Showing papers in "Politics in 1999"
TL;DR: Policy transfer is a dynamic whereby knowledge about policies, administrative arrangements or institutions is used across time or space in the development of policies and administrative arrangements and institutions elsewhere as discussed by the authors. But policy transfer is not a static process.
Abstract: An area of recent interest in the International Relations and Comparative Politics literature concerns ‘policy transfer’. This is a dynamic whereby knowledge about policies, administrative arrangements or institutions is used across time or space in the development of policies, administrative arrangements and institutions elsewhere. Policy transfer is deemed to be on the increase in an era of globalisation. Indeed, some governments and international organisations are proactive in promoting harmonisation and convergence or exporting policy lessons. This paper surveys the state of the burgeoning literature, identifies some methodological issues in studying policy transfer, and outlines some additional routes of research.
437 citations
TL;DR: The authors argued that environmental groups have an independent, often dominant role in shaping norms that govern environmental policy and that the role of epistemic communities as legitimate bearers of truth has been exaggerated and that we need to develop environmental policy in a post positivism.
Abstract: This article contests the view that environmental groups act mainly as megaphones for scientists. It asserts that environmental groups have an independent, often dominant role, in shaping norms that govern environmental policy.The theory of epistemic communities, as advanced by Haas, is analysed in the context of the whaling and CFC/ozone depletion issues. It is found that the alleged role of epistemic communities as legitimate bearers of truth has been exaggerated and that we need to develop environmental policy in a context of ‘post positivism’.
61 citations
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that empirical research concerned with the study of politics and policy should employ an ontology and methodology that focuses on the dynamics of interaction between agency, structure and social chance.
Abstract: It is appropriate that social scientists should develop explicit conceptualisations of agency, structure and social chance, these being three major dimensions of social and political life. The agency–structure debate, which refers to theoretical and ontological issues that tend not to be explicitly discussed by political scientists, is an important interdisciplinary starting point for conceptual and empirical work involving collaboration between political scientists and sociologists. Following a theoretical review of agency, structure and chance, it is argued that empirical research concerned with the study of politics and policy – indeed, social scientific research on any topic – should employ an ontology and methodology that focuses on the dynamics of interaction between agency, structure and social chance.
57 citations
TL;DR: This paper highlight the main elements of the "strategic-relational" approach to state theory, developed particularly by Bob Jessop, and highlight the legacy of Nicos Poulantzas in particular for its importance in laying the foundations for such an approach.
Abstract: This paper seeks to highlight the main elements of the ‘strategic-relational’ approach to (Marxist) state theory, developed particularly by Bob Jessop. The legacy of Nicos Poulantzas in particular is singled out for its importance in laying the foundations for such an approach. This is followed by a discussion of Jessop and his development of many ideas bequeathed by Poulantzas, culminating in various moves toward a strategic-relational analysis. These moves are then critically assessed, with some wider thoughts on the approach offered in conclusion
34 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on three interrelated issues fundamental to any analysis of political institutions: the goals attributed to institutions, the theory of action and the commitment to methodological individualism versus methodological holism.
Abstract: The efflorescence of work on new institutionalism has encouraged scholars to build bridges between various schools of thought. Such cross-fertilisation enlivens the debate but runs the risk of erecting bridges on shaky foundations. My article seeks to minimise this risk by going back to basics. It narrows the field of inquiry to the economic and the sociological institutionalist tradition represented by Williamson on one side, and the collaborative work of March and Olsen on the other. It explores and assesses their contribution on three interrelated issues fundamental to any analysis of political institutions: the goals attributed to institutions, the theory of action and the commitment to methodological individualism versus methodological holism. I conclude by noting that in the transition from the old to the new institutionalism - as represented in the works of these authors - the role of power conflicts, negotiations and bargaining between individuals seems to have lost its central position.
19 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors place the 1997 referendum on the Labour government's plans to establish an elected Welsh Assembly into the context of the debate on devolution as it has developed in Wales since 1979, when broadly similar proposals were overwhelmingly rejected by the Welsh electorate.
Abstract: This article seeks to place the 1997 referendum on the Labour government's plans to establish an elected Welsh Assembly into the context of the debate on devolution as it has developed in Wales since 1979, when broadly similar proposals were overwhelmingly rejected by the Welsh electorate. The authors argue that given the belated decision to hold the referendum, the particular difficulties created by the Welsh political landscape, and the fact that there was no real attempt to develop a broad-based consensus behind the proposals before the 1997 general election, the fact that the proposals were finally approved – albeit by the narrowest of margins – represents a substantial achievement for the pro-devolutionists.
17 citations
TL;DR: The Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) as mentioned in this paper was proposed as an innovative unit with a dynamic cross-departmental and holistic approach, but it quickly failed to meet the hopes of its supporters.
Abstract: With the creation of the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU), the new Labour government signalled its concern with the problems of social exclusion. Unveiled as an innovative unit with a dynamic cross-departmental and holistic approach, the SEU quickly failed to meet the hopes of its supporters. Poorly resourced, passively supported by the prime minister, and ignoring the extensive experience of EU antiexclusion policy, the SEU appears doomed to stagnate. However, if it was able to link to and learn from EU social policy, it could provide itself with a broader power base, more coherent policy approach, and strengthen ‘Social Europe’ as well.
