Showing papers in "Political Science Quarterly in 1978"
2,075Â citations
TL;DR: The Declining Significance of Race: A New Edition of the seminal book includes a new afterword in which William Julius Wilson not only reflects on the debate surrounding the book, but also presents a provocative discussion of race, class, and social policy.
Abstract: When first published in 1980, "The Declining Significance of Race" immediately sparked controversy with its contentious thesis that race was becoming less of a deciding factor in the life chances of black Americans than class. This new edition of the seminal book includes a new afterword in which William Julius Wilson not only reflects on the debate surrounding the book, but also presents a provocative discussion of race, class, and social policy.
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TL;DR: In this article, a moral argument with historical illustrations michael walzer, it is completely easy then, before currently we extend the belong to to to buy and make bargains to download and install just and unjust wars, so simple!
Abstract: By searching the title, publisher, or authors of guide you in point of fact want, you can discover them rapidly. In the house, workplace, or perhaps in your method can be every best area within net connections. If you goal to download and install the just and unjust wars a moral argument with historical illustrations michael walzer, it is completely easy then, before currently we extend the belong to to buy and make bargains to download and install just and unjust wars a moral argument with historical illustrations michael walzer so simple!
281Â citations
TL;DR: Kevles as discussed by the authors provides an account of the coming-of-age of physics in America, portraying the scientists who became a powerful force in bringing the world into a revolutionary era.
Abstract: This text provides an account of the coming of age of physics in America, portraying the scientists who became a powerful force in bringing the world into a revolutionary era. The book ranges widely as it links these developments to the social, cultural and political changes that occurred from the post-Civil War years to the present. Throughout, Kevles keeps his eye on the central question of how an avowedly elitist enterprise grew and prospered in a democratic culture. In this new edition, the author has brought the story up to date by providing an account of the Superconducting Super Collider, from its origins in the international competition and intellectual needs of high-energy particle physics, through its establishment as a multibillion-dollar project, to its termination, in 1993, as a result of angry opposition within the American physics community and the Congress.
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TL;DR: The vice-president walked solemnly into Mrs. Roosevelt's sitting room, where she waited, grave and calm, with her daughter, Anna Roosevelt Boettiger, her husband, Colonel John O'Neill, and Stephan Early as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: " It was a quiet on the second floor. The vice-president walked solemnly into Mrs. Roosevelt s sitting room, where she waited, grave and calm. With her was her daughter, Mrs. Anna Roosevelt Boettiger, her husband, Colonel John Boettiger, and Stephan Early. Truman knew at a glance that his premonition had been true. Mrs. Roosevelt came forward directly and put her arm on his shoulder."" Harry, the President is dead. " Robert J. Donovan s "Conflict and Interest" presents a detailed account of Harry S. Truman s presidency from 1945-1948."
TL;DR: The institutionalization of the House of Representatives early in the twentieth century marked the beginning of incumbency as an enduring characteristic of congressional elections as discussed by the authors, and between 1956 and 1976, 94 percent of all House members who sought reelection were reelected, and during this same period the number of incumbents involved in close re-election contests sharply declined.
Abstract: The institutionalization of the House of Representatives early in the twentieth century marked the beginning of incumbency as an enduring characteristic of congressional elections. Between 1956 and 1976, 94 percent of all House members who sought reelection were reelected.1 Moreover, during this same period the number of incumbents involved in close re-election contests sharply declined.2 In 1976 only 16 percent of all House incumbents were re-elected with less than 60 percent of the vote, and only 9 percent were re-elected with less than 55 percent of the vote.3 As members of Congress have become increasingly invulnerable to electoral defeat, the advantage of incumbency in congressional elections has received greater scrutiny. Various studies have attempted to assess both the electoral advantage which incumbents possess and the causes of such advantage.4 However, there has been very little examination of incumbency in relation
TL;DR: Pechman as discussed by the authors argues that Bittker misunderstands the implications of the Haig-Simons definition of income and that the accretion concept is meant to define income, and is not designed to determine the time interval, the proper unit of taxation, or the personal deductions that might be allowed for tax purposes.
Abstract: Dr. Pechman argues that Professor Bittker misunderstands the implications of the Haig-Simons definition of income. The accretion concept is meant to define income, and is not designed to determine the time interval, the proper unit of taxation, or the personal deductions that might be allowed for tax purposes. Professor Bittker has devoted most of his discussion to these elements and as a result most of his criticisms are irrelevant to an assessment of the worth of the concept.
TL;DR: When a new president picks his cabinet, he gives observers the first set of solid clues about the kind of president he intends to be as mentioned in this paper. But fragmentary though it is, it is hard to ignore, for unlike campaign promises, cabinet members do not disappear into thin air.
