Showing papers in "Political Science Quarterly in 1985"

The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling

Abstract: In private life, we try to induce or suppress love, envy, and anger through deep acting or "emotion work," just as we manage our outer expressions of feeling through surface acting In trying to bridge a gap between what we feel and what we "ought" to feel, we take guidance from "feeling rules" about what is owing to others in a given situation Based on our private mutual understandings of feeling rules, we make a "gift exchange" of acts of emotion management We bow to each other not simply from the waist, but from the heart But what occurs when emotion work, feeling rules, and the gift of exchange are introduced into the public world of work?In search of the answer, Arlie Hochschild closely examines two groups of public-contact workers: flight attendants and bill collectors The flight attendant's job is to deliver a service and create further demand for it, to enhance the status of the customer and be "nicer than natural" The bill collector's job is to collect on the service, and if necessary, to deflate the status of the customer by being "nastier than natural" Between these extremes, roughly one-third of American men and one-half of American women hold jobs that call for substantial emotional labor In many of these jobs, they are trained to accept feeling rules and techniques of emotion management that serve the company's commercial purpose Just as we have seldom recognized or understood emotional labor, we have not appreciated it cost to those who do it for a livingLike a physical laborer who becomes estranged from what he or she makes, an emotional laborer, such as a flight attendant, can become estranged not only from her own expressions of feeling (her smile is not "her" smile), but also from what she actually feels (her managed friendliness) This estrangement, though a valuable defense against stress, is also an important occupational hazard, because it is through our feelings that we are connected with those around us On the basis of this book, Hochschild was featured in "Key Sociological Thinkers", edited by Rob Stones This book was also the winner of the Charles Cooley Award in 1983, awarded by the American Sociological Association and received an honorable mention for the C Wright Mills Award

Third parties in America : citizen response to major party failure

Abstract: In recent years a growing number of citizens have defected from the major parties to third party presidential candidates. Over the past three decades, independent campaigns led by George Wallace, John Anderson, and Ross Perot have attracted more electoral support than at any time since the 1920s. "Third Parties in America" explains why and when the two-party system deteriorates and third parties flourish. Relying on data from presidential elections between 1840 and 1992, it identifies the situations in which Americans abandon the major parties and shows how third parties encourage major party responsiveness and broader representation of political interests.

Party Organization and Distribution of Campaign Resources: Republicans and Democrats in 1982

Abstract: In congressional elections, the collective interests of a party do not coincide with the individual interests of each of its candidates. The party's optimal distribution of campaign resources will not be optimal for every candidate, and vice versa. This instance of the familiar collective goods problem creates a potentially important role for national party organizations. To the degree they control campaign resources and use them to pursue collective interests, national party organizations will have an important role in shaping elections. Their capacity to impose an efficient distribution of campaign resources promises more victories for a party's candidates than would occur without it. This, in its simplest form, is the principal argument of this article. In the first section I explain why the conflict between a party and its candidates arises and describe how it plays itself out in congressional elections. The emphasis here is on both the potential payoffs from, and the formidable barriers to, greater party control and efficiency. In the second section I describe how, despite these barriers, Republican party committees have recently achieved a more centralized and strategically efficient resource distribution system. The Democrats, in contrast, remain wedded to a thoroughly decentralized system. The effect of these organizational differences on the 1982 elections is the subject of the third section. Here I argue that the Republicans' stronger national organizations were instrumental in helping them escape a major electoral disaster. I conclude by

New Perspectives on Election Fraud in the Gilded Age

Abstract: The Gilded Age has been popularly linked with political corruption ever since it acquired its name, redolent of fraud and artifice, from the title of the 1873 novel by Mark TWain and Charles Dudley Warner. Subsequent scholars have generally followed TWain's lead and, in particular, have described the elections of the Gilded Age as being characterized by fraud and corruption. The highly competitive political system of the late nineteenth century, as Samuel T. McSeveney has written, "led to repeated charges, countercharges, and denials of corruption, coercion, bribery, and fraud-allegations that have been echoed by subsequent political biographers and historians. Taken at face value, these outcries would lead one to believe that the two parties alternated in cheating their opponents out of deserved victories." McSeveney could have easily added political scientists to the list of those who repeated the contemporary allegations of fraud. Philip E. Converse, in fact, has based a theory to explain the decline in voter turnout statistics in the early twentieth century on the elimination of massive electoral fraud he assumed to be characteristic of the earlier period. Rarely, however, have scholars carefully analyzed or documented the claims of widespread election fraud, and even Converse described the accounts of such fraud as "everywhere anecdotal."'

