Showing papers in "Pacific Historical Review in 1995"
TL;DR: The Frontier idea is an aspect of something larger as discussed by the authors and some of the pupils have missed this, have followed in "your steps" indeed, but so literally and with so little independence that their lesser and lighter leagued boots have made no mark.
Abstract: Of course I shall have something to say about the "Frontier" idea. Impossible to tell your story without the "Frontier;' as it would be to tell Jack Horner's without the plumb. But I think the Frontier idea is an aspect of something larger....I sometimes think...that some of your pupils have missed this, have followed in "your steps" indeed, but so literally and with so little independence that their lesser and lighter leagued boots have made no mark.1
22 citations
18 citations
TL;DR: In 1992, a convoy of trucks swept into the University of California's Bodega Marine Station on the Sonoma County coast with 740 recently hatched Sacramento River winter-run chinook salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Last Mitigation? During fall of 1992, a convoy of trucks swept into the University of California's Bodega Marine Station on the Sonoma County coast. Marked by a sign reading "Shuttle for Survival;' the precious cargo consisted of 740 recently hatched Sacramento River winter-run chinook salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha).1 The salmon were carefully groomed refugees, the offspring of twenty spawning chinook salmon, taken near Redding on the Sacramento River.2 This costly exercise, the brainchild of Nat Bing-
17 citations
16 citations
15 citations
TL;DR: The Americanization movement as mentioned in this paper was an aggressive attempt by businessmen, patriotic groups, settlement workers, and educators to acculturate immigrants to the U.S. in the early 1900s.
Abstract: tally changed the status of their citizenship. Over the next few years women reformers searched for ways to further transform their citizenship. They wanted to go beyond enfranchisement and acquire more political power, thereby enhancing both their membership and their position within the American polity. They sought to gain political equity in their state by influencing public policy, with their first serious attempt to do so occurring in 1913 in a campaign focusing on sexual mores. In that campaign they won legal and political victories, but not equality. Two years later in 1915 California women enthusiastically entered a different effort to redefine the meaning of U.S. citizenship, the Americanization movement, an aggressive attempt by businessmen, patriotic groups, settlement workers, and educators to acculturate immigrants. This essay seeks to ascertain why these suffragists, mostly native-born and middle-class white Protestants, turned to Americanization with such enthusiasm.1
15 citations
14 citations
11 citations
11 citations
TL;DR: The idea of the American frontier in a Turnerian sense and its attendant images of territorial discovery, exploration, colonization, and exploitation was an intellectual frontier of expanding knowledge and progress of understanding about nature and, by extension, about divinity.
Abstract: decades of space flight.1 Among his other attributes, whether for good or ill, Fletcher's approach toward directing the U.S. space program owed something to his western American and Mormon conceptions of the world. This heritage came into play throughout Fletcher's NASA career as an underlying philosophy of why humans should explore space. There were three interrelated philosophical assumptions that helped inform Fletcher's ideas on space exploration, all arising from his background and experience. The first was the idea of the American frontier in a Turnerian sense and its attendant images of territorial discovery, exploration, colonization, and exploitation.2 Allied to this imagery of frontier conquest for Fletcher was an intellectual frontier of expanding knowledge and the progress of understanding about nature and, by extension, about divinity. Second, Fletcher was committed to using the space program as a means
11 citations
TL;DR: The New Frontier record shows Kennedy and his principal advisor on conservation issues, Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall, trying to deal with a movement in flux as discussed by the authors, trying to provide executive leadership for a traditional agenda-efficient resource use, public recreation, and the expansion of national parks.
Abstract: the New Frontier record shows Kennedy and his principal advisor on conservation issues, Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall, trying to deal with a movement in flux. They sought to provide executive leadership for a traditional agenda-efficient resource use, public recreation, and the expansion of national parkswhich had been neglected by Presidents Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower. At the same time, they confronted an emerging ecological outlook that stressed wilderness preservation, environmental protection, and the interdependence of all parts of the natural world. Generally, Kennedy and Udall were wedded to traditional conservation approaches inherited from the New Deal and groped slowly and ambivalently with the newer emphases of the environmental movement.1
TL;DR: The most important foundation for attacks on the decision of President Harry S. Truman to use atomic bombs against Japan is the claim that conventional bombing and naval blockade had brought Japan to the point of surrender by the summer of 1945, that Truman knew this, and that he dropped the bombs to intimidate the Soviet Union, not to end the war.
