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Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1991"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, this article argued that cultural imperialism has yet to prove its usefulness as a term for analysis for better understanding mission history, and that there are basically two reasons for its limited usage to date.
Abstract: that seemed to perpetuate their exploitation and impoverishment in the post-colonial era. For the historian of missions, a no less remarkable change in the conventional pieties of American culture is revealed by the readiness with which many people today will accept "cultural imperialism" as a generic label for foreign missionaries. However, cultural imperialism has yet to prove its usefulness as a term for analysis for better understanding mission history. My sense is that there are basically two reasons for its limited usage to date. First is the lack of a widely

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Remus and Pemptos as discussed by the authors were loaded with low-class and densely ignorant Japanese men and women, and the Japanese consulate in San Francisco, alarmed at adverse publicity and embarrassed by accusations that the Japanese were not adhering to the congressional contract labor laws of 1885, sent two offensive clippings from American newspapers to the Foreign Ministry in Tokyo and exhorted the Japanese government to take quick action to limit emigration from Japan to the United States.
Abstract: In April 1891 two ships, the Remus and Pemptos, arrived on the Pacific shores of the United States carrying, respectively, fifty-three and twenty-two "low class and densely ignorant" Japanese men and women. The Japanese consulate in San Francisco, alarmed at the adverse publicity and embarrassed by accusations that the Japanese were not adhering to the congressional contract labor laws of 1885, sent two offensive clippings from American newspapers to the Foreign Ministry in Tokyo and exhorted the Japanese government to take quick action to limit emigrants from Japan to the United States.1 The consulate's embarrassment was compounded by congressional legislation later in 1891 which strengthened

17 citations





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, General John E. Hull, Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations during World War II, agreed with General Dwight D. Eisenhower that the United States should not have given away the Kurile Islands as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: President Dwight D. Eisenhower once complained that although Americans had spent months arguing over who lost China, "we had just given away the Kuriles." He said he never understood "why in the name of God we did it," but he believed that it constituted the "damndest stupidity."' General John E. Hull, Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations during World War II, agreed with Eisenhower. Speaking to an interviewer at the Army War College in the early 1970s, Hull explained: "I thought it was a mistake, as did all the American military personnel.... We saw no objections to [Russia] taking over Sakhalin, but we felt it was a serious error to agree to her taking over the Kurile Islands." More recently, former Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger told a group

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Richmond's experience was not unique; many other cities witnessed similar upheavals during World War II, including Detroit, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and several port cities along the south Atlantic and Gulf coasts as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: When the Richmond, California, Chamber of Commerce published its laudatory history of the city in 1944, it ended the account with before-and-after photographs. Taken exactly six months apart, the two pictures captured the dramatic transformation of one city during the tumultuous era of World War II. The earlier photograph, taken in June 1942 from a hilltop in south Richmond, revealed a pastoral scene of fields and marshes. The later picture, taken in January 1943, provided a startlingly different view of the same terrain. Here, virtually every lot is covered with barracks-like wartime housing projects that stretch as far as the eye can see. The physical transformation of the Richmond community was no doubt extreme. During the war, Richmond hosted over 24,000 public housing units-more than any other U.S. city under the control of a single housing authority. Richmond's experience, however, was not unique. Many other cities witnessed similar upheavals during World War II, including Detroit, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and several port cities along the south Atlantic and Gulf coasts. But no other area could match the explosive growth of West Coast cities; in fact, San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle together constituted five of the nation's ten designated "congested production areas." As major shipbuilding

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The early evolution of the Kaiser Permanente Medical Care Program was a microcosm of vast demographic change on the West Coast as discussed by the authors, which legitimized industrial unionism under John L. Lewis and the CIO, tripling union membership in California between 1933 and 1938.
Abstract: The early evolution of the Kaiser Permanente Medical Care Program was a microcosm of vast demographic change on the West Coast. New Deal policy increased the size, solidarity, and welfare demands of the labor movement. It legitimized industrial unionism under John L. Lewis and the CIO, tripling union membership in California between 1933 and 1938. World War II brought a new wave of workers and their families to the Pacific Coast. The California population grew by a third from 1940 to 1950, and federal spending in the state rose to nearly $35 billion. Henry J. Kaiser's massive dam projects on the Colorado and Columbia rivers in the 1930s, together with military industries in the early

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The first Japanese Americans to be resettled after their forced departure from the West Coast in September 1942 were relocated to the Central Utah Relocation Center at Topaz, Utah as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: "We didn't care for regimentation, "said George Kondo, a Nisei from San Francisco. "Get in line for this and get in line for that, you know, so the first opportunity we had, [we left.]... If you have a sponsor, a place to stay and salary, [you could leave.]... We were able to get out.... [W]e were able to leave." Just two and a half months after Kondo and his wife were moved from the Tanforan Assembly Center in San Bruno to the Central Utah Relocation Center at Topaz, Utah, they were free again, living in Chicago. They were some of the first Japanese Americans to be resettled after their forced departure from the West Coast in September 1942.1 Much attention has been focused on the evacuation and

