Showing papers in "Political Studies in 1987"
TL;DR: The authors identified 27 definitional components or "elements" which are discussed in turn to ascertain their utility and coherence as definitional criteria, and built them into a definition which allows consideration of the expressive and justificatory dimension of beliefs often ignored in other definitions.
Abstract: This article, based upon an extensive examination of the literature on the concept of ideology, identifies some 27 definitional components or ‘elements' which are discussed in turn to ascertain their utility and coherence as definitional criteria. On the basis of this examination a number of these elements are found to be essential to the concept, and are built into a definition which allows consideration of, among other things, the expressive and justificatory dimension of beliefs often ignored in other definitions.
TL;DR: Increasing complexity in the contemporary world calls into question prevailing notions of rationality in public policy and political life Even in their most refined forms, instrumental-analytic stochastic models as discussed by the authors have been criticised.
Abstract: Increasing complexity in the contemporary world calls into question prevailing notions of rationality in public policy and political life Even in their most refined forms, instrumental-analytic st
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors report new evidence which substantially strengthens their original conclusions and are grateful to Crewe for providing them with this opportunity to consolidate their argument, and they also point out that Crewe's vigorous but extravagant critique is actually confined to one chapter of How Britain Votes-the chapter on class dealignment (Chapter 3).
Abstract: There must be two books bearing the title How Britain Votes. One of them, an ingenious but implausible book which is marred by logical, conceptual and measurement flaws, was reviewed by Ivor Crewe in the December 1986 issue of Political Studies.’ The other version of the book, the one we wrote in 1985, is doubtless also flawed in many respects, but happily not in the way eagerly attacked by Crewe. Indeed, following Crewe’s own suggestions, we report in this paper new evidence which substantially strengthens our original conclusions. We are grateful to Crewe for providing us with this opportunity to consolidate our argument. Crewe’s vigorous but extravagant critique is actually confined to one chapter of How Britain Votes-the chapter on class dealignment (Chapter 3). Such a narrow focus might have been expected to lead to well-targeted criticism. But alas, Crewe’s target must have been Chapter 3 of that other offending book, not ours. Otherwise he would surely have noticed and understood the statistical
TL;DR: The authors argued that moral distress should be regarded as a positive good rather than as a harm that society ought to intervene to prevent, since moral confrontation and the shattering of moral complacency was a means to social progress.
Abstract: People are sometimes distressed by the bare knowledge that lifestyles are being practised or opinions held which they take to be immoral. Is this distress to be regarded as harm for the purposes of Mill's Harm Principle? I argue, first, that this is an issue that is to be resolved not by analysis of the concept of harm but by reference to the arguments in On Liberty with which the Harm Principle is supported. Secondly, I argue that reference to those arguments makes it clear beyond doubt that, since Mill valued moral confrontation and the shattering of moral complacency as means to social progress, he must have regarded moral distress as a positive good rather than as a harm that society ought to intervene to prevent. Thirdly, I relate this interpretation to Mill's points about temperance, decency and good manners. I argue, finally, that my interpretation is inconsistent with Mill's underlying utilitarianism only if the latter is understood in a crudely hedonistic way.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the validity of this hypothesis in the case of Ghana and found that the problems of authority and legitimacy experienced by post-colonial states are often explained in terms of a "colonisation legacy".
Abstract: The problems of authority and legitimacy experienced by post-colonial states are often explained in terms of a ‘colonial legacy’ The validity of this hypothesis is examined, in the case of Ghana,
TL;DR: In this article, a coherent distinction can be made between structural power, non-structural power, and structural constraints based on the concept of human agency which draws attention to the peculiar pasts of those individuals occupying the same type of structural position.
Abstract: The idea that capital possesses structural power over the state is of growing importance. Yet the theoretical literature on power has argued that this concept is either a contradiction in terms or is conceptually redundant. This paper seeks to show that a coherent distinction can be made between structural power, non-structural power, and structural constraints. These distinctions are based upon a concept of human agency which draws attention to the peculiar pasts of those individuals occupying the same type of structural position. It is argued that these distinctions are both widely applicable and ‘empirically’ relevant.