12 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors look at the armed intervention in Serbia from the perspective of international law and especially just war theory, and explain the principles by which just war theories permit armed intervention.
Abstract: This article looks at NATO's armed intervention in Serbia from the perspective of international law, and especially just war theory. After explaining the principles by which just war theory permits armed intervention, the crisis in Kosovo is used as a fascinating and relevant case study.
12 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the extent to which party members qua party members are visible amongst their friends and colleagues is investigated based on a survey of Labour party members in Nuneaton.
Abstract: A political party's members are its ambassadors in the wider community. Based on a survey of Labour party members in Nuneaton, this article investigates the extent to which party members qua party members are visible amongst their friends and colleagues. It finds that there are few closet Labour party members. Most are known to friends and (slightly less commonly) colleagues. Party members also articulate a political message, discussing politics with friends and work colleagues. Around half of party members believe that they influence others as a result of their discussions; of those who are asked their opinions by friends, almost three-quarters believe that they influence others. Labour party members in Nuneaton are thus a visible and articulate manifestation of the party. The article ends by considering whether this is likely to be true in other constituencies, for other parties, and at other times.
11 citations
TL;DR: The main political parties' adoption of "soundbites" and "spin-doctors" has led UK political communication to become dominated by a "promotional culture" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The main political parties' adoption of ‘soundbites’ and ‘spin-doctors’ has led UK political communication to become dominated by a ‘promotional culture’. This article describes the historical development of this trend and the academic debate it has stimulated over the ‘quality’ of contemporary political communication. The article then argues that by exploring how pressure groups have adopted similar promotional techniques a valuable new dimension can be added to this debate, which focuses on the ability to gain access to media coverage. Finally, this point is illustrated with a case study of Liberty, a civil liberties pressure group.
11 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider the tragedy of commons in game theory and examine whether the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) can be construed as a "policy fiasco" and underline the urgent need for international collective action.
Abstract: This article considers some salient theoretical contributions which bear upon our understanding of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) of the European Union (EU). It outlines the fundamental dilemma highlighted in game theory known as ‘the tragedy of the commons’ and goes on to examine whether the CFP can be construed as a ‘policy fiasco’. The article considers how the fisheries of the EU could be more effectively managed and underlines the urgent need for international collective action. With the mismatch between the CFP and the scale of the problem it is intended to address firmly in sight, the article concludes with an evaluation and some policy suggestions.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that even when all central control evaporates, militia-run structures or more traditional kinship organisations have been found in some circumstances, preventing total social disorder.
Abstract: African states have had their functions so weakened that some speak of collapse and anarchy; hence they conflate the collapse of state services with the collapse of a regime and with the collapse of social order. In fact the three are not synonymous. Though the state, defined in institutional terms, may collapse, there are examples that regimes can live on through their retention of juridical status and through the establishment of an informal and parallel state system. Even when all central control evaporates, militia-run structures or more traditional kinship organisations have been found in some circumstances, preventing total social disorder. Surprise that communal organisation exists beyond the state only reveals deep-rooted normative assumptions.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors developed a framework to review the history of MPs' pay and an empirical examination with regard to its value relative to prices and earnings, the ruling political party and the overall period disaggregated by decade.
Abstract: The controversial 26 per cent salary increase voted for by MPs in July 1996 re-ignited the vexed issue of politicians and pay. This paper firstly develops a framework to review the history of MPs' pay. Secondly, an empirical examination is undertaken with regard to its value relative to prices and earnings, the ruling political party and the overall period disaggregated by decade. This suggests that MPs have been more successful insulating themselves against the ravages of inflation than changes in earnings and that the party in power appears to be influential.
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TL;DR: Hobbes is often cited as a precursor of modern liberalism, both on the grounds of his individualism and of his endorsement of intellectual and moral autonomy as mentioned in this paper. Yet Hobbes supports absolutist government rather than democracy.
Abstract: Hobbes is often cited as a precursor of modern liberalism, both on the grounds of his individualism and of his endorsement of intellectual and moral autonomy. Yet Hobbes supports absolutist government rather than democracy. This is partly explained by his rejection of autonomy understood as self-government. But Hobbes's case against democracy is more comprehensive than this. This article considers Hobbes's case against democracy.
TL;DR: From 1919 until the mid-1920s Laski developed a cogent egalitarian theory of democratic rights as mentioned in this paper, and turned his attention to the conflict between such rights and the capitalist property rights of liberal theory.
Abstract: From 1919 until the mid-1920s Laski developed a cogent egalitarian theory of democratic rights. In the 1930s he turned his attention to the conflict between such rights and the capitalist property rights of liberal theory. His defence of democratic rights is significant in the context of contemporary discussions of rights, autonomy and democracy.
TL;DR: In the 1997 general election, despite indications from polls, betting markets badly underestimated Labour's Parliamentary majority But the same applies to a panel of expert "pundits" and the public generally.