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The first U.S. ambassador to South Korea, John J. Muccio, traveled to his home town of Providence, Rhode Island, to address the graduating class of his alma mater and receive an honorary degree as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: On May 30, 1952, Italian-born U.S. ambassador to South Korea, John J. Muccio, travelled to his home town of Providence, Rhode Island, to address the graduating class of his alma mater and receive an honorary degree. Completing an extended five-year tour as the first U.S. ambassador to South Korea, Muccio knew his official and personal relations with "the Princetonian"--his private name for President Syngman Rhee derived from an in-house joke based on Rhee's doctorate from Princeton University--had deteriorated seriously. In addition, the American public's weariness with the Korean War and frustration at the lack of progress at the interminable armistice negotiations at Panmunjom cast a shadow over Muccio's homecoming. At Brown University, Muccio defended U.S. policy in Korea in a speech of over 3,000 words, which was unexceptional except for one curious omission: there was no mention of President Rhee of Korea.'

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the past decade, the theme of resistance has dominated American Indian historiography as mentioned in this paper, and scholars have begun portraying indigenous people as historical actors in their own right, rather than depicting them as the passive victims of advancing white civilization.
Abstract: During the past decade, the theme of resistance has dominated American Indian historiography. Scholars have begun portraying indigenous people as historical actors in their own right, rather than depicting them, as did most previous historians, as the passive victims of advancing white civilization. Recent works have thus emphasized initiative, survival, and cultural resilience as central to the American Indian experience.'



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The American photographer Ansel Adams, whose life spanned a large part of the twentieth century (1902-1984), created a body of work that is probably as well known among the general public as that of any artist of this century as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The American photographer Ansel Adams, whose life spanned a large part of the twentieth century (1902-1984), created a body of work that is probably as well known among the general public as that of any artist of this century. Posters, calenders, and coffee table books featuring his dramatic views of wilderness landscapes are ubiquitous. The popularity of his work has not only advanced the public recognition of photography as an art form, but has also been a powerful force in the environmental movement. This broad appeal is not the result of chance, but rather the consequence of a deliberate decision by Adams to address the widest public audience. Of course, many artists seek to reach a wide audience, but Adams's images of the natural world found a powerful resonance in American culture. This essay seeks to explain why he chose this direction in his art and to suggest why it was embraced so warmly by the American public. Adams's early career in photography, during the 1920s and early 1930s, was predominantly oriented toward a small audience made up of Sierra Club members and connoisseurs of fine art photography. However, during the 1930s and early 1940s, a significant change occurred in his attitude toward the application of his art. The social and artistic climate of

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The history of Chinese foreign relations is a particularly important one for students of Sino-American affairs as discussed by the authors.Although the cordial relations inaugurated by the 1868 Burlingame Treaty grew increasingly strained over the issue of Chinese immigration as the decade wore on, there was also a significant amount of cooperation resulting in such innovative projects as the Chinese Educational Mission and the Cuba Commis-
Abstract: tory of Chinese foreign relations, and a particularly important one for students of Sino-American affairs. Though the cordial relations inaugurated by the 1868 Burlingame Treaty grew increasingly strained over the issue of Chinese immigration as the decade wore on, there was also a significant amount of cooperation resulting in such innovative projects as the Chinese Educational Mission and the Cuba Commis-



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Farnham was involved in the controversial "Graham Affair" as discussed by the authors, which involved about a hundred foreigners, including the mountain man Isaac Graham and a large number of other Americans.
Abstract: After a harrowing journey across the continent from Peoria, Illinois, to the Willamette Valley in Oregon, Thomas Jefferson Farnham arrived in California just in time to involve himself in the controversial "Graham Affair." In 1840 the California authorities arrested about a hundred foreigners, including the mountain man Isaac Graham and a large number of other Americans. The men arrested were accused of


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, this article found that Japanese students are far more familiar with such aspects of Japanese life as sushi and sumo than were their counterparts a decade ago, but does this familiarity really mean greater understanding or a better chance for international amity than in the past?
Abstract: Japan is now of major concern to Americans. Articles on Japan appear regularly in newspapers, magazines, radio, and television, while national interest in the Pacific region has surged over the last few years. College students, looking to their own futures and that of the world, are no exception. Japan-related course enrollments in universities across the country have shot up in recent years, including those at Northwestern University, where I teach Japanese history.' My students are far more familiar with such aspects of Japanese life as sushi and sumo than were their counterparts a decade ago. Usually, greater familiarity with a foreign culture is defined as the first step to improved global relations, but does this familiarity really mean greater understanding or a better chance for international amity than in the past? At first glance, my students view Japan quite favorably and are quite well-informed. All of a single generation, they are not only young but young at a particular point in history. Fifteen years older than them, I approach Japanese history

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the last decade or fifteen years several distinguished historians have called for a return to the narrative as mentioned in this paper, and they have not advocated discarding analytical or monographic history, a type of study much favored, of course, by scholars trained in universities.
Abstract: In the last ten or fifteen years several distinguished historians have called for a return to the narrative. They have not advocated discarding analytical or monographic history, a type of study much favored, of course, by scholars trained in universities. Rather it has been the very success of specialized studies that has produced the cry for the revival of the narrative. Success-an enormous increase in historical