TL;DR: The authors examined the social and attitudinal bases of support for the Social Democratic Alliance in the 1983 British general election and for comparative purposes, examined Liberal support in the 1979 general election, and found that Alliance support in 1983 was somewhat different from 1979 Liberal support, notably in terms of the issues that motivated Alliance voters.
Abstract: Much of the key to the future of the British party system rests in the nature of the support for the Liberal—Social Democratic Alliance. If that support is a protest vote, the possibility of realignment within the party system is negligible; if it is socially and attitudinally distinct, then the potential for a fundamental realignment is clearly present. By applying multivariate analysis to survey data, this paper examines the social and attitudinal bases of support for the Alliance in the 1983 British general election, and for comparative purposes, examines Liberal support in the 1979 general election. The results show that Alliance support in 1983 was somewhat different from 1979 Liberal support, notably in terms of the issues that motivated Alliance voters. In light of comparative theoretical work on third parties, these findings suggest the possibility of a long-term role for the Alliance as either a realigning or at least persistently dealigning force.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a characterization of the social democratic approach which sets it in contrast to liberal democratic theories, and contrast the different interpretations of the ideal of equal respect which are associated with the two approaches.
Abstract: The paper attempts two tasks. The first is to provide a characterization of the social democratic approach which sets it in contrast to liberal democratic theories. This is pursued by contrasting the different interpretations of the ideal of equal respect which are associated with the two approaches. The second task is to establish that the social democratic approach is, if not clearly superior, at least worth considering further. This task is pursued by the attempt to vindicate three assumptions which the social democratic approach must make about the state.
TL;DR: The authors give prominence to Kant's Critique of Judgment for that work contains Kant's fullest treatment of 'ends' and purposes, and Kantian politics (embracing universal republican...
Abstract: Hannah Arendt is right to give prominence to Kant's Critique of Judgment—for that work contains Kant's fullest treatment of ‘ends' and purposes, and Kantian politics (embracing universal republican...
TL;DR: In the recent study of international relations, political realism has, apparently, had as many supporters as detractors as mentioned in this paper. Nonetheless, there seems to be a growing tendency to treat the categories of political realism as categories of...
Abstract: In the recent study of international relations, political realism has, apparently, had as many supporters as detractors. Nonetheless, there seems to be a growing tendency to treat the categories of...
TL;DR: Gregory S. Kavka as mentioned in this paper, Hobbesian Moral and Political Theory (Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1986) andPatrick R. Riley, The General Will Before Rousseau: The Transformation of the Divine into the Civic.
Abstract: Gregory S. Kavka, Hobbesian Moral and Political Theory (Princeton, N. J., Princeton University Press, 1986) Patrick Riley, The General Will Before Rousseau: The Transformation of the Divine into the Civic (Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1986) Brian C. J. Singer, Society, Theory and the French Revolution: Studies in the Revolutionary Imaginary (London, Macmillan, 1986) Robert A. Gorman (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of Marxism (London, Mansell, 1986) Andrew Vincent (ed.), The Philosophy of T. H. Green (Aldershot, Cower, 1986) George L. Bernstein, Liberalism and Liberal Politics in Edwardian England (London, Allen & Unwin, 1986) John Roemer (ed.), Analytical Marxism (Cambridge and Paris, Cambridge University Press and Editions de la Maison des Sciences de I'Homme, 1986) Bob Jessop, Nicos Poulantzas: Marxist Theory and Political Strategy (London, Macmillan, 1985) Quentin Skinner (ed.), The Return of the Grand Theory in the Human Sciences (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985) Victor J. Seidler, Kant, Respect and Injustice (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986) Tom Campbell, David Goldberg, Sheila McLean and Tom Mullen (eds), Human Rights: From Rhetoric to Reality (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) Robert Sugden, The Economics of Rights, Co-operation and Welfare (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1986) Steven Lukes (ed.), Power (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (New York, Basic Books, 1984) Philip Abbot and Michael B. Levy (eds), The Liberal Future in America: Essays in Renewal (London, Greenwood Press, 1985) Suzanne Kappeler, The Pornography of Representation (Oxford, Polity Press, 1986) Howard Davis (ed.), Ethics and Defence: Power and Responsibility in the Nuclear Age (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) Ellen Frankel Paul, Fred D. Miller, Jr, Jeffrey Paul and John Ahrens (eds), Nuclear Rights, Nuclear Wrongs (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) Emmanuel Todd, The Explanation of Ideology: Family Structures and Social Systems (Oxford, Blackwell, 1985)
TL;DR: For example, the authors reviewed two books, Crewe and Denver, which document the maturation of electoral research far beyond its heyday, when studies centred around the analysis of individual elections.