Abstract: When a new president picks his cabinet, he gives observers the first set of solid clues about the kind of president he intends to be. Like the campaign rhetoric that preceded the election, a cabinet can be read in a variety of ways. And it affords only fragmentary evidence about how the president plans to run the government. But fragmentary though it is, it is hard to ignore, for unlike campaign promises, cabinet members do not disappear into thin air. Rather they take office, and, to a greater or lesser extent, actually administer the affairs of the nation. President Eisenhower's appointment of "nine millionaires and a plumber" gave quite a good forecast of the sort of presidency General Eisenhower wanted to have. When John Kennedy became president he struck a dominant theme of self-consciously moving beyond his own range of personal acquaintance to form a governing coalition. Likewise, his appointment of his brother as attorney general telegraphed a strong desire to keep close control of the civil rights issue. It is possible to see in Richard Nixon's cabinet appointments a mirror of his emerging view of the role of the president vis-a-vis the rest of the government (Table 1).1 After beginning with a politically diverse and reasonably visible group of
TL;DR: The first United States combat operations in Indo-China were authorized by the Executive in 1965 and the first U.S. troops were sent to the war in Vietnam in 1966 as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: This volume is the initial publication, with two additional volumes to follow, of a research project sponsored by the American Bar Association concerning the \"respective powers under the Constitution of the President and of Congress to enter into and conduct war.\" The background of the project which produced this volume should perhaps be noted. It will be remembered that the first United States combat operations in Indo-China were authorized by the Executive in 1965. As the Viet Nam War continued unsatisfactorily and additional forces and materiel were sent abroad, public disfavor and disillusionment mounted, with questions arising as to the power of the Executive to commit our armed forces to the fighting in Indo-China without a declaration of war by the Congress. This problem received serious consideration in the Section of International Law and in other ABA committees and sections. In February 1966, the House of Delegates of the ABA adopted a resolution offered by the Section of International Law and the Standing Committee on Peace and Law Through the United Nations, stating that the position of the United States in Viet Nam was legal under international law, and was in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the South-East Asia Treaty. The report on this resolution mentioned that professors of international law at 31 of the nation's leading law schools had expressed the opinion that the United States position in Viet Nam was legal. The action of the ABA was prompted by allegations made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to the effect that international lawyers were \"agreed\" that the United States
TL;DR: There have been two book-length psychoanalytic studies of Woodrow Wilson's personality and its relationship to the events of his academic, political, and diplomatic careers as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Historians, biographers, and political scientists, as well as psychiatrists and psychologists, have long been intrigued by Woodrow Wilson's personality and its relationship to the events of his academic, political, and diplomatic careers. Although interpretations have varied, there is universal agreement that Wilson's personality was of major importance in both his successes and failures. Along with the conventional descriptions of Woodrow Wilson's character by his major biographers, Ray Stannard Baker and Arthur S. Link, there have been two book-length psychoanalytic studies. The first, Thomas Woodrow Wilson, by Sigmund Freud and William C. Bullitt, was written during the 1930s but not published until 1967.1 This study, a biased application of a simplistic and distorted version of psychoanalytic theory, is not regarded either by historians or psychoanalysts as a scholarly contribution. In one review,2 Link demonstrated that the evidence on which the psychological interpretations are based is
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider the role of the Eastem European ethnic population in the definition and execution of American policy toward Eastem Europe and the potential importance of the eastem European question to the 1976 election's outcome, as perceived by politicians of both major parties, derived from their awareness that there are large numbers of Americans of EastemEuropean ethnic background.
Abstract: Among the more interesting as well as surprising features of the 1976 presidential election was the way in which Eastem Europe became a campaign issue. The Eastem European situation and American policy toward it had received little attention in recent elections, but after Gerald Ford's statement that he did not believe Eastem Europe was under Soviet domination the region acquired fresh significance in the eyes of the American electorateor at least in the eyes of nervous Republican campaign strategists. Jimmy Carter's later pronouncement that he would not use American troops to repel a Soviet invasion of Yugoslavia also kept Eastern Europe in the news. Quite aside from Eastern Europe's intrinsic significance to American foreign policy, the potential importance of the eastem European question to the 1976 election's outcome, as perceived by politicians of both major parties, derived from their awareness that there are large numbers of Americans of Eastem European ethnic background. Whether the voting behavior of these groups has in fact been conditioned by a given party's or administration's stance toward Eastem Europe is a question which we shall consider later. The more general concem in this article is with the overall role of the Eastem European ethnic population in the definition and execution of American policy toward Eastem Europe. A central focus is the consideration of how the U.S. "national interest" can or should be seen when influential ethnic minorities press for their particular version of that interest. May there not be a "general" interest which supersedes more particularistic definitions? Is the concept of the "general" interest meaningful in an avowedly pluralistic society, even in terms of foreign policy? The discussion covers several