Abstract: How good are political gamblers and bookmakers at predicting election results? In 1997, despite indications from polls, betting markets badly underestimated Labour's Parliamentary majority But the same applies to a panel of expert ‘pundits’ and the public generally The predictions of punters move reasonably in line with pundits and public And the betting industry scores better when examining percentage vote share It was close to getting this right, narrowly beating the pundits and all the pollsters Punters were right to believe polls overstated Labour's percentage lead, but wrong to miss the fact that differential swing would boost its Commons majority
TL;DR: The role of the European issue in explaining the location of the origins of Labour's transformation has been explored in this article, where Lent's article in Politics Volume 17 presents a cogent set of explanations pointing to the rebirth of Labour starting well before 1987.
Abstract: Adam Lent's article in Politics Volume 17 presents a cogent set of explanations pointing to the rebirth of Labour starting well before 1987, however he has not considered the role of the European issue in explaining the location of the origins of Labour's transformation. Europe as will be shown, created a clear dynamic for party renewal as it married together a range of key factors that the Kinnock-Hattersley leadership had to constantly balance in their efforts to rebuild the Party. Namely, party unity, the retention of union support, the creation and sustaining of a new economic policy, and a rapidly changing international economic environment. These factors shaped the paradigm that has to be used if Labour's renewal is to be fully understood in the time frame identified.
TL;DR: The authors argued that Lukes' understanding of power is not compromised by its reliance upon a distinction between subjective and objective interests since such a distinction is, in fact, an integral part of the logical grammar of the concept of power.
Abstract: In a recent response to an article of mine on the ‘faces of power’ controversy published in this journal (Politics Vol. 18. No. 1), James Doyle provides an important, sophisticated and provocative attempt to rehabilitate Lukes' three-dimensional conception of power from the criticisms of myself and others. He argues, in particular, that Lukes' understanding of power is not compromised by its reliance upon a distinction between subjective and objective interests since such a distinction is, in fact, ‘an integral part of the logical grammar of the concept’. Nor, he suggests, is Lukes wrong to raise the spectre of the concept of ‘false consciousness since the notion of ‘duping others’ is also ‘internal to the logic of the concept’ of power. Finally, Doyle argues that my chosen reformulation of the concept of power as context- and conduct-shaping unwittingly exposes me to precisely the same criticism(s) which I direct at Lukes. In this brief response I seek to clarify and defend my earlier position in the face of certain obvious misunderstandings in Doyle's reading, whilst re-stating my principal point of departure from Lukes' formulation.
TL;DR: The authors argued that it is not fair to label Rawls as a leading proponent of the procedural republic and argued that Rawls's egalitarian liberalism does not endorse the public philosophy that has informed American Constitutional Law and the political economy for the past half a century.
Abstract: In Michael Sandel's latest book entitled Democracy's Discontent (1996), he argues that the prevailing public philosophy (what he calls the procedural republic) that informs America's institutions undermines self-government and a sense of community. Does John Rawls support the procedural republic? Contrary to what Sandel contends, I argue that it is not fair to label Rawls as a leading proponent of the procedural republic. Rawls's egalitarian liberalism does not endorse the public philosophy that has informed American Constitutional Law and the political economy for the past half a century.
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TL;DR: In this article, the idea of a stake within stake-holding discourse is discussed, and it is argued that this is best seen as left popular capitalism, which occurs through the possession of stakes.
Abstract: This paper focuses on illuminating the idea of a stake within stakeholding discourse. To do this involves forming a prior conception of what stakeholding constitutes. Focusing on the individual strand in stakeholding, it will argue that this is best seen as left popular capitalism. Core to this is a developmental view of the self, which occurs through the possession of stakes. This philosophical anthropology conditions the form and content of what stakes are offered.
TL;DR: This article reviewed both the importance and limitation of questionnaires for examining contemporary history in light of the advice provided in methodological texts and concluded that the particular mix employed will depend on the topic covered and the amount of time and money available to conduct the work.
Abstract: One of the most significant questions facing researchers engaged in contemporary history is the use of sources. These might include archival, oral, visual, electronic or printed sources. The particular mix employed will depend on the topic covered and the amount of time and money available to conduct the work. This article reviews both the importance and limitation of questionnaires for examining contemporary history in light of the advice provided in methodological texts.
TL;DR: In this paper, the warning example from China that even a civilised country could stagnate and become a backwater of world development was taken very seriously, and some sections of Mill's On Liberty have been criticised.
Abstract: Mill took very seriously the warning example from China that even a civilised country could stagnate and become a backwater of world development. Although certain sections of Mill's On Liberty have...
TL;DR: This article found that the political context is important in understanding why American municipal governments decide whether or not to privatize a service and four case studies reveal that the degree to which the decision-making process is politicized is a factor warranting our attention.
Abstract: Public choice theory has emphasized economic explanations of privatization decisions, while often neglecting the politics associated with the decision-making process. This research finds that the political context is important in understanding why American municipal governments decide whether or not to privatize a service. Four case studies reveal that the degree to which the decision-making process is politicized is a factor warranting our attention.