The Theoretical Foundations of Strategic Nuclear Deterrence

Abstract: In the continuing debate about strategic issues, the vocabulary and theoretical concepts of strategic nuclear deterrence theory are now widely used to support inconsistent conclusions. Will deploying the MX missile enhance strategic nuclear deterrence or make it more difficult? Does the existence of mutually invulnerable strategic forces reduce the likelihood of major war, or does the strategic stalemate make conventional or limited nuclear war more likely? To the extent that contradictory conclusions are claimed to follow from a theory of strategic nuclear deterrence, these inconsistencies suggest a fundamental weakness in the theory or that those using the theory do not fully appreciate it and its limits. In either case, a reconsideration of the theoretical foundations of strategic nuclear deterrence may help to elucidate this debate. I shall examine these foundations by asking the most basic questions of nuclear deterrence theory. What, precisely, is being threatened in a nuclear threat? Are there different types of nuclear threats? If so, do they rest on different sets of assumptions or do they work in different ways? Nuclear threats seem closely related to escalation, but are there different types of escalatory processes? If so, in what ways do they differ? These are fundamental questions about the foundations of strategic nuclear deterrence theory. This analysis will attempt to answer these questions by describing two types of strategic nuclear threats. In the first type, a state raises the risk of an uncontrolled, explosive escalation to general nuclear war by engaging in what Thomas

Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People

Abstract: Traces the life and career of the great Supreme Court justice and discusses his involvement with labor unions, trust busting, women's suffrage, unemployment legislation, and Zionism.

The White-Boned Demon: A Biography of Madame Mao Zedong.

Abstract: The amazing life story of Jiang Qing, the often cruel revolutionary who married China's Communist party leader, Mao Zedong. Madame Mao tells the riveting story of her rise to power and shows how some of the most brutal acts of the Cultural Revolution were instigated by the caprices of this one powerful woman. 16 pages of photographs.

Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local Government.

Abstract: Editor's Introduction - Janet A Flammang A Reflection on Themes of a 'Women's Politics' PART ONE: OVERVIEW AND ASSESSMENT Women in Local Government - Denise Antolini An Overview Women and State Politics - Marianne Githens An Assessment PART TWO: WOMEN AS POLITICAL ACTIVISTS AT THE STATE AND LOCAL LEVELS Conceptions of the 'Political' - Diane L Fowlkes White Activists in Atlanta Filling the Party Vacuum - Janet A Flammang Women at the Grassroots Level in Local Politics Women in Political Parties - Edmond Costantini and Julie Davis Bell Gender Differences in Motives among California Party Activists PART THREE: WOMEN OFFICIALS IN STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS Women as Legislative Candidates in Six States - Janet Clark, Robert Darcy, and Susan Welch Women's Organizational Strategies in State Legislatures - Carol Mueller Women State Senators as Cue-Givers - David B Hill ERA Roll-Call Voting, 1972-1979 Women on the State Bench - Beverly B Cook Correlates of Access PART FOUR: WOMEN AND STATE AND LOCAL PUBLIC POLICIES Community Responses to Violence against Women - Anne Wurr The Case of Battered Women's Shelter Women's Collaborative Activities and City Life - Martha A Ackelsberg Politics and Policy State and Local Policies on Motherhood - Emily Stoper Resources and Constraints on Women in the Policymaking Process - Ellen Boneparth State and Local Arenas

