Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1980"
TL;DR: The Gentle Tamers as discussed by the authors is one of the first books to attempt an overview and analysis of the roles of women in the West, focusing on women as a group, and providing a major gap in western historiography.
Abstract: OVER TWENTY YEARS AGO, the University of Nebraska Press published Dee Brown's The Gentle Tamers, one of the first books to attempt an overview and analysis of the roles of women in the West. The-Gentle Tamers elaborated and codified the assumption that the white male "tamed" the West in its physical aspects and that white women, who followed the men, gently tamed the social conditions (including, of course, white men). By focusing on women as a group, Brown filled a major gap in western historiography, and because he provided a thesis and a framework, his book remains the most widely read book on women in the West. This essay is an attempt to place the concept of the "gentle tamers" in its larger historiographical context, to examine the ways in which women in the West have been viewed by historians, and to explore new possibilities for analysis.'
93 citations
TL;DR: This article pointed out that Japanese immigrant women are absent from most historical accounts of Japanese immigration, and that race, sex, and class factors account for the glaring omission of Japanese women from these accounts.
Abstract: DESPITE PLAYING A CRUCIAL role in the growth of Japanese immigrant society, Japanese immigrant women are absent from most historical accounts of Japanese immigration. Race, sex, and class factors account for this glaring omission. Apart from works covering the internment of Japanese during World War II, the existing literature in English is mainly devoted to the origins, causes, and development of the anti-Japanese exclusion movement in the first quarter of this century and the adverse repercussions it had on Japanese-American relations.' High-
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TL;DR: The author wishes to thank Ram6n Eduardo Ruiz, W. Elliot Brownlee, Mary Brownlee and Ileana Rodriguez for their helpful comments on this paper as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The author wishes to thank Ram6n Eduardo Ruiz, W. Elliot Brownlee, Mary Brownlee, and Ileana Rodriguez for their helpful comments on this paper. 'General and interpretive works based on secondary sources include Martha P. Cotera, Diosa y Hembra: The History and Heritage of Chicanas in the U.S. (Austin, 1976); Maria Linda Apodaca, \"The Chicana Woman: An Historical Materialist Perspective,\" Latin American Perspectives, IV (Winter and Spring 1977), 70-89; and Flor Saiz, La Chicana (N.p., 1973). For contemporary history based on recent census data, see Laura E. Arroyo, \"Industrial and Occupational Distribution of Chicana Workers,\" Aztlin, IV (1973), 343-382; and Rosaura Sanchez, \"The Chicana Labor Force,\" in Rosaura Sanchez and Rosa Martinez Cruz, Essays on La Mujer (Los Angeles, 1977), 3-15. On historiography, see Judith Sweeney, \"Chicana History: A Review of the Literature,\" in Sanchez and Martinez Cruz, La Mujer, 99-123; and Rosalinda M. Gonzalez, \"A Review of the Literature on Mexican American Women Workers in the U.S. Southwest, 1900-75\" (Unpublished paper available in the Chicano Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley). Also, consult the following bibliographies which have sections on history: Roberto Cabello-Argandofia, Juan G6mez-Quinofies, and Patricia Herrera Durin, eds., The Chicana: A Comprehensive Study (Los Angeles, 1975); and Cristina Portillo, Graciela Rios, and Martha Rodriguez, eds., Bibliography of Writings on La Mujer (Berkeley, 1976). For interpretive articles on contemporary
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TL;DR: In the Los Angeles region, Indians began drifting into the pueblo of Los Angeles almost from the day it was founded and established an economic relationship that continued for nearly a century as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: As MEMBERS OF sociopolitical units not yet significantly damaged by white contact, Indians had their greatest impact on post-Columbian, North American history. Bands, lineages, villages, chiefdoms, and confederacies rendered decisions and implemented policies concerning the white intruders that sometimes were of crucial importance in shaping the histories of regions and localities. On occasion, however, Indians actively participated in the historical process as individuals whose traditional corporate existence had been disrupted by white contact. Indians in the Los Angeles region are a case in point.' Seeking work, Indians began drifting into the pueblo of Los Angeles almost from the day it was founded. Thus settlers and Indians quickly established an economic relationship that continued for nearly a century. Unfortunately, historians have
17 citations
TL;DR: This article analyzed the demographic characteristics of western black women and compared their experiences with those of white women in the American West and found that black women had essentially the same experiences as white women.
Abstract: THE EXPERIENCES OF BLACKS IN THE settlement of the American West have received considerable attention from scholars in the last decade, but little of the literature deals with black women. This omission is partly rooted in the oversight by historians of the role of women in general, but it may also reflect an uncertainty as to the perspective from which to treat the topic. Women's history, western history, and black history have each developed distinct interpretations. Scholars need to ask: Did black women have essentially the same experiences as white women? Were their experiences dictated more by race or class or region? This article attempts to answer these questions by first analyzing the demographic characteristics of western black women and then by comparing their experiences with those of white women. How "the West" is defined is crucial to the conclusions
17 citations
TL;DR: One of the most traumatic moments of the Cold War for members of the Harry S. Truman administration came with Russia's first test of an atomic weapon in the late summer of 1949.