Abstract: It was only with the broad emergence of survey research after the end of the Second World War that a systematic study of individual beliefs, attitudes and behaviours at the level of the individual became possible. In addition, the application of the survey method to probability samples of specified populations, including the total body of eligible voters, signalled the rise of a research methodology that seemed favourable to the notion of ‘one person, one vote’ democratic mass publics. The spread of the research infrastructure required for the high-quality conduct of such research, plus the institutionalization of empirical social science research at universities and other academic research institutions, did not develop equally well across time and nations; much of the success in this process is owed to the efforts to internationalize social research in the 1950s by scholars like the late Stein Rokkan and Angus Campbell, as well as Mattei Dogan, Jean Blondel, Warren E. Miller, Erwin K. Scheuch, Sidney Verba and Rudolf Wildenmann, to name but a few. For somebody like this reviewer, who joined the ranks of the empirical comparativists one or two decades later, the two books to be reviewed in this essay give a great deal of satisfaction.’ This is particularly so because both books document the maturation of electoral research far beyond its heyday, when studies centred around the analysis of individual elections. By contrast, both books are decidedly comparative, longitudinal and dynamic in perspective. This has become possible because, triggered by networks of research organizations like data archives and individual scholars, empirical electoral studies are now widely institutionalized; for example, the American National Election Study of the Michigan Center for Political Studies and similar European enterprises. Both books seem, at least according to their titles, very similar in intent and content. Whilst the first is more or less true, the second is not. Both publications owe their existence to scholarly conferences, but the Crewe and Denver volume is clearly more coherent conceptually as well as empirically; at the same time it is more limited in scope. This is why this review will first address the
TL;DR: Papadakis et al. as discussed by the authors present evidence mainly from the second phase of a national survey on attitudes to welfare, which consisted of structured interviews with a stratified sample of 2,000 adults in spring 1984, and in-depth interviews carried out six months later with respondents from the main survey.
Abstract: Attitudes to the welfare state are, in many respects, determined by forces that either promote or inhibit various forms of participation by consumers in decision-making processes. Some of the current changes in the welfare state are often justified in terms of greater consumer control. These notes present evidence mainly from the second phase of a national survey on attitudes to welfare. The first phase consisted of structured interviews with a stratified sample of 2,000 adults in spring 1984; the second phase comprised 100 in-depth interviews carried out six months later with respondents from the main survey. The latter were chosen in order to represent, as far as possible, the main survey sample, though they may not be strictly representative of the total population and hence the results ought to be treated with caution and as exploratory.' In contrast to the usual survey method of gathering information from a large sample on the basis of a small number of pre-formulated questions, the indepth interviews consisted of a large number of open-ended questions. The focus could therefore be shifted toward the respondent's understanding of state and private welfare, based on his or her own experience of choice, control, voice and passive or active r6les. Most of the data on social, demographic and political location had been gathered in the first phase. This meant that the scope for a genuine dialogue between interviewer and respondent could be extended considerably. The evidence seeks to identify the forms and sources of participation in health, education and pensions. The glossary shown in Figure 1 emerged out of the in-depth interviews. In the main survey we focused on health, education and pensions since these represent a large part of state welfare expenditure, affect a large proportion of families and individuals through various stages of their * The authors are grateful to the ESRC for funding the research supported here under grant no GOO232021 (1983-5); and to the editor of Polifical Sfudies and two anonymous referees for comments on an earlier draft. I E. Papadakis, The In-Depth Interviews: Backgrouna Paper. Attitudes to Welfare Research Studies, no. 4 (mimeo, University of Kent, 1984).