The United Nations and Human Rights, 1945-1985

Abstract: Between 1945 and 1985 there has been a marked change in the treatment of human rights at the United Nations. On the foundation of a few vague references to human rights in the UN Charter there has evolved an International Bill of Rights indicating numerous obligations of increasing salience. This core of global rules has been supplemented by a series of particular human rights instruments, some with special control mechanisms. Once the subject of human rights seemed idealistic and abstract, but by the 1980s there was growing attention through an increasing array of UN organs to specific countries and patterns of behavior such as torture and people who have disappeared. The subject of humans rights has not faded away like that of military coordination under the Security Council nor has it remained on the back burner like the Trusteeship Council. Rather it has emerged more and more as one of the subjects to which member states give great attention, if not always for the same reasons. Considerable debate exists at the United Nations over the significance of this change in the treatment of human rights. Clearly, the institutional and procedural changes in the field of human rights have been striking. It also seems clear that there is some legal significance to these changes. At least it now can be said that states have accepted a number of new legal obligations and that numerous "cases" exist which can be used as "precedent" should actors choose to do so in pursuit of human rights values. Ambivalence begins to set in when one tackles the subject of the practical significance of these changes for the condition of human rights beyond UN meeting rooms. There is considerable disagreement

Presidents Above Party: The First American Presidency, 1789-1829

Abstract: George Washington's vision was a presidency free of party, a republican, national office that would transcend faction. That vision would remain strong in the administrations of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, and John Quincy Adams, yet largely disappear under Andrew Jackson and his successors.This book is a comprehensive and pathbreaking study of the early presidency and the ideals behind it. Ralph Ketcham examines the roots of nonpartisan leadership in Western thought and the particular influences on the founding fathers. Intellectual and political profiles of the first six presidents and their administrations emphasize the construction each put on the office, the challenges he faced, and the compromises he did and did not make. The erosion of nonpartisanship under Andrew Jackson is presented as a counterpoint that helps define the early presidency and the permanent transition from it.Addressing the thoughtful citizen as well as the scholar, the author poses the fundamental questions about presidential leadership, then and now. The best study of the early presidency, this book is an intellectual portrait of the age that will challenge received notions of American history.

Cavour and Garibaldi 1860: A Study in Political Conflict

Abstract: First published in 1954, and now re-issued with a fresh preface, Cavour and Garibaldi remains the single most important contribution yet made by an English-speaking historian to the study of the Risorgimento. Devoted to seven crucial months in 1860, the work examines in detail the sequence of events between the Sicilian rebellion in April, and the absorption of all the south into the Italian kingdom of Victor Emmanuel in November. It shows, in the contrasting priorities of the two great leaders, the creative tensions that underlay the movement for Italian unification. Against Cavour's desire to extend to the rest of the peninsula the benefits of Piedmontese liberalism, the author juxtaposes Garibaldi's dream of a united Italy, achieved if necessary by force. The diplomat and political strategist is compared with the soldier and popular hero, and in the comparison it is Garibaldi who emerges as the realist, and Cavour as the inspired but dogmatic muddler.

The New Politics of Deficits

Abstract: The Reagan administration's fiscal policies represent the boldest, yet most problematic, of all its efforts to transform the domestic agenda. By tolerating deficits on a scale unprecedented in peacetime history, the administration has been able to pursue simultaneously its commitment to a stronger defense and its pledge to cut the federal income tax rate. By tolerating these deficits, it has been able to create an austere political climate in which proposed cuts, not expected increments, focus the discussions of federal domestic programs. But by tolerating deficits of great magnitude, the administration has jeopardized the Republican party's reputation for fiscal responsibility and, perhaps more important, may have created a precarious political context in which any economic recession could have disastrous electoral consequences for the government in power. Much has been written about the possible economic consequences of current fiscal deficits. But little systematic attention has been given to the political context that has produced them. To the extent that analysts have considered the political causes of current deficits, they have depended on the cliche that politicians like to confer benefits immediately but postpone costs -at least until after the next election. 1 While this observation contains more than a grain of truth, it is a verity that applies to many times and places. It does not account for the peculiar propensity to engage in deficit financing that currently plagues American politics. To the extent that thinking about deficits has gone beyond a general suspicion