Abstract: ONE OF THE MOST traumatic moments of the Cold War for members of the Harry S. Truman administration came with Russia's first test of an atomic weapon in the late summer of 1949. Though subsequent efforts were made to belittle its importance, the news of the Soviet bomb came as a shock to the administration, which complacently expected America's atomic monopoly to endure as long as a generation beyond Hiroshima. Private reactions at the time reveal the extent and the effect of the surprise. The "Russian bomb has changed the situation drastically," Atomic Energy Commission Chairman David Lilienthal confided in his journal; "the talk about our having anticipated everything and following the same program we have before is the bunk."' President Truman was at first unwilling to believe that the Russians had tested an actual atomic bomb. General Leslie Groves, wartime director of the Manhattan Project that built the first bomb, remained convinced that the nuclear explosion in Russia had been either an
14 citations
TL;DR: In October 1913, the American Federation for Sex Hygiene and the National Vigilance Association met and merged, and the newly formed American Social Hygiene Association actively campaigned against its principal enemy-prostitution.
Abstract: IN OCTOBER 1913, in Buffalo, New York, the American Federation for Sex Hygiene and the National Vigilance Association met and merged. Unlike their counterparts in Europe, this joining of public health sanitarians and moralists proved workable. Under the leadership of William F. Snow, MD, representing the physicians and sanitarians, aided by the vigorous work of Raymond B. Fosdick on behalf of the social workers and clergy, the newly formed American Social Hygiene Association actively campaigned against its principal enemy-prostitution. Regulationists and reformers, most often strict abolitionists who wanted to eradicate
14 citations
TL;DR: The United States went to war against Spain in April 1898, and it is unlikely that either the government or the public at large envisioned the acquisition of an overseas territorial empire, especially in the far Pacific as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: WHEN THE UNITED STATES went to war against Spain in April 1898, it is unlikely that either the government or the public at large envisioned the acquisition of an overseas territorial empire, especially in the far Pacific. But after the forces of Commodore George Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet at Manila Bay on May 1, the cry for new lands became deafening. In July, Hawaii was annexed, a by-product of the war. And on October 28, President William McKinley demanded from Spain the cession of the Philippine archipelago as the price of peace. The Protestant churches helped prepare a national temper receptive to these acquisitions and doubtlessly also helped influence McKinley, the country's most prominent Methodist. Protestant Christianity in America had usually been expan-
TL;DR: The cultural program had little influence in shaping the major contours of wartime Sino-American relations as mentioned in this paper, and its subordinate policymaking status was underscored in many ways, not least by the absence of permanent legislative authority for its activities and a chronic lack of funding.
Abstract: IN THE COURSE OF studying America's involvement with China during the Second World War, historians have focused mainly on the complexity of political affairs, especially as they related to military strategy and the larger currents of global politics. But American involvement was not exclusively political, as demonstrated by the State Department's inauguration, in 1942, of a formal program of cultural relations with China.' From a superficial bureaucratic perspective, this decision simply added a cultural wing to an expanding politico-military edifice, and a modest one at that. The cultural program had little influence in shaping the major contours of wartime Sino-American relations. Its subordinate policymaking status was underscored in many ways, not least by the absence of permanent legislative authority for its activities and by a chronic lack of funding. Yet, in retrospect, the cultural program possessed a symbolic importance not recognized at the time. For all its seeming insignificance, its evolution during the war suggests that the highly
TL;DR: The immediate postwar period is dealt with in Ronald K. Edgerton, "The Politics of Reconstruction in the Philippines, 1945-1948" (Ph.D. as discussed by the authors ).
Abstract: 'The immediate postwar period is dealt with in Ronald K. Edgerton, "The Politics of Reconstruction in the Philippines, 1945-1948" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1975); Violet E. Wurfel, "American Implementation of Philippine Independence" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1951); Stephen R. Shalom, "U.S.-Philippine Relations: A Study of Neo-Colonialism" (Ph.D dissertation, Boston University, 1976); Theodore Friend, Between Two Empires: The Ordeal of the Philippines, 1929-1946 (New Haven, 1965); Garel A. Grunder and William E. Livezey, The Philippines and the United States (Norman, 1951); Milton W. Meyer, A Diplomatic History of the Philippine Republic (Honolulu, 1965); David J. Steinberg, "The Philippines: Survival of an Oligarchy," in Josef Silverstein, ed., Southeast Asia in World War II: Four Essays (Yale University Southeast Asia Studies Monograph No. 7; New Haven, 1966), 67-86, and Philippine Collaboration in World War II (Ann Arbor, 1967); Robert Aura Smith, Philippine Freedom, 1946-1958 (New York, 1958); Hernando J. Abaya, Betrayal in the Philippines (New York, 1946); Bernard Seeman and Lawrence Salisbury, Crosscurrents in the Philippines (New York, 1946); David Bernstein, The Philippine Story (New York, 1947); Shirley Jenkins, "The Philippines," in John F. Cady et al., The Development of Self-Rule in Burma, Malaya and the Philippines (New York, 1948), 80-104. 2For a bibliography of the extensive literature, see Peter W. Stanley, "The Forgotten Philippines, 1790-1946," in Ernest R. May and James C. Thomson Jr., eds., AmericanEast Asian Relations: A Survey (Cambridge, Mass., 1972), 291-316. An important interpretive study published since the bibliography is Renato Constantino, The Philippines: A Past Revisited (Quezon City, 1975).
