Showing papers in "Political Science Quarterly in 1967"

The logic of collective action : public goods and the theory of groups

Abstract: Introduction I. A Theory of Groups and Organizations A. The purpose of organization B. Public goods and large groups C. The traditional theory of groups D. Small groups E. "Exclusive" and "inclusive" groups F. A taxonomy of groups II. Group Size and Group Behavior A. The coherence and effectiveness of small groups B. Problems of the traditional theories C. Social incentives and rational behavior III. The Labor Union and Economic Freedom A. Coercion in labor unions B. Labor-union growth in theory and practice C. The closed shop and economic freedom in the latent group D. Government intervention and economic freedom in the latent group IV. Orthodox Theories of State and Class A. The economists' theory of the state B. The Marxian theory of state and class C. The logic of the Marxian theory V. Orthodox Theories of Pressure Groups A. The philosophical view of pressure groups B. Institutional economics and the pressure group--John R. Commons C. Modern theories of pressure groups--Bentley, Truman, Latham D. The logic of group theory VI. The "By-Product" and "Special Interest" Theories A. The "by-product" theory of large pressure groups B. Labor lobbies C. Professional lobbies D. The "special interest" theory and business lobbies E. Government promotion of political pressure F. Farm cooperatives and farm lobbies G. Noneconomic lobbies H. The "forgotten groups"--those who suffer in silence Index

Evolution and society : a study in Victorian social theory

Abstract: Prefaces List of abbreviations 1. Introduction 2. A knowledge of human nature 3. The reasoned history of man 4. The laws of nature and the diversity of mankind 5. Sir Henry Maine 6. Herbert Spencer 7. Tylor and the Growth of Anthropology 8. Conclusion Bibliography Index.

On the Role of Symbolism in Political Thought

Abstract: "New philosophy calls all in doubt," wrote John Donne, and thereby suggested a theory of intellectual transformation. Because the universe was of a piece, all its parts harmoniously connected, the Copernican revolution seemed to call into question not only Ptolemaic astronomy but also a whole series of related ideas having to do with order, not in the heavens but on earth. With the sun lost and the cosmos "all in pieces," "Prince, Subject, Father, Son are things forgot."' Suddenly, the very categories of social and political thought seemed empty anct useless. In a sense, Donne was right: later seventeenth-century writers like Hobbes and Locke were indeed compelled to work out anew the meanings of authority and subjection and to redefine political and familial obligation. But was he also right to suggest that this work was made necessary by the new philosophy? For other writers, it was the new religious ideas which had destroyed the perceived coherence of the social world. Machiavellian "atheism" and Protestant voluntarism, thought Richard Hooker, endangered the ancient, elaborate, and lawful structure of human

Thomas Hobbes on the Family and the State of Nature

Abstract: Among the most celebrated passages in the literature of political philosophy is Thomas Hobbes' classic description of the incommodious, barren, and uncertain life in the state of nature: "no Arts; no Letters; no Society; and which is worst of all, continuall feare, and danger of violent death; And the life of man, solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short." Seventeenth-century critics, assuming that even the most rudimentary social unit, the family, was excluded from the Hobbesian state of nature, often opposed this view of "the NATURALL CONDITION of Mankind" with the patriarchally governed household and insisted that the natural "warre of every man against every man"1 never existed. The reaction of Bishop John Bramhall was typical: