Showing papers in "Politics and Policy in 2009"
TL;DR: This paper identified two categories of populist appeals: the outward-looking appeals that vary strongly with a party's relationship to power and the inward-looking appeal that remain more stable over time.
Abstract: Shifting our understanding of populism from a question of core identity to a description of party appeals allows for a neutralization of the term's negative connotations by allowing that all parties may use populist appeals to some extent. It is then possible to address a party's use of populist appeals by measuring its distinctly nonpopulist appeals, which are usually less bound up with normative judgments. Although the preliminary analysis of Slovakia shows a relatively close empirical fit among the theoretical elements in the existing literature, two categories of populist appeals are identified: the outward-looking appeals that vary strongly with a party's relationship to power, and inward-looking appeals that remain more stable over time. Use of these by politicians may offer clues to the origination, attractiveness, and longevity of populist and nonpopulist appeals. Cambiar nuestro entendimiento del populismo desde la cuestion de identidad a una que se enfoca en los llamados partidistas nos permite neutralizar la connotacion negativa del termino populismo puesto que nos lleva a reconocer que todos los partidos recurren a los llamados populistas en una medida u otra. Es entonces posible establecer el uso de los atractivos del populismo por parte del partido al medir sus atractivos no-populistas, los cuales usualmente estan menos vinculados con opiniones normativas. Aunque el analisis preliminar de Eslovaquia demuestra un ajuste empirico perfecto relativamente cerrado entre los elementos teoricos en la literatura existente, dos categorias de las caracteristicas populistas son identificadas: los atractivos observados en el exterior que varian fuertemente con la relacion del partido con el poder y los atractivos observados en el interior que permanecen mucho mas estables a traves del tiempo. El uso de estos por los politicos puede ofrecer claves para el origen, atractivo, y longevidad de los atractivos populistas y no-populistas.
TL;DR: In this paper, a recursive model of voting specifies a direct effect where voters get mobilized to bring to power politicians of greater integrity, and an indirect effect in which perceptions of corruption corrode faith in the democratic process and consequently, depress voting.
Abstract: This paper argues that corruption, threatening democratic governance in the new democracies of Eastern Europe, is another influential determinant of voter turnout. I hypothesize that its impact is complex in that it generates distinct incentives for participation. A recursive model of voting specifies a direct effect where voters get mobilized to bring to power politicians of greater integrity, and an indirect effect in which perceptions of corruption corrode faith in the democratic process and consequently, depress voting. The analysis uses CSES survey data from eight post-communist countries and the results provide empirical support for the theoretical model. The results also suggest that at least in 2001-05, the two opposing incentives for voting balanced each other out, with a slight gain for the mobilization effect. Este articulo argumenta que la amenaza de la corrupcion dentro de los gobiernos democraticos de Europa del Este es un factor influyente en la participacion de votantes. Planteo que su impacto es complejo puesto que genera incentivos contrapuestos para la participacion. Un modelo de voto recursivo especifica un efecto directo donde los votantes se movilizan para llevar al poder a los politicos de mayor integridad, y un efecto indirecto en el cual las percepciones de corrupcion corroen la fe en el proceso democratico y en consecuencia, reduce el voto. El analisis utiliza la investigacion de datos del Estudio Comparativo de los Sistemas Electorales (CSES, por sus siglas en ingles) de ocho paises post-comunistas y los resultados proveen el respaldo empirico para el modelo teorico. Los resultados sugieren tambien que por lo menos en 2001-05, los dos incentivos opuestos para el voto se equilibran mutuamente, con un ligero triunfo del efecto de la movilizacion.
TL;DR: The relationship between environmental inspectors and the facility personnel at regulated firms is often presumed to be adversarial, and this assumption affects the design and implementation of environmental regulations as mentioned in this paper, however, closer examination of these relationships challenges this fundamental assumption of adversarial relations in environmental policy.
Abstract: The relationships between environmental inspectors and the facility personnel at regulated firms are often presumed to be adversarial, and this assumption affects the design and implementation of environmental regulations. However, closer examination of these relationships challenges this fundamental assumption of adversarial relations in environmental policy. Interviews with 44 inspectors and regulated officials throughout Virginia found that the interactions between these two categories of actors are positive. Over 90 percent of the interviewees were positive about their interactions with one another, and inspectors and regulated officials alike indicate that they trust the other. These findings are compelling because they contest common assumptions, and, as such, they provoke debate regarding the fundamental notions concerning the interactions between regulators and the regulated on the frontlines of environmental regulation. La relacion entre los inspectores medioambientales y el personal de las instalaciones en las companias reguladas se supone, por lo general, antagonista, y este supuesto impacta el diseno y la implementacion de las regulaciones medioambientales. Sin embargo, una revision mas detallada de estas relaciones cuestiona dicho supuesto. Entrevistas realizadas a 44 inspectores y funcionarios bajo regulacion a lo largo de Virginia encontraron que las interacciones entre estas dos categorias de actores son positivas. Mas del 90 por ciento de los entrevistados tuvieron una respuesta positiva en relacion a sus interacciones con la otra parte, y tanto los inspectores como los funcionarios bajo regulacion indicaron que confiaban los unos en los otros. Estas conclusiones refutan los razonamientos habituales y, de ahi, que provocan debate en lo que se refiere a las nociones fundamentales acerca de las interacciones entre los reguladores y los regulados en el frente de la regulacion medioambiental.