Abstract: The most important foundation for attacks on the decision of President Harry S. Truman to use atomic bombs againstJapan is the claim that conventional bombing and naval blockade had brought Japan to the point of surrender by the summer of 1945, that Truman knew this, and that he dropped the bombs to intimidate the Soviet Union, not to end the war. This "early surrender" counterfactual hypothesis comes from publications of the United States Strategic Bombing Survey (USSBS). The USSBS was headed in Japan, and its official reports edited and controlled, by Paul H. Nitze. This article examines the evidence on which Nitze claims to have based his "early surrender" hypothesis. The USSBS began as an effort by strategic bombing advocates to establish their craft as the ultimate arbiter of all future
TL;DR: The social problem then is whether community interests receive attention commensurate with the foresight, skill and ingenuity devoted to securing the utmost industrial advantage, whether the shift for thousands of working people away from the city pressure is to bring an increment of better living, easier living-a lifting of the standards of industrial civilization; or whether, for the great mass, it is merely another swapping of the frying pan for the fire as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The social problem then is whether community interests receive attention commensurate with the foresight, skill and ingenuity devoted to securing the utmost industrial advantage; whether the shift for thousands of working people away from the city pressure is to bring an increment of better living, easier living-a lifting of the standards of industrial civilization; or whether, for the great mass, it is merely another swapping of the frying pan for the fire.
TL;DR: On May 21, 1965, over ten thousand people gathered on the Berkeley campus of the University of California for Vietnam Day, a twenty-four-hour carnival of antiwar protest.
Abstract: On May 21, 1965, over ten thousand people gathered on the Berkeley campus of the University of California for Vietnam Day, a twenty-four-hour carnival of antiwar protest. This brilliantly provocative event, organized by the Vietnam Day Committee (VDC), a collection of students and professors disenchanted with liberal America and frightened by the the Southeast Asian conflict, stunned university authorities and undoubtedly caused concern in Washington, D.C. In the months that followed, however, VDC activists failed to build upon the triumph of May 21, and by its first anniversary the group was a spent force, torn by factionalism and "respected" only by the far right who profited in spreading paranoia.1 The VDC nevertheless deserves attention because its failure
TL;DR: The Russian Orthodox Church was more influential than those institutions in both the magnitude and duration of its presence in Alaska during the period of Russian polity in Alaska between 1741 and 1867 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: While secondary to other institutions of Russian polity in Alaska during the period of imperial rule between 1741 and 1867, the Russian Orthodox Church was in fact more influential than those institutions in both the magnitude and duration of its presence. In nearly every corner of the explored regions of Russian America, Orthodox clergy propagated the faith and introduced practices that stemmed from the ancient Byzantine religion. Moreover, the priests and monks inculcated norms of Russian life and culture that profoundly affected native customs. Two centuries after its introduction, a thriving Orthodox community still stands as the legacy of that initial proselytizing work. Citing its official origins as the arrival on Kodiak Island of several Russian monks in 1794, the church today is the only living remnant from the era of Russian America.
TL;DR: For two generations of Americans, from the mid-1930s to the late 1970s, the International Longshoremen Association (ILWU) was the leading voice of the left within organized labor.
Abstract: For two generations of Americans, from the mid-1930s to the late 1970s, Harry Bridges was the leading voice of the left within organized labor. When Pacific Coast longshoremen went on strike in 1934 and were quickly joined by other maritime workers, Bridges held office only as a member of the executive committee of the San Francisco local of the International Longshoremen's Association (ILA) and as chairman of its strike committee. He nonetheless emerged as a key leader-perhaps even the key leader-in the coast-wide maritime strikes, and he was soon elected to the presidency of the San Francisco longshore local and then to the presidency of the Pacific Coast District of the ILA. With the split between the AFL and CIO, Bridges led the Pacific Coast District into the Congress of Industrial Organizations as the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU). He became its first president and also western regional director for the CIO. In mid-1937, Time magazine put him on its cover and called him "the most conspicuous maritime labor leader in the U.S. today."
