resumed contact with Japan in the middle of the nineteenth century, they began negotiations on the basis of an imperfect understanding of the structure of Japanese government. They believed that the Sh6gun, or taikun (tycoon), was the actual ruler of the country. The Emperor, or Mikado, was thought to be a kind of hereditary pope who had nothing to do with the making of political decisions. In short, they concluded that there were two emperors in Japan--one political, the other religious. Admittedly, the myth of the two emperors was not a complete fiction. The shogunate as a political institution had arisen in the twelfth century as part of the peculiar development of feudal society in Japan. As the office became hereditary and drew to itself many of the functions of a central government, its role was particularly hard for newcomers to understand. The Ashikaga shoguns, who functioned between 1338 and 1573, had been designated in the diplomatic correspondence of the Ming dynasty by the title koku6.' In Chinese, this meant either local king, or duke. It could therefore be interpreted as denoting an office subordinate to that of the Mikado. Certainly the Japanese themselves looked upon the latter office as the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: After enduring nearly a century of widespread resistance to the Fifteenth Amendment, Congress has marshalled an array of potent weapons against the evil, with authority in the Attorney General to employ them effectively as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: After enduring nearly a century of widespread resistance to the Fifteenth Amendment, Congress has marshalled an array of potent weapons against the evil, with authority in the Attorney General to employ them effectively.... Hopefully, millions of non-white Americans will now be able to participate for the first time on an equal basis in the government under which they live. We may finally look forward to the day when truly "the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." 1