TL;DR: For instance, the authors show that partisan cues increase support for public policy proposals and make it more likely that respondents will adopt a position on an issue that mirrors their party's preferred position.
Abstract: We consider the question of whether Russia's greatly weakened political parties might continue to exert an influence on public opinion in twenty-first century Russia. To do so, we carried out a series of survey-based experiments in Moscow in the spring of 2006. We present evidence showing that partisan cues increase support for public policy proposals and make it more likely that respondents will adopt a position on an issue that mirrors their party's preferred position (“opinion taking”), as well as increase the likelihood that respondents will adopt a position on a given issue at all (“opinion giving”). We also present evidence that party cues can sway the opinions of nonpartisans, though such influence may be limited to cases when the position of a party constitutes an unusually informative or credible signal. The findings should be of interest to those concerned with Russia's post-communist political development, those interested more broadly in the effects of partisan cues on political behavior, as well as to scholars trying to characterize the nature of “competitive authoritarian” regimes. Consideramos la cuestion de si partidos politicos fuertemente debilitados, como es el caso de los partidos rusos, podrian continuar influyendo la opinion publica en la Rusia del siglo XXI. Para responder esto llevamos a cabo una serie de investigaciones basadas en encuestas realizadas en Moscu en la primavera de 2006. Presentamos evidencia que demuestra que las pautas partidistas incrementan el apoyo del publico a sus propuestas de politicas y hacen mas probable que un encuestado conozca la preferencia del partido e incluso la llegue a asumir como suya (“tomando opinion”), asi como que incremente la posibilidad de que ellos adopten una determinada posicion sobre un determinado topico (“dando opinion”). Tambien presentamos evidencia que las pautas del partido pueden producir cambios de opinion, aunque dicha influencia puede estar limitada a casos donde la posicion del partido constituye una senal inusualmente informativa o creible. Los resultados seran de interes para aquellos preocupados por el desarrollo politico de Rusia post-comunista, aquellos interesados mas ampliamente en los efectos de las pautas partidistas en el comportamiento politico, asi como para los academicos que buscan precisar las caracteristicas de los regimenes “autoritarios competitivos.”
TL;DR: This article found that contact with same-sex couples has a different impact on attitudes about gays/lesbians and gay-related public policies than contact with gay/lesbian individuals, and that the two versions of contact perform similarly, but in specific policies, divergence shows itself.
Abstract: Contact with individual lesbians and gay men leads to more positive evaluations of the group and more support for pro-LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) public policies Increasingly, gay rights activists are making “gay families” central to their communications to the public about gay issues and policies This prompts a new question in the area of contact theory: does contact with same-sex couples have a different impact on attitudes about gays/lesbians and gay-related public policies than contact with gay/lesbian individuals? On general attitudes, the two versions of contact perform similarly, but in specific policies, divergence shows itself Contact with couples is a stronger force in shaping support for expansion of same-sex partnership recognition However, while contact with individual gay men and lesbians is a significant indicator, contact with couples is not on other issues raising questions about the effectiveness of the focus on “gay families” for the broader goals of the contemporary LGBT movement
TL;DR: This paper examined the implications of political beliefs for the relationship between preferences for freedom and security and examined causal relationships among core, domain, and policy context beliefs for preferences about balancing freedom and safety.
Abstract: Our research examines the implications of political beliefs for the relationship between preferences for freedom and security. We briefly situate the relationship in historical context and relate it to today's struggle with terrorism. Then we examine the influence of political beliefs on normative preferences for how liberty and security should be related and for perceptions of how they currently are being balanced. Using original data from a national Internet survey of more than 3,000 respondents, we examine causal relationships among core, domain, and policy context beliefs for preferences about balancing freedom and security.
TL;DR: This article found that the Hungarian electorate, as economic voters, has moved from a policy-oriented to an incumbency-oriented strategy, and demonstrated this pattern with regression models, by forecasting the 1998 and 2010 national elections, concluding with a discussion of the likely outcome of the latter contest.