TL;DR: Paisley views the Roman Catholic Church as the Harlot of Babylon condemned in Revelation, and this belief underlies his anti-Catholicism as mentioned in this paper, which is the basis for his political beliefs.
Abstract: This article examines the religious beliefs underlying the political ideology of Ulster's fundamentalist politician, Ian Paisley. Paisley claims to follow the Reformation tradition in both his theology and political beliefs, and cannot be understood without reference to this tradition. Adopting an apocalyptic world view from Reformation Protestants such as Knox, Paisley views the Roman Catholic Church as the Harlot of Babylon condemned in Revelation, and this belief underlies his anti-Catholicism. This world view shapes Paisley's understanding of politics because he follows Knox in believing that the political community has a covenantal relationship to God requiring complete repudiation of Roman Catholic ‘idolatry’. Paisley invokes the Scottish covenanting tradition as a model for Protestant political activity in Ulster, advocating resistance against any attempt to show political favour to the Roman Catholic Church.
TL;DR: In this paper, the structural governance properties of national business interest associations are analyzed. But the focus of the analysis is on the role of business interest organizations in industrial policymaking, rather than on individual or comparative case studies of specific issue areas.
Abstract: Corporatism has been debated in recent years as a strategy for ensuring the continued governability of the advanced industrial societies.’ Central to the idea of corporatism is the notion of organizational governance. An essential requirement for a corporatist system to work is that interest organizations are capable of disciplining their members in the pursuit of collective preferences. In liberal democratic societies, the effectiveness of corporatist schemes depends, in part, on associations’ ability to maintain a balance between interest representation and self-regulation. Organizations which emphasize the former function at the expense of the later act as pressure-groups, and organizations which regulate member preferences without representing them operate as mere extensions of state power. This paper presents new data on the structural governance properties of national business interest associations. Most of the burgeoning literature on corporatism emphasizes the r61e of ‘peak associations’ (for example, the Business Roundtable in the United States, the Confederation of British Industry, or the Federal Association of German Industry) whose interest coverage cuts across industry or sector boundaries. The literature on corporatist possibilities at the level of industry, on the other hand, is surprisingly sparse in view of the recent concern with industry-specific public policies, commonly referred to as industrial policies. Increasing our understanding of the governance structures of industry-level associations strengthens theoretical arguments about the rdle of business interest organizations in industrial policymaking. Much of the literature on the interest politics of business is limited to individual or comparative case studies of specific issue areas* or industries.3 As * An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Conference on Organizational Policy and Development, University of Louisville, May 1985. I See for example, P. Schmitter and G. Lehmbruch (eds), Trends Toward Corporafist Intermediation (London, Sage, 1979); S . Berger (ed.), Organizing Interests in Western Europe (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1981). * See, for example, the classic study on foreign trade policy-making, R. Bauer, 1. Pool and L. Dexter, American Business and Public Policy: the Politics ofForeign Trade (New York, Atherton Press, 1963). For example, W. Coleman and W. Grant, ‘Regional differentiation of business interest associations: a comparison of Canada and the United Kingdom’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 18 (1985). 3-29. Systematic empirical research on larger populations of business interest
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors test the staff maximization hypothesis that bureaucratic power is positively related to labour inputs to the production of public sector goods and services and show that the hypothesis is false.
Abstract: This paper tests the staff maximization hypothesis that bureaucratic power is positively related to labour inputs to the production of public sector goods and services. The context of the test is t...
TL;DR: This article found that 36 of the 70 Conservative MPs could be classified as constituency lobbyists, reflecting interview evidence that they consider lobbying on behalf of local industries to be a normal and important part of their representative role as MPs.