TL;DR: In the early 20th century, Seattle experienced explosive growth and lost the ethnic homogeneity which it had possessed as a frontier settlement as discussed by the authors, and became a booming city of 240,000 thirty years later.
Abstract: experienced explosive growth.1 From a settlement of about 3,500 in 1880, Seattle became a booming city of 240,000 thirty years later.2 As Seattle developed, it lost the ethnic homogeneity which it had possessed as a frontier settlement. Newcomers accounted for the bulk of the city's growth, and immigrant and ethnic neighborhoods-a Chinatown, a "little" Italy, a Russian neighborhood, and Scandinavian enclaves-expanded or emerged for the first time. Socioeconomic divisions increasingly separated Seattle's population into conflicting groups. By 1910 Seattle possessed four major classes: an upper class of wealthy businessmen, a middle class of professionals and less well-to-do businessmen, a prosperous class of skilled laborers (married, homeowners who were native Americans or immigrants from northern Europe), and a lower class of less skilled laborersgenerally single, transient workingmen who were first-genera-
TL;DR: For example, the authors wrote of China: "The sleeping giantess, whose drowsy eyes have so long shut out the ray of the morning sun, is showing unmistakable signs of awakening."
Abstract: NAPOLEON IS REPUTED TO HAVE said, "China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, for when she wakes she will shake the world."' Over a century later William Jennings Bryan, after touring Asia in 1906, wrote of China: "The sleeping giantess, whose drowsy eyes have so long shut out the ray of the morning sun, is showing unmistakable signs of awakening."2 In Napoleon's time Japan was possibly asleep but certainly invisible, experiencing the period of Tokugawa exclusion, hermetically sealed as no great country ever was before, allowing only a single annual foreign visit at Deshima; her transformation started in the 1850s and proceeded rapidly. The third great East Asian power of our era, Russia, was very much awake, deeply involved in European affairs and soon to appear as the senior victor over Napoleon's armies; but though she had reached the shores of the Pacific in 1639, her effective occupa-
TL;DR: The back-to-the-land movements were more than stillborn brainchildren of romantic intellectuals, more than mere hankerings after idealized agrarian pasts.
Abstract: trialization, their literary artifacts reveal intellectual trends but their concrete social accomplishments are usually assumed to have been negligible. Many of these movements, however, were more than the stillborn brainchildren of romantic intellectuals, more than mere hankerings after idealized agrarian pasts. They have often succeeded in placing thousands of families in the countryside and have had important social and ecological consequences. Furthermore, back-to-the-land movements proceeded from intellectual assumptions more complicated than mere romanticism and their remains are more than literary. A
TL;DR: In a recent article that chided historians for their "insular approach" to United States Indian policy, William E. Unrau raised a key question: "And was not the U.S. Indian problem of little interest and significance to outsiders?" as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Historians have recently begun to see the relationship of aboriginal policies in what traditionally have been considered widely separate historical and geographical experiences. These studies, using comparative methodologies, have focused on the origins, applications, and often disastrous results of policies designed to govern the affairs of native peoples. In a recent article that chided historians for their "insular approach" to United States Indian policy, William E. Unrau raised a key question: "And was not the U.S. Indian problem of little interest and significance to outsiders?"' Based upon our analysis of Japanese aboriginal policies on Formosa (Taiwan), Unrau's question must be answered in the affirmative.
TL;DR: In 1885, the first Democratic president of the United States since James Buchanan was inaugurated as discussed by the authors, and his associates modeled their policies after the dicta of Washington, Jefferson, and Monroe, professing to seek "peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none."
Abstract: IN MARCH 1885 GROVER CLEVELAND assumed office as the first Democratic president of the United States since James Buchanan. The erstwhile mayor of Buffalo, New York, knew little about foreign affairs when he became president. He began by choosing as executives men like himself who were inclined to conduct foreign relations according to American traditions, conservatively construed. In the four years that followed, Cleveland and his associates modeled their policies after the dicta of Washington, Jefferson, and Monroe, professing to seek "peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none."' Cleveland and Secretary of State Thomas F. Bayard opposed territorial expansion and seriously questioned the necessity of assuming further responsibilities abroad. Indeed, the admin-
TL;DR: This paper focused on the formation of United States policy toward China in the key years of transition from 1895 to 1901, devoting many pages to Wilson's railroad ambitions and other schemes in East Asia.
Abstract: HISTORIANS SEEKING TO MAKE a case for an American "expansionist" urge in the Pacific in the late nineteenth century have devoted considerable attention to General James H. Wilson. Marilyn B. Young, for example, in a book focusing on "the formation of United States policy toward China in the key years of transition from 1895 to 1901," devotes many pages to Wilson's railroad ambitions and other schemes in East Asia. A