Abstract: Although Hungary is a new democracy, the behavior of its voters can be understood. They are systematically responsive to economic conditions, particularly unemployment. We find that the Hungarian electorate, as economic voters, has moved from a policy-oriented to an incumbency-oriented strategy. That is, in early elections, they favored the Socialists in the face of rising unemployment, regardless of whether they were in government. In the later elections, however, they have voted against the ruling Socialists, as a response to rising unemployment. Overall, they have learned to become classical economic voters, rewarding the government for good times, punishing it for bad. We demonstrate this pattern with regression models, by forecasting the 1998 and 2010 national elections. We conclude with a discussion of the likely outcome of the latter contest. Aunque la democracia en Hungria es reciente, el comportamiento de sus votantes puede caracterizarse claramente. Ellos son sistematicamente sensibles a las condiciones economicas, particularmente al desempleo. El electorado hungaro interesado en la economia se ha movido de una estrategia orientada a las politicas a una estrategia orientada a los partidos. Durante las primeras elecciones, el electorado favorecio por su politica de empleo a los Socialistas frente al incremento del desempleo, sin importar si ellos estuvieran en el gobierno o no. Sin embargo, posteriormente, el electorado ha votado en contra de los Socialistas por la ineficacia de su politica de empleo. Por lo tanto, ha aprendido a convertirse en votantes clasicos interesados en la economia, recompensando al gobierno por buenos tiempos, castigandolo por los malos. Demostramos este patron con modelos de regresion, al pronosticar las elecciones nacionales de 1998 y 2010. Concluimos con una discusion sobre el resultado mas probable de la proxima eleccion.
TL;DR: In contrast to often negative expectations about the nature of political cleavages in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe, previous work by the authors has shown that the cleavage underlying party competition in the region structure the range of choices available to voters along lines that reflect regionally and nationally relevant political and economic concerns.
Abstract: In contrast to often negative expectations about the nature of political cleavages in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe, previous work by the authors has shown that the cleavages underlying party competition in the region structure the range of choices available to voters along lines that reflect regionally and nationally relevant political and economic concerns Little attention as yet, however, has been paid to considering the stability of these cleavages, evidence for which would add further positive weight to the emerging picture of party competition in the region The question of stability is particularly pertinent given the elements of ongoing weakness and volatility that can still be observed in aspects of party systems in the region This paper addresses this issue of cleavage stability using comparable data on cleavages from expert surveys conducted in 2003 and 2007 in thirteen countries
TL;DR: The European Union's dense web of institutions is usually regarded as enabling better decision-making and interest representation in the EU's external relations as mentioned in this paper, but it can also function as a foil for governments when tension between material imperatives and declared normative foundations and ambitions is high.
Abstract: The European Union's dense web of institutions is usually regarded as enabling better decision making and interest representation in the European Union's external relations. Combined with the European Union's ambiguous nature, the institutional complex can also function as a foil for governments when tension between material imperatives and declared normative foundations and ambitions is high. The energy–democracy relationship divulges a “pragmatic–realist institutionalism” on the part of European politicians, officials, and agencies. A logic of collective inaction toward difficult but essential “partners,” rather than one of ethical “appropriateness,” has developed and indicates the limits of normative policy and theory. La densa red de instituciones de la Union Europea es usualmente aclamada por facilitar una mejor toma de decisiones y representacion de intereses en las relaciones de la Union Europea en el exterior. Combinada con la naturaleza ambigua de la Union Europea, el complejo institucional puede tambien funcionar como un impedimento para los gobiernos cuando la tension entre los imperativos materiales y los declarados fundamentos normativos y ambiciones es alta. La relacion energia-democracia divulga un “institucionalismo pragmatico–realista” por parte de los politicos europeos, oficiales y agencias. Una logica de inactividad colectiva hacia los dificiles pero esenciales “companeros,” en vez de una logica de “propiedad”etica, ha desarrollado e indica los limites de la politica y teoria normativa.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the relationship between deliberative theory and participatory practice in subnational participatory policy making and consider the extent to which participation, which seeks to breach the divide between citizen preference and political behavior, can be seen as deliberative practice.
Abstract: This article reviews subnational participatory policy making and considers the extent to which participation—which seeks to breach the divide between citizen preference and political behavior—can be seen as deliberative practice. The process examined, Tasmania Together, is Australia's most participatory subnational planning and policy instrument, and is unique in that country, as well for directly linking public preference to policy design. Deliberative theory frames the examination of Tasmania Together here because it is in part concerned with exploring and overcoming the failing representative mandate that has inspired many such local participatory experiments. The study explores the tensions between deliberative theory and participatory practice, to identify common themes and forge greater relevance between the two. It considers the legitimacy of the process, its quest for community consensus, its link to policy-setting contexts, its high level of institutionalization, and the lessons that can be learnt from it, which may in turn inform deliberative theory.
TL;DR: The development of political parties in Poland failed to match expectations that parties would stabilize and give rise to predictable patterns of interaction in a cohesive party system, with elite defections providing the main impetus for party collapse and new-party emergence as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The development of political parties in Poland failed to match expectations that parties would stabilize and give rise to predictable patterns of interaction in a cohesive party system. Although the number of electoral and parliamentary parties fell, parties failed to cohere, with elite defections providing the main impetus for party collapse and new-party emergence. High levels of electoral volatility meant dramatic shifts in the relative strengths of parties and the defeat of incumbent governments at every election. Although government formation reflected “closed” competition between Solidarity and successor parties until 2006, coalitions did not develop lasting relations of cooperation and compromise. Leadership volatility, party volatility, and electoral volatility created whirlpools of continuing uncertainty. El desarrollo de los partidos politicos en Polonia fracaso su intento de satisfacer las expectativas de que estabilizarian y llevarian a patrones predecibles de interaccion en un sistema de partidos cohesivo. A pesar de que el numero de partidos electorales y parlamentarios disminuyo no lograron cohesionarse, siendo la desercion en sus elites el factor mas importante en el colapso de los partidos y la aparicion de nuevos. En cada eleccion, los elevados niveles de volatilidad electoral significaron dramaticos cambios en la fortaleza relativa de los partidos y la derrota de los gobiernos en turno. Aunque, hasta 2006, la conformacion del gobierno reflejo una competencia “cerrada” entre Solidaridad y los partidos posteriores, las coaliciones no desarrollaron relaciones duraderas de cooperacion y compromiso. La volatilidad en los lideres, partidos, y elecciones creo una voragine de continua incertidumbre.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the dominance of the biotechnology innovation model exacerbates the existing limitations to the long-term success of human embryonic stem cell research in the United States, and that the federal government has a more proactive role to play in managing stem cell innovation.
Abstract: Since 1998, a significant global industry has developed around human embryonic stem cell (hESC) science, in which U.S.-based research is highly prominent. Yet the continued success of the United States in the global economy of hESC is not expected to last in the long term. In America, hESC research is both highly contentious and morally imperative; public interest is high, yet as a whole, the sector is seen to be underperforming. The regulatory, political, economic, and scientific limitations surrounding the development of hESC research in the United States have been widely discussed. The argument in this article is that the dominance of the biotechnology innovation model exacerbates the existing limitations to the long-term success of hESC research in the United States, and that the federal government has a more proactive role to play in managing stem cell innovation if U.S. advantage is going to be maintained.
TL;DR: The authors argued that state managers have to manage the contradictions between the imperatives of accumulation and legitimation, and can do so through the politics of depoliticisation, and used archival sources to show how significant elements of the core-executive had established preferences for deflationary policies, which were implemented in 1976 by using market rhetoric and Fund conditionality to shape perceptions about the range of issues within the government's scope for discretionary control.
Abstract: Many existing accounts of the IMF crisis have argued that British policy was determined either by the exercise of structural power by markets through the creation of currency instability and the application of loan conditionality, or by demonstrating that only policies of a broadly monetarist persuasion would be sufficient to sustain confidence, a recognition which was reached through a process of policy learning This paper offers a re-assessment of economic policy-making in Britain during the 1976 IMF crisis to show that policy change did not occur as a result of disciplinary market pressure or a process of social learning It argues that state managers have to manage the contradictions between the imperatives of accumulation and legitimation, and can do so through the politics of depoliticisation It then uses archival sources to show how significant elements of the core-executive had established preferences for deflationary policies, which were implemented in 1976 by using market rhetoric and Fund conditionality to shape perceptions about the range of issues within the government‟s scope for discretionary control
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the 2004 Pew/Kaiser National Survey of Latinos using ordered probit and logit models and found that shifting racial identity in the Latino community has important implications for understanding Latino political engagement and future racial identification patterns in the United States more broadly.
Abstract: Although prior research suggests that cultural identity is a strong determinant of Latino political behavior, few studies have examined the significance of racial self-identification formation for Latinos and how it influences Latino political engagement. I analyze the 2004 Pew/Kaiser National Survey of Latinos using ordered probit and logit models. The data support previous research which shows that a growing number of Latinos are shifting their reported racial category from standard categories like “black” and “white” and are instead choosing to racially identify as “Latino” or “Hispanic.” Furthermore, I find that political attitudes and behaviors are significantly related to Latino racial identity. The findings suggest that shifting racial identity in the Latino community has important implications for understanding Latino political engagement and future racial identification patterns in the United States more broadly. Aunque investigaciones previas sugieren que la identidad cultural es un fuerte determinante del comportamiento politico Latino, pocos estudios han examinado la importancia de la formacion de la auto-identificacion racial de los Latinos y como influye en el compromiso politico Latino. Analizo la Encuesta Nacional Pew/Kaiser de 2004 utilizando modelos ordenados de probit y logit. La informacion confirma investigaciones previas que senalan que un numero creciente de Latinos esta cambiando su categoria racial reportada de categorias estandares como “negro” o “blanco” a “Latino” o “Hispano.” Ademas, encuentro que las actitudes y comportamientos politicos estan significativamente relacionados a la identidad racial Latina. En terminos generales, las conclusiones demuestran que la identidad racial cambiante en la comunidad Latina tiene importantes implicaciones para comprender el compromiso y patrones futuros de identificacion racial en los Estados Unidos.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the mixed incentives of mixed electoral systems might hamper the stabilization and institutionalization of party systems in young democracies, arguing that the learning and stabilization effect that is exerted through simple electoral systems fails under mixed systems.
Abstract: Mixed electoral systems have been celebrated enthusiastically in the literature and by political practitioners, arguing that they combine the best of both worlds with regards to several aspects of political representation. This article calls this view into question, arguing that the mixed incentives of mixed electoral systems might hamper the stabilization and institutionalization of party systems in young democracies. Empirical results from 19 democracies in Central and Eastern Europe suggest that the learning and stabilization effect that is exerted through simple electoral systems fails under mixed systems. Using a variance model analysis, this study rejects the common belief that mixed systems lead to more moderate party systems with regards to party system fractionalization. Rather, outcomes under mixed systems vary much more widely than under proportional representation, are associated with higher disproportionality, and tend to increase volatility. Los sistemas electorales mixtos, que combinan sistemas electorales de mayoria con los de representacion proporcional (RP), han sido alabados con entusiasmo por la literatura y los politicos, argumentando que combinan lo mejor de ambos mundos con relacion a los diversos aspectos de la representacion politica. Este articulo cuestiona tal punto de vista, senalando que los incentivos contradictorios de los sistemas electorales mixtos podrian dificultar la estabilizacion e institucionalizacion de los sistemas de partido en democracias emergentes. Los resultados empiricos de diecinueve democracias en Europa Central y del Este sugieren que el efecto de aprendizaje y de estabilizacion que es ejercido en los sistemas electorales simples fracasa bajo los sistemas mixtos. Utilizando un analisis de modelos de varianza, este estudio rechaza la creencia comun que los sistemas mixtos conducen a un sistema de partidos mas moderado en referencia a su grado de fragmentacion. En cambio, bajo sistemas mixtos, los resultados varian mucho mas extensamente que bajo RP. Mas aun, los sistemas mixtos estan asociados con una superior desproporcionalidad que en RP y tienden a incrementar la volatilidad.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the effectiveness of four theoretical driving forces in explaining the implementation of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in three states: Massachusetts, Georgia, and Ohio.
Abstract: This article examines the implementation of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in three states: Massachusetts, Georgia, and Ohio. It examines the effectiveness of four theoretical driving forces in explaining implementation using a multiple case study analysis. Data were compiled using legislative histories, key informant interviews, public record, and media content analysis and were analyzed using a triangulation of sources. Findings suggest that the driving forces as conceptualized in the literature are only partially helpful when examining the implementation of federal redistributive health policy in these states. A pursuit of rationality approach was the most explanatory of the driving forces followed by an organizational-policy fit when there was limited capacity to implement new policy. Overall, implementation was found to be more related to state-level capacity and the state's previous programmatic experiences. Policy innovation was more likely to occur when capacity was high and where goals agreement drove the process.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the experience of a committee, the Public Accounts and Estimates Committee in the State of Victoria, Australia, at a time when a reforming state government implemented wide-ranging reforms based on the principles of new public management.
Abstract: The rise of New Public Management is often seen as undermining traditional systems of parliamentary financial oversight. One of the most prevalent of such systems is the public accounts committee, found in most Westminster parliamentary systems. We examine the experience of such a committee, the Public Accounts and Estimates Committee in the State of Victoria, Australia, at a time when a reforming state government implemented wide-ranging reforms based on the principles of new public management. We argue that the strength of the committee can be understood by using a historical institutionalism perspective. El ascenso de lo que ha venido a llamarse la Nueva Gerencia Publica es a menudo visto como algo que subvierte el control financiero en sistemas parlamentarios tradicionales. Uno de los mas frecuentes en dichos sistemas es el Comite de Cuentas Publicas, encontrado en la mayoria de los sistemas parlamentarios Westminster. Estudiamos la experiencia de tal tipo de comite, el Comite de Cuentas Publicas y Presupuesto del estado de Victoria, Australia, a tiempo que un gobierno reformista en turno implemento diversas medidas basadas en los principios de la nueva gerencia publica. Argumentamos que la fuerza de tal tipo de comites puede ser comprendida desde una perspectiva historica institucionalista.
TL;DR: This article analyzed post-election survey data from the 2006 Czech Election Study and found that the KSCM has a loyal support base largely comprised of older voters, but even when they control for age in logistic regression analysis, they find that ideological views, satisfaction with democracy, and assessments of the national economy distinguish KSCm voters from Social Democratic voters.
Abstract: Twenty years after the fall of communism in the Czech Republic, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCM) continues to garner public support and maintains its presence in parliament. The party's endurance is surprising given the country's relative economic success and the presence of a strong Social Democratic Party. While the literature on communist successor parties has viewed the KSCMa s unsuccessful, we argue that this perspective overlooks the resilience of the party. We analyze postelection survey data from the 2006 Czech Election Study and find that the KSCM has a loyal support base largely comprised of older voters. But even when we control for age in logistic regression analysis, we find that ideological views, satisfaction with democracy, and assessments of the national economy distinguish KSCM voters from Social Democratic voters. These findings have implications for the future of the party.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate variation over time in presidential support for the Fair Housing Acts of 1968 and 1988 (Title VIII) and their enforcement and find that housing discrimination and segregation can be expected to continue absent strong presidential support and active bureaucratic enforcement of Title VIII.
Abstract: Housing segregation and discrimination remain contemporary American problems despite 40 years of policy initiatives aimed at combating them. Since strong presidential support and active bureaucratic enforcement of fair housing laws should reduce these problems, we investigate variation over time in presidential support for the Fair Housing Acts of 1968 and 1988 (Title VIII) and their enforcement. Our findings first indicate that President Nixon's interpretation of Title VIII notably weakened its scope and enforcement, but the most liberal outcomes in Title VIII policy and enforcement since the 1960s ironically surfaced during the Reagan years. Then merging two unique databases, we explore variations in Title VIII enforcement and find some fluctuation across enforcement indicators. Our study suggests that housing discrimination and segregation can be expected to continue absent strong presidential support and active bureaucratic enforcement of Title VIII that encourages a significant role for state and local civil rights agencies.
TL;DR: In this paper, the main discourses on the sex trade are in Finland among the professional elite, and how these discourses relate to policies and practice, and the implications of these developments and attitudes for policies and practices.
Abstract: This article addresses the construction of policies on the sex trade through an analysis of interviews with key policy officials in Finland. It focuses on how the links between gender, geopolitics, and economic imperatives reflect policies that are constantly (re)constructed through discourses by policy officials. The central research questions concern what the main discourses on the sex trade are in Finland among the professional elite, and how these discourses relate to policies and practice. Data from semistructured interviews with 30 members of the Finnish professional elite (18 men, 16 women) were examined using discourse analysis. Three metadiscourses and several mesodiscourses and microdiscourses were identified; these are discussed in terms of the covert or overt reference to gender in the interviewees' talk and in terms of revealing personal experiences with the sex trade. This article considers the implications of these developments and attitudes for policies and practices.
TL;DR: The authors examined the extent to which advocacy groups' choices of message frames fit other established understandings of political outreach, finding that when public interest is already aroused, press releases focus on furnishing information.
Abstract: Policy makers and issue advocates have a keen interest in controlling what the public knows about the issues they champion. On controversial matters, each side wants its base to be informed and active. To acquiesce and leave the task to others is to lose. Notwithstanding mounting evidence of the subject's importance, studies into just how interest groups use messages and communications outreach are a fairly recent phenomenon. Using over 400 press releases, I examine the extent to which advocacy groups' choices of message frames fit other established understandings of political outreach. Notably, frame content is simple and repeated. Moreover, when the public shows indifference, press releases focus on mobilization. When public interest is already aroused, press releases focus on furnishing information. These and other results affirm and extend our understanding of political speech and interest group mobilization. Los que hacen politicas y los promotores de asuntos politicos tienen un fuerte interes en controlar lo que sabe el publico sobre los asuntos que abogan. En las cuestiones controvertidas, cada parte quiere tener una base informada y activa. La que ceda y les deje a otras la tarea estara derrotada. A pesar del aumento de evidencia sobre su importancia, los estudios del uso de mensajes y comunicados por los grupos de interes representan un fenomeno bastante reciente. Uso mas de 400 comunicados de prensa para examinar hasta que punto las perspectivas (frames) de mensajes escogidas por los grupos acuerdan con el conocimiento establecido de la interpelacion politica. Notablemente, el contenido de las perspectivas es sencillo y repetitivo. Ademas, los comunicados de prensa se enfocan en la movillizacion cuando el publico manifiesta indiferencia, y se enfocan en la informacion cuando el publico ya esta interesado. Estos resultados y otros confirman y amplican nuestro conocimiento de la expresion politica y de la movilizacion por los grupos de interes.
TL;DR: In this article, a comparison is conducted between the policies of India and Israel regarding Arabic and Urdu, showing that both states have consigned the minority language to a marginal position on the public stage.
Abstract: In a bilingual or multilingual society, certain sectors may be regarded as disloyal should they speak the language of state enemies or be associated in one way or another with neighboring hostile countries. Within this framework, the present article analyzes how two deeply divided democracies, India and Israel, determined and implemented language and educational policies with respect to two major minority languages, Urdu and Arabic. A comparison is conducted between the policies of secular democratic India, regarding Urdu, a language of its Muslims minority, and of Israel, an ethnic democracy, regarding Arabic, the language of its Arab-Palestinian minority. The findings indicate that both states have consigned the minority language to a marginal position on the public stage. Moreover, albeit that a certain level of autonomy in the educational sphere is given to the minority, the educational status of the minority is markedly low in comparison to the majority. En una sociedad bilingue o multilingue, ciertos sectores pueden ser considerados como desleales si hablan el idioma de estados enemigos o fueran asociados de una u otra forma con paises vecinos hostiles. Dentro de este marco, el presente articulo analiza como dos democracias sumamente divididas, India e Israel, determinaron e implementaron las politicas linguisticas y educacionales de los dos mas importantes idiomas minoritarios, el Urdu y el Arabe, respectivamente. Se lleva a cabo una comparacion entre las politicas de la democracia secular de India, en lo que respecta al Urdu, un idioma de su minoria Musulmana, y de la democracia etnica Israeli, con respecto al Arabe, el idioma de su minoria Arabe-Palestina. Las conclusiones indican que ambos estados han consignado el idioma minoritario a una posicion marginal en el escenario de la vida publica. Ademas, el status educativo de la minoria es considerablemente bajo en comparacion con el de la mayoria, aunque un cierto nivel de autonomia en la esfera educacional es dado al idioma.