Abstract: Interviews undertaken in the House of Commons with 70 backbench Conservative MPs in 1983–84 examined the extent to which they pursue their own localized industrial policy strategies as part of their efforts to maintain constituency electoral support. This involves lobbying efforts directed toward ministers in support of local industries, either in defence of jobs, in promotion of new jobs, or in a variety of quests for government benefits or relaxation of restrictions. It was found that 36 of the 70 Conservative MPs could be classified as ‘constituency lobbyists’, reflecting interview evidence that they consider lobbying on behalf of local industries to be a normal and important part of their representative role as MPs. The hypothesis that vulnerable constituencies—vulnerable in both political and economic terms—would be represented by constituency lobbyists was tested through the construction of an index of constituency ‘security’. It was found that the more secure the constituency, the less likely is th...
TL;DR: The practical political point of a theory of civil disobedience is to convince those whom we concede may legitimately make the laws that they have made that it is nonetheless legitimate for us to disobey those laws as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The practical political point of a theory of civil disobedience is to convince those whom we concede may legitimately make the laws that they have made that it is nonetheless legitimate for us to disobey those laws. In the circumstances here envisaged, it would do no good to appeal to the principle that people may legitimately disobey laws that are substantively wrong; ex hypothesi, those who made the laws still think that they are right. As Ronald Dworkin says,
TL;DR: In this paper, it is suggested that the contractarian approach should be used to analyse the relationship between independent groups and the state of the Soviet type, and the utility of the model of the totalitarian state in understanding the origin of independent groups is discussed.
Abstract: Neither the concept of the totalitarian system nor the newly worked-out notion of ‘socialist civil society’ can express the social and political phenomenon of the rise and growth of independent groups and movements in Eastern Europe. Rather, it is suggested here that the Lockean contractarian approach should be used. This embraces mutually interacting ethical, empirical and analytic arguments which would take into consideration the state, the independent groups organized outside it, and the relationships between them. The utility of the model of the totalitarian state in understanding the origin of independent groups is discussed here. Lockean multidimensional individualism is suggested as a category expressing the political character of these groups, and Lockean teaching on absolute monarchy—a special form of the state of nature—is advanced as the means for analysing the relationship between these groups and the state of the Soviet type.
TL;DR: Exploitation, extortion and oppression describe unjust social arrangements that ought to be changed as mentioned in this paper, and the concept of exploitation is particularly associated with Marx's critique of capitalism, and t...
Abstract: Exploitation, extortion and oppression describe unjust social arrangements that ought to be changed. The concept of exploitation is particularly associated with Marx's critique of capitalism, and t...
TL;DR: The strength of nationalism can be explained in terms of the malleability of the concept of the nation, which can be defined in very different ways, with consequently varying political implications as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The strength of nationalism can be explained in terms of the malleability of the concept of the nation, which can be defined in very different ways, with consequently varying political implications. Socialism, in theory and practice, has had to respond to the appeal and force of nationalism. One possible response has been to take over and develop a form of left-wing nationalism, and this is illustrated by examples taken primarily from French socialist thought in the period before 1914. Such a form of socialist nationalism has its strengths, both theoretical and practical; but it also involves problems, notably the difficulty of maintaining the separation of a nationalism of the left from a right-wing nationalism with its anti-socialist and anti-democratic appeals.
TL;DR: Hegel saw history as the gradual process of the realization of freedom and each age gave rise to an optimum social structure representing the latest stage in this development as mentioned in this paper. But this teleological approach allowed Hegel to assess political life from two points of view: he was in a position, on the one hand, to criticize existing institutions in so far as they failed to attain the optimum for the age, an optimum which had already been revealed elsewhere in a more advanced society.
