Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1993"
••
31 citations
••
20 citations
••
TL;DR: Visitors to Arizona's Aravaipa Canyon Wilderness Area crawled out of their air-conditioned Chryslers in the administrative parking lot, stretched their legs, loaded their cameras, and browsed through the federally published tourist brochures that their tax dollars had sponsored as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Visitors to Arizona's Aravaipa Canyon Wilderness Area in 1978 crawled out of their air-conditioned Chryslers in the administrative parking lot, stretched their legs, loaded their cameras, and browsed through the federally published tourist brochures that their tax dollars had sponsored. Curious, bored, travel-weary, or simply scenery numb, tourists' gazing out at the stark desert landscape of Aravaipa Canyon found their wildest western expectations reinforced by the text of the Bureau of Land Management Visitor's Guide to Aravaipa Canyon Wilderness: "Wilderness is the America that was-wild land beyond the
19 citations
••
16 citations
••
12 citations
••
10 citations
••
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used census data from the 1870 and 1880 schedules of the San Juan mountain towns of Colorado in 1880 and 1885 to draw generalizations about miners in that area, generalizations similar to traditional views of a turbulent, maledominated, ethnically diverse mining frontier.
Abstract: Through extensive use of census manuscripts, historians have advanced our knowledge of the social structure of mining frontiers. Duane A. Smith utilized census data for his study of San Juan mountain towns of Colorado in 1880 and 1885; from these data he drew generalizations about miners in that area, generalizations similar to traditional views of a turbulent, maledominated, ethnically diverse mining frontier. Ralph Mann, in studies of two California towns from 1849 to 1870, showed changes over time but, more important, he described mining communities with different economic substructures. Grass Valley remained essentially an extractive community with a predominantly male population, while Nevada City developed a more broadly based economy with more retail establishments, processing mills, and engineering services. As a result, Nevada City by 1860 had evolved from a placer mining, male-dominated society to one with more women and established social institutions, such as schools and churches. In a similar study, Elliott West examined five Idaho mining towns, utilizing census data from the 1870 and 1880 schedules. West found that Centerville, Idaho City, Pioneer, Placerville, and Silver City had common characteristics--"numerical domination by men, ethnic diversity, transience, and unequal distribution of property"-but he also
9 citations
••
TL;DR: In 1954, Ramon Magsaysay, a former manager of a bus line, took the oath of office as the third President of the Republic of the Philippines as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In January 1954, Ramon Magsaysay, a former manager of a bus line, took the oath of office as the third President of the Republic of the Philippines. In a gesture taken from Andrew Jackson, he threw open the doors of Malacafian Palace to thousands of Manilans who roamed the marble halls, blinked at the chandeliers, and marveled at the trappings of their government's highest office. He had taken his campaign to the countryside, stumping from barrio to barrio under banners emblazoned "Magsaysay Is My Guy." U.S. newspapermen, diplomats, and, later, historians interpreted his dramatic ascent as a demonstration of American power to control the workings of the Philippine political system. "In many ways," Time magazine reported, "the Magsaysay victory was a U.S. victory." The new President was "America's Boy," manufactured, packaged, and delivered by U.S. diplomatic and military officials and the CLA's master manipulator, Edward G. Lansdale.1 State Department officials believed they had found in Magsaysay a way to bypass the corrupt, uncooperative elite that menaced the stability of the country. They regarded him as a genuine reformer, a common man with few ties to the landlords, rentier industrialists, and cronies who ran the administration of President Elpidio Quirino. Moreover, they believed that he had achieved high office-first as Secretary of National Defense and
8 citations
••
TL;DR: In recent years, the topic of war and society has made considerable strides in European historiography, and it is beginning to make an impression on American history as discussed by the authors, however, urban historians have not yet discovered this interesting subfield.
Abstract: In recent years, the topic of war and society has made considerable strides in European historiography, and it is beginning to make an impression on American historiography.1 In general, urban historians have not yet discovered this interesting subfield. Somewhat surprisingly, however, the field of war and society has witnessed considerable debate. One says surprisingly because, at first glance, one could easily consider war to be a collective disaster. John U. Nef has perhaps given the classic modern voice to the argument that war is not essential to societies in his 1952 book entitled War and Human Progress.2 Although conflict may distribute isolated windfalls, the surface evidence of war would seem to be overwhelmingly negative. One has only to read of the street fighting in Stalingrad in 1942-1943 to get a glimpse of the physical destruction of war upon cities.
8 citations
••
7 citations
••
••
••
TL;DR: The Free Negro in the South before the Civil War, a synopsis of his 1899 University of Pennsylvania doctoral dissertation, was published in the New York Times in the early 1900s.
Abstract: "People everywhere in this age of national expansion are interested in the problems of racial contact." These are the opening lines of Herbert E. Bolton's unpublished essay "The Free Negro in the South before the Civil War," a synopsis of his 1899 University of Pennsylvania doctoral dissertation.1 Why Bolton did not publish this essay is unclear, but it serves to focus our attention on a fact central to this article: at the close of the
••
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the need to make books, teaching units, exhibits, tours, and other materials more inclusive; they need and want to find practical ways of broadening the scope of western American history to include such groups as Native Americans, Hispanics, African Americans, and Asian Americans.