The FBI and the American Legion Contact Program, 1940-1966

Abstract: Historians of twentieth-century American politics have sharply contrasted the federal government's repression of dissident activities during World War I with its general tolerance of civil liberties during World War II. The exception was the internment of Japanese-Americans; but in that case racial considerations were more important than antiradical intolerance. As one reason for this difference, some historicans have cited the government's nonreliance on private vigilante organizations during World War II, in contrast to the formal relationship with the American Protective League (APL) during World War I. Operating as a private vigilante organization with a publicly sanctioned mission, conservative members of the APL investigated American citizens involved in "unpatriotic" trade union and antiwar activities. Some even stepped beyond this line to arrest individuals, without legal authority, for failing to comply with draft registration requirements. Summarizing this general consensus in her thoughtful study of the APL, historian Joan Jensen has claimed that one positive legacy of World War I repression was that federal officials refrained during World War II from recruiting private "patriotic" organizations to investigate dissident activities. 1

The Argentine Factor in Twentieth-Century Brazilian Foreign Policy Strategy

Abstract: The most dramatic event in the politics of the so-called Southern Cone of South America in the past several years was the visit to Argentina by Brazilian President Joao Figueiredo in May 1980. Coming at the end of a turbulent decade in Brazilian-Argentine relations characterized by intense and often shrill verbal warfare, keen politico-economic competition in adjacent countries of the La Plata basin, and atomic rivalry with ill-concealed military overtones, Figueiredo's trip possessed unusual significance in contemporary terms. The two governments, Argentine Foreign Minister Carlos Pastor proclaimed, were now abandoning "competitive schemes" in order to forge "a zone of peace and security that embraces an entire fringe of the South Atlantic."' But while the journey of the Brazilian leader represented a mutual desire to terminate the dangerous friction that had marred relations in the 1970s, it also looms, in its political symbolism and results, as perhaps the most significant development in the agitated history of the contest between the two nations for supremacy in the Southern Cone of South America, indeed, for continental hegemony, in this century. This article seeks to place in perspective the efforts recently made by Brasilia and Buenos Aires to create a cooperative, rather than a competitive, framework for their relationship. The analytical focus here is two-fold: the image(s) of Argentina held by the Brazilian foreign policy elite in the twentieth century and the

Military Force in the Foreign Policy of the Eisenhower Presidency

Abstract: Politicians, scholars, and much of the American public see the use of military force in international politics as an extremely complex and controversial issue. There are very few who hold with Karl von Clausewitz that force is only one more component of an "admixture of means" that the prudent statesman is justified in using to safeguard national interests. More prevalent is the view that force is an instrument to be used only in the most extreme circumstances and that its use in situations short of struggles for national survival brings forth serious moral questions. Samuel P. Huntington points out a strong undercurrent in the American political culture that fundamentally opposes government power and the concentration of authority. "This leads," he argues, "to efforts to minimize and restrict the resources of power (such as arms), to restrict the effectiveness of the specialized bureaucratic hierarchies, and to limit the authority of the executive in the conduct of foreign policy."' American unease about force as a foreign policy instrument has been particularly evident since the mid-1960s. War in Vietnam and Cambodia, the temporary demise of the Cold War world view, the excesses of the imperial presidency, and events in Iran, Lebanon, Grenada, and elsewhere have led to continual debate over the efficacy of force and to reassessments of presidential powers and decision-making processes. The War Powers Resolution, passed by Congress in 1973 to limit the president's ability to employ military forces in hostile environ-

PAC Power: Inside the World of Political Action Committees.@@@What Price PACs? Report of the Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Political Action Committees.

Abstract: This analysis of the workings of PACs and their influence examines the ways in which they raise huge sums of money, how they select candidates to back, and what they expect in return for support and assesses their effects on major parties.