Abstract: Hegel saw history as the gradual process of the realization of freedom. Each age gave rise to an optimum social structure representing the latest stage in this development. This teleological approach allowed Hegel to assess political life from two points of view. He was in a position, on the one hand, to criticize existing institutions in so far as they failed to attain the optimum for the age, an optimum which had already been revealed elsewhere in a more advanced society. (In some respects Hegel saw the system of government pertaining in the more liberal German principalities as representing a model to follow.) On the other hand, he was also in a position to criticize a society and its leaders from a conservative standpoint for anticipating future developments by undertaking premature reforms. For a society that had already attained the optimum for the age what was the next stage in the progressive realization of spirit was known only to spirit itself.’ Hegel took the standpoint of the rationality of spirit in his time, which prevented him from recommending to societies their collective course of action but, none the less, allowed him to apprise the intellectually alive citizen and leader of the problems of their society. Hegel saw the task of the political theorist as one of offering enlightenment rather than advice. With Kant, Hegel believed that the aggregate can never rule.2 This is not merely a matter of ignorance (although Hegel was in no doubt that the mass was educationally unfit to rule); it was also a matter of numbers. If a state is to act
TL;DR: In the first 28 ballots held, none was lost, but only 63 per cent of votes cast supported the establishment of a fund, and in some unions significant minorities voted against, notably the Carpenters and Joiners (47 per cent against), the Weavers (44 per cent), the Miners (43 per cent) and the Cotton Spinners (41 per cent).31 After six or seven decades which have, it is often alleged, witnessed the increasing "depoliticization" of the British trade union movement, such results came as something of a surprise to union
Abstract: Summary As noted above, the most remarkable feature of the results has been their consistency. And, although the more detailed figures show some interesting differences and material for speculation, they should not deflect attention too much from the overall results. Given the 1983 general election results and the MORI poll referred to earlier, it is not surprising that union officials concerned with the campaign are unanimous in seeing the campaign as an overwhelming success. For, to take just one indicator, they could be taken to imply that there is in 1985–6 greater support for unions engaging in political activity than there was when many of the original funds were established under the 1913 Act. For under that Act, of the first 28 ballots held, none was lost, but ‘only’ 63 per cent of votes cast supported the establishment of a fund, and in some unions significant minorities voted against, notably the Carpenters and Joiners (47 per cent against), the Weavers (44 per cent), the Miners (43 per cent) and the Cotton Spinners (41 per cent).31 After six or seven decades which have, it is often alleged, witnessed the increasing ‘depoliticization’ of the British trade union movement, such results came as something of a surprise to union activists, the architects of the 1984 Act and academic commentators alike.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue in favour of a single conception of liberty, that picked out by Berlin as negative liberty, and argue that Berlin's defence of liberty so understood seems to rest on a view not open.
Abstract: In this paper I argue in favour of a single conception of liberty, that picked out by Berlin as negative liberty. However, Berlin's defence of liberty so understood seems to rest on a view not open...
TL;DR: Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) as discussed by the authors has a long history of membership in the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FP) and has a history of affiliations with the FP.