Abstract: Writers, teachers, and public historians are currently struggling to make books, teaching units, exhibits, tours, and other materials more inclusive; they need and want to find practical ways of broadening the scope of western American history to include such groups as Native Americans, Hispanics, African Americans, and Asian Americans.1 While professional organizations of historians and teachers try to devise an inclusive approach that will garner general acceptance in the United States, individual historians and teachers grasp at ways to incorporate non-Anglo groups now. Currently, two types of solutions typically dominate this quest: one brings into a standard topic area representatives of
••
TL;DR: The game of politics has been characterized as a "slightly squalid, all too human, and played for stakes which none of the participants could afford if others did not pay the bills".
Abstract: Politics, according to conventional wisdom, is the art of the possible. It is also characterized as a game, played by skilled experts who are its main beneficiaries. If so, it is a singular kind of game, "slightly squalid, all too human, and played for stakes which none of the participants could afford if others did not pay the bills." It is, to be sure, a game requiring skill, an acute sense of timing, and as much technique as any sport. According to one U.S. senator, politics resembles a man on roller skates: usually he goes where he wants to go, but sometimes he goes where the roller skates take him. Another senator used stronger terms: "This is a filthy game, and that is why men who have little to recommend them beside a certain obstinacy and courage can occasionally rise to the top."i An interesting case study illustrating the intricacies of this fascinating phenomenon is the leadership role assumed by Montana Senator Burton K. Wheeler, who clashed head-on with President Franklin D. Roosevelt over his judiciary reform proposal of 1937. Wheeler contributed substantially to the plan's defeat in Congress later that year. The series of setbacks experienced by the Democrats throughout that famous 168 days,
••
TL;DR: In this article, American strategic planners became convinced by the experiences of the Pacific War that future security could only be guaranteed by the complete control of Micronesia between 1943 and 1947, and they believed that security requirements could be met through the device of international trusteeship.
Abstract: Between 1943 and 1947, American strategic planners became convinced by the experiences of the Pacific War that future security could only be guaranteed by the complete control of Micronesia. In general, civilian policy makers and advisers believed that security requirements could be met through the device of international trusteeship. Aware of Soviet accusations of "territorial aggrandizement" and imperialism, civilian officials thought that American control under a United Nations facade would salvage the American image while ensuring security in the Pacific. Military officials, on the other hand, usually saw outright annexation as the only way adequately to fulfil American security requirements.1 While there were these important differences between military and civilian leaders over the form of control the United States should exercise in the Pacific, there was nevertheless a general consensus that American security required turning the Pacific Ocean area into "an American Lake."2
••
••
••
••
••
••
••
TL;DR: Snyder's activism was closely tied to the resurgence of California's Democratic party following Adlai Stevenson's inspiring campaign for President in 1952 as mentioned in this paper, and stressed her own determination to traverse traditional sexual boundaries in politics.
Abstract: the party and stressed her own determination to traverse traditional sexual boundaries in politics. Snyder's activism was closely tied to the resurgence of California's Democratic party following Adlai Stevenson's inspiring campaign for President in 1952. During the next six years the Democrats successfully challenged Republican hegemony in the state legislature and won the governor's race in 1958 for the
••
••
TL;DR: In this article, the authors show that naval officers determined the feasibility of using aircraft carriers to launch army bombers, briefed their crews on carrier operations, taught them and helped them to take off from their extremely limited deck space, brought them within range of their target, and that the U.S. Navy was willing to risk half of its carrier fleet in the Pacific to accomplish the mission.
Abstract: Japan from the military than the naval side. Without denigrating the contributions of the Army Air Corps, the objective of this paper is to show that naval officers determined the feasibility of using aircraft carriers to launch army bombers, briefed their crews on carrier operations, taught them and helped them to take off from their extremely limited deck space, and brought them within range of their target-and that the U.S. Navy was willing to risk half of its carrier fleet in the Pacific to accomplish the mission. In early May 1941 Capt. Marc A. Mitscher, a naval aviator since 1915, received orders to command the new 20,000-ton aircraft carrier Hornet (CV-8), building at Newport News, Virginia. He went aboard to look about her in July, then took a month's leave. On October 1, 1941, with four thousand spectators assembled, Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox welcomed the Hornet into the fleet. Mitscher's most important officers were George R. Henderson, his executive officer, a record-breaking seaplane and test pilot who had served in the Langley and Lexington and been with him on a pioneering patrol plane flight from San Diego to Hawaii in 1939. Apollo "Sock 'em" Soucek was his air officer; Frank Akers, a precise "fussbudget," was his navigator; Stephen Jurika, who had spent years in the Philippines and Japan, his intelligence officer. Soucek had established a new altitude record in the 1930s and flown from the
••
••