TL;DR: This paper explored the implications of term limits on elected officials in Florida and found that competition has not increased, in fact, it has generally declined, and often sharply, and suggested that potential candidates wait for guaranteed open seats rather than challenge incumbents.
Abstract: This research explores the implications of the adoption of term limits on elected officials in Florida. After exploring the historic assumptions and motivations behind the term-limits movement, we test the assumption that term limits produce more competition for elective office. Using election data provided by the state of Florida, a multipronged examination is conducted to assess the consequences for legislative competition, as the implementation of term limits in the state. A comparison is also made to Maine, which was an early adopter of term limits. This research finds that competition has not increased. In fact, it has generally declined, and often sharply. The findings suggest that potential candidates, while influenced by local or national trends, wait for guaranteed open seats rather than challenge incumbents. Finally, alternative reasons for the decline in competition and the likely results of the long-term use of term limits on the political system are explored. Term limits in Florida began as part of a national trend based on frustration with the perceived lack of responsiveness of elected bodies to the will of the public. Floridians, along with other states, such as California, Colorado, and Oklahoma, interjected themselves into the institutional rule structure of the state by using the power of a ballot initiative to change the terms of service of elected officials from the state. The underlying logic of the approach was based on foundational democratic notions grounded in historic progressive thinking (Mayton 1999). Negative views of elected officials, combined with a concerted effort by the Republican Party to overcome its minority status on both the
TL;DR: This paper found that those with higher levels of political sophistication were more likely to oppose electoral college reform, while those with lower levels of sophistication accepted difficult arguments made by opponents of reform, and that partisanship also played an important influence in shaping attitudes toward the electoral college.
Abstract: This article examines opinion dynamics on the complicated public policy issue of Electoral College reform. The study shows how partisan perceptions and political sophistication affect opinion on Electoral College reform. Taking advantage of an experiment and of an analysis of polls after the 2000 election, this study finds that those with higher levels of political sophistication were more likely to oppose reform. Proponents of reform often rely on simple majoritarian arguments while those opposed to reform are forced to justify the Electoral College based on more complicated arguments involving federalism and support for the two-party system. Those with higher levels of political sophistication were more likely to understand, and hence accept, difficult arguments made by opponents of reform. Partisanship also played an important influence in shaping attitudes toward the Electoral College.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate the relationship between electoral mandates and the dominant division between political parties in newly democratizing countries and conclude that governments are fulfilling their electoral mandates, but they are doing so in a manner different from what has been found in established democracies.
Abstract: The fulfillment of electoral mandates is a fundamental link between voters and their representatives. The absence of this link in newly democratizing countries may be a sign of poorly functioning democracies. This paper investigates this relationship in ten new democracies in Eastern Europe. I argue that governments are fulfilling their campaign promises, but they are doing so in a manner different from what has been found in established democracies. When testing my theory across economic reform, I find that the policies governments implement correspond with the dominant division between political parties. Unlike some previous research that finds new democracies do not follow through on their campaign promises, I conclude that governments are fulfilling their mandates. El cumplimiento de los mandatos electorales es un vinculo fundamental entre los votantes y sus representantes. La ausencia de dicho vinculo en los paises con nuevas democracias podria ser una senal del pobre funcionamiento de la misma. Este articulo investiga dicha relacion en diez nuevas democracias de Europa del Este. Sostengo que los gobiernos estan cumpliendo sus promesas de campana, pero lo estan haciendo de diferente manera a lo que puede ser observado en democracias establecidas. Cuando confronto mi teoria ante el periodo de reforma economica, encuentro que las politicas que el gobierno implementa corresponden a las divisiones dominantes entre los partidos politicos. A diferencia de trabajos de investigacion previos que encuentran que las nuevas democracias no llevan a cabo las promesas de campana, concluyo que los gobiernos estan concretandolas durante sus mandatos.
TL;DR: Nohlen as mentioned in this paper analyzed the relationship between constitutional jurisdiction and democratic consolidation by applying the comparative method to cover Latin American political and especially judicial systems and found that constitutional jurisdiction is influenced by the very same factors that either favor or constrain democratic consolidation and that it exerts no negative influence over democratic consolidation.