Abstract: It seems to be the social science orthodoxy that, whatever the Northern Ireland conflict is about, it is not about religion. Despite the frequently repeated assertion by unionists that their main reason for not wanting to become part of a united Ireland is the power of the Catholic Church, the majority of commentators and most British people refuse to believe them.’ It is perhaps not surprising that members of a largely secular culture should find it difficult to believe that some people take religion seriously enough to let it affect their lives. But it is worth considering the implication of the apparent willingness of many loyalists to prefer the economic disaster of an independent Ulster to a future in a united Ireland. The enormous question of whether, to what extent, and in what ways the Northern Ireland conflict is religious will not be discussed here: that has been done elsewhere.2 In this short note information about the religious affiliations of active members of Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) will be presented which defies explanation unless one recognizes the central part played in loyalist politics by religious beliefs and attitudes. Since its foundation in 1971, the DUP has come to rival the ‘official’ Ulster Unionist Party in electoral support. Paisley himself is easily the most popular single Unionist leader. In the 1984 elections to the Parliament of the EEC, nearly a quarter of a million people voted for him. Although the Official Unionist Party has 11 Westminster seats to the three of the DUP, the overall performance of the two parties in recent local government and Assembly elections has shown them to enjoy comparable public support. It is well known that, in its early days, the DUP drew heavily on the membership of the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (which Paisley helped found in 1951) for its activists. When Paisley launched his first major foray into electoral politics in 1969, of six candidates, three were Free Presbyterian (FP) ministers and one was an elder of an FP congregation. The denominational affiliations of DUP activists at various points since then are shown in Table 1.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the effects of European Labour Migration on sending and receiving countries (UK, Westview Press, London, Croom Helm, in association with the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 1985)
Abstract: Peter Dickens, Simon Duncan, Mark Goodwin and Fred Gray, Housing, States and Localities (London, Methuen, 1985) S. N. Eisenstadt and Ora Ahimeir (eds), The Welfare State and its Aftermath (London, Croom Helm, in association with the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 1985) Richard N. Langlois (ed.), Economics as a Process: Essays in the New Institutional Economics (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986) Albert Rees, Striking a Balance: Making National Economic Policy (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1984) Vicky Randall and Robin Theobald, Political Change and Underdevelopment (London, Macmillan, 1985) John Scott, Capitalist Property and Financial Power: a Comparative Study of Britain, the United States and Japan (Brighton, Wheatsheaf, 1986) Clare Ungerson (ed.), Women and Social Policy: a Reader (London, Macmillan, 1985) David Vogel, National Styles of Regulation: Environmental Policy in Great Britain and The United States (London, Cornell University Press, 1986) John L. Sullivan, Michael Shamir, Patrick Walsh and Nigel S. Roberts, Political Tolerance in Context: Support for Unpopular Minorities in Israel, New Zealand and the United States (London, Westview, 1985) G. K. Wilson, Business and Politics: a Comparative Introduction (London, Macmillan, 1085) William H. Chafe, The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986) Milton D. Morris, Immigration: the Beleaguered Bureaucracy (Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution, 1985) Nathan Glazer (ed.), Clamor at the Gates: the New American Immigration (San Francisco, Institute for Contemporary Studies Press, 1985) Richard Hodder-Williams and James Ceaser (eds), Politics in Britain and the United States (Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1986) Donald F. Kettl, Leadership at the Fed (London, Yale University Press, 1986) Jurgen Schmandt and Hilliord Roderick (eds), Acid Rain and Friendly Neighbors: the Policy Dispute between Canada and the United States (Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1985) Alan Ware, The Breakdown of Democratic Party Organisation, 1940–1980 (Oxford, Clarendon Press for Oxford University Press, 1985) John Fitzmaurice, Quebec and Canada: Past, Present and Future (London, C. Hurst & Co., 1985) Douglas V. Verney, Three Civilizations, Two Cultures, One State: Canada's Political Traditions (Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1986) Peter A. Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (Oxford, Polity Press, 1986) Rosemarie Rogers (ed.), Guests Come to Stay: the Effects of European Labour Migration on Sending and Receiving Countries (London, Westview Press, 1985) K. von Beyme and M. G. Schmidt (eds), Policy and Politics in the Federal Republic of Germany (translated by E. Martin) (Aldershot, Cower, for the German Political Science Association, 1985) Karl Ucakar, Demokratie und Wahlrecht in Osterreich: zur Entwicklung von politischer Partizipation und staatlicher Legitimationspolitik (Vienna, Verlag fur Gesellschaftskritik, 1985) Joan Barth Urban, Moscow and the Italian Communist Party, from Togliatti to Berlinguer (London, I. B. Tauris, 1986) R. Amann and J. Cooper (eds), Technical Progress and Soviet Economic Development (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) C. M. Harm, A village without Solidarity: Polish Peasants in Years of Crisis (London, Yale University Press, 1985) Maria Hirszowicz, Coercion and Control in Communist Society (Brighton, Wheatsheaf, 1986) Martin McCauley and Stephen Carter (eds), Leadership and Succession in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China (Macmillan and the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London, 1986) Roger Woods, Opposition in the GDR under Honecker, 1971–85 (London, Macmillan, 1986) David S. Mason, Public Opinion and Political Change in Poland, 1980–82 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985) Ira Sharkansky, What Makes Israel Tick? (Chicago, Nelson-Hall, 1985) Richard A. Gabriel, Operation Peace for Galilee: the Israeli-PLO War in Lebanon (New York, Hill and Wang, distributed in Britain by Faber, 1984) Michael Keren, Ben-Gurion and the Intellectuals (Dekalb, III., Northern Illinois University Press, 1983)
TL;DR: In this article, it is demonstrated that in the London Borough of Ealing, where non-whites comprise a quarter of the population and neither major party enjoys political pre- dominance, a number of intra-party constraints (e.g. ideology) combine with electoral disincentives to impel both parties to neglect non-white interests.