TL;DR: Lou began to bluster, as he always did when he talked politics as mentioned in this paper "We gave Wall Street a scare in ninety-six, all right, and we're fixing another to hand them. The West is going to make itself heard." Carl laughed.
Abstract: "Well, what do folks in New York think of William Jennings Bryan?" Lou began to bluster, as he always did when he talked politics. "We gave Wall Street a scare in ninety-six, all right, and we're fixing another to hand them. Silver wasn't the only issue," he nodded mysteriously. "There's a good many things got to be changed. The West is going to make itself heard." Carl laughed. "But, surely, it did do that, if nothing else."I
TL;DR: The frontier movement in Brazilian history represented much more than geographical and physical space; it was also an ideological concept, just as it was a perception as discussed by the authors, and the frontier movement triumphed at the territorial expense of eleven neighboring nations and colonies.
Abstract: village nuclei and plantations in the mid-sixteenth century, clinging tenuously to the shores of the South Atlantic Ocean, first the Luso-Brazilians and, after 1822, the Brazilians crept westward and northwestward to the foothills of the mighty Andes Mountains by 1909. The frontier movement triumphed at the territorial expense of eleven neighboring nations and colonies.1 The frontier represents space. In that common usage, it is geographical and physical, definable and describable. But the frontier in Brazilian history represented much more than that. It was also an ideological concept, just as it was a perception. People who thought about the westward and northwestward space into which the frontier moved usually enthused in terms
TL;DR: Minto's recollection sums up well the history and impact of Anglo-American settler society between the 1840s and the 1880s in western Oregon as mentioned in this paper, and their failure to comprehend either economy seriously flawed their own goals of independence and security.
Abstract: Minto's recollection sums up well the history and impact of Anglo-American settler society between the 1840s and the 1880s in western Oregon. The region's history from settlement to industrial society was largely shaped by the tensions and interaction between an economy of nature and a capitalist market economy.2 Northwest settlers understood imperfectly both economies, but thought they could control them. They could not, and their failure to comprehend either economy seriously flawed their own goals of independence and security.
TL;DR: The Populists were one of the most successful third-party movements in American history as discussed by the authors. But their success was shortlived, as the Democratic party responded by nominating agrarian crusader William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska for the presidency.
Abstract: During the turbulent four years that opened the 1890s, nearly one-and-a-half million angry voters deserted the Democratic and Republican parties to join one of the most successful third-party movements in American history. Spawned by hard times, the People's party, better known as the Populists, quickly won a large following composed primarily of economically distressed and rebellious farmers in the South and West. In 1892, Populist presidential candidate James B. Weaver polled over a million popular votes and carried five western states with a total of twenty-two electoral votes, a remarkable showing. During the course of the 1890s, Populists elected governors in eight western states, sent six of their candidates to the United States Senate, and elected at least forty more to the House of Representatives.1 These Populist successes forced a worried Democratic party to respond by nominating agrarian crusader William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska for the presidency in 1896. Although the Great Commoner went on to a resounding defeat at the hands of Republican William McKinley, the selection of Bryan on a watered-down Populist platform calling for free silver proved quite successful as a strategy for co-opting the Populist move-
TL;DR: The authors examined an economic policy episode during World War II to show that if more historians refocused their efforts, they would discover that modem policy making involves a much more complex evolutionary process than the dominant national focus has revealed.
Abstract: Historians of modern America, not unlike presidential candidates since Jimmy Carter and media pundits today, have focused too much of their energies on where the action appears to be-in Washington, D.C.1 In this essay, I shall examine an economic policy episode during World War II to show that if more historians refocused their efforts, they would discover that modem policy making involves a much more complex evolutionary process than the dominant national focus has revealed. The story of state control of oil production during World War II has been ignored, subsumed, and forgotten within the story of national coordination of petroleum refining and transportation. In fact, regional economic and cultural forces and the ideology of states' rights, promoted by public officials in the Southwest especially, underpinned the emergence of interstate administrative capacities in the control of oil during the 1930s and 1940s. The forces of regionalism, states' rights, and federalism in mid-