Abstract: This article critically assesses claims that the Conservative and Labour Parties' neglect of Britain's non-white population is due to its relatively small size and/or its geographical concentration in ‘safe’, predominantly white, Labour constituencies. Rather, it is demonstrated that in the London Borough of Ealing, where non-whites comprise a quarter of the population and neither major party enjoys political pre- dominance, a number of intra-party constraints (e.g. ideology) combine with electoral disincentives (e.g. addressing non-white demands could alienate whites in the handful of electorally marginal wards which decide the parliamentary balance) to impel both parties to neglect non-white interests.
TL;DR: The relation between the Leviathan of Hobbes and the New Leviathan of Collingwood is discussed in this paper, where the authors compare the two Leviathans at the level of general intent.
Abstract: In this article I draw upon the published and unpublished works of R. G. Collingwood in order to discern the relation between the Leviathan of Hobbes, and that of Collingwood. First, an attempt is made to explain why Hobbes became important for Collingwood, having had no special status in the writings of the latter prior to the composition of The New Leviathan. Secondly, two misconceptions of the ostensible relation between the two Leviathans will be exposed. Thirdly, the two Leviathans are compared at the level of general intent. It is argued that Collingwood never meant merely to update Leviathan in a piecemeal fashion, but instead formulated an entirely different criterion of conduct from that offered by Hobbes. Finally, some of the arguments of the two Leviathans are compared. Principally, Collingwood found Hobbes deficient in failing to provide an adequate account of the perpetual transition from the state of nature to civil life. One of the aims of Collingwood was to make good this deficiency.
TL;DR: Green's Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation as mentioned in this paper have been rated very high, Sabine describing him as the most original and the most constructive political philosopher of nineteenth-century England, and Rodman (in 1964) as the last political theorist of anything like classic stature.
Abstract: Perhaps it is too soon to agree how important a political philosopher Green is. Sometimes he has been rated very high, Sabine describing him as ‘the most original and the most constructive political philosopher of nineteenth-century England’, and Rodman (in 1964) as ‘the last political theorist of anything like classic stature’.’ His Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation Blanshard calls ‘the weightiest work in English on political theory’, while Lemos ranks it as ‘one of the ten or twelve greatest works in the entire history of political philosophy’.2 Others regard such judgements as highly contentious or exaggerated. However, they are not absurd. If one were listing the dozen greatest works of political philosophy ever written, the Lectures, with its amalgam of hard philosophical thinking, political insight, and moral fervour, would have a reasonable claim to a place towards the bottom of the list-albeit in competition with many other contenders. Certainly, Green figures in many textbook histories of political thought, and his views on such topics as freedom are alluded to in many places. It is upon the Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation that Green’s reputation as a political philosopher must chiefly rest. I t is fitting that 1986, the centenary of its posthumous publication in the second volume of Green’s Works, saw its appearance in a new critical edition. Paul Harris and John Morrow have checked the version which R. L. Nettleship produced for the Works, and which all subsequent printings have reproduced, against Green’s manuscript. They have restored Green’s words where they think there was a significant misreading or unjustifiable alteration, noting Nettleship’s version in a list of variants. In addition, where the manuscript contains alternatives,