Abstract: This lecture elaborates on the kind of relationship that exists between constitutional jurisdiction and democratic consolidation by applying the comparative method to cover Latin American political—and especially judicial—systems. The argument is that constitutional jurisdiction is influenced by the very same factors that either favor or constrain democratic consolidation and that it exerts no negative influence over democratic consolidation. However, Nohlen identifies patterns of behavior that both judges and politicians are encouraged to adopt that strengthen the judiciary, and with it democratic stability, by fostering among the citizenry a culture of constitutionality. Nohlen also hopes to show that departures from those patterns of behavior even while conditions for democratic consolidation have not been terribly adverse, can be identified in the behavior of key actors in the period preceding and throughout, the populist turn that is now affecting Ecuadorean, Venezuelan, and Bolivian politics.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that Canada's sovereignty has been bounded, but not determined, by U.S. demands and that the post-9/11 security environment constrained the sovereignty of other nations.
Abstract: The “Global War on Terror,” led by the United States, emphasizes the role of international alliances in tackling terrorist threats. By their very nature, international counterterrorism efforts challenge state sovereignty by requiring changes to both foreign and domestic policies. This, in turn, creates complex sovereignty issues and raises some interesting questions for closer examination. How has cooperation in counterterrorism altered the perceptions and behavior of allies of the United States? Has the post-9/11 security environment constrained the sovereignty of other nations? This article explores these questions in the context of Canada's cooperation with the United States. The study argues that Canada's sovereignty has been bounded, but not determined, by U.S. demands. Examining the relationship between the United States and Canada can help us understand both the limitations and the continuing relevance of the traditional concepts of power, sovereignty, and interdependence in international relations. La “Guerra Global contra el Terrorismo,” encabezada por los Estados Unidos, enfatiza el rol de las alianzas internacionales para afrontar las amenazas terroristas. Por su propia naturaleza, las acciones contra el terrorismo ponen a prueba la soberania de los estados al requerir cambios tanto en su politica exterior como en la interna. Esto, a su vez, genera complejos problemas de soberania y crea algunas preguntas interesantes para ser examinadas. ?Como ha alterado la cooperacion contra el terrorismo la percepcion y el comportamiento de los aliadosde Estados Unidos? ?Ha restringido la soberania de otras naciones el ambiente de seguridad posterior a 11/9? Este articulo explora estas cuestiones en el contexto de la cooperacion Canadiense con los Estados Unidos. El estudio argumenta que la soberania Canadiense ha sido limitada, pero no determinada, por las demandas estadounidenses. Examinar la relacion entre los Estados Unidos y Canada puede ayudarnos a comprender tanto las limitaciones y la continua relevancia de las concepciones tradicionales de poder, soberania, e interdependencia en las relaciones internacionales.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used logistic regression to examine the decisions of a minority of special districts to decide whether a new district is managed by appointed or elected officials, and found that the powers to tax property and issue general obligation bonds were the most important predictors.
Abstract: For a sizeable minority of special districts, the form of district governance is not fully determined by state law. Many states allow the groups who instigate incorporation to decide whether a new district is managed by appointed or elected officials. Such discretion raises the question: why do these actors opt for one form of governance over another? This study uses logistic regression to examine these decisions for a full set of cases and subsets divided by whether a special district incorporated in the 1940s, 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, or 1980s. Drawing upon Burns, it tests whether decisions on district governance were determined by the institutional powers of the individual district or if the economic and political circumstances surrounding that district played some role. The study finds that the powers to tax property and issue general obligation bonds were the most important predictors, but local government revenues and debt were also relevant.
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the role of three forces that affect elite frame development: receptivity of public opinion, access to financial and media resources, and availability and credibility of spokespersons in drug policy reform initiative campaigns.
Abstract: The importance of issue framing is well documented in public opinion and policy literature. While many analyze the impact of frames at the policy subsystem or public opinion level, this article identifies factors that influence frame selection and development in drug policy reform initiative campaigns. This study investigates why policy entrepreneurs choose to sponsor and advance medical marijuana ballot initiatives and draws on campaign literature, advertisements, and interviews to analyze the role of three forces that affect elite frame development: receptivity of public opinion, access to financial and media resources, and availability and credibility of spokespersons. These conditions influenced medical marijuana proponents' emphasis on patient rights, treatment options, and compassion as well as opponents' arguments about lack of evidence of medical effectiveness, the broader agenda of advocates, and conflicts with federal law. The case of drug control policy lends insight into the factors that shape elite frame selection and dissemination and points to avenues for future research.
TL;DR: This article examined the impact of U.S. security and border protection policies on the protection of the United States-Mexico land border before and after 9/11 and concluded that post-9/11 security responses made little difference when their performance is compared to the performance before and afterward.
Abstract: This study utilizes key analytical concepts from complex interdependence theory to examine the impact of U.S. security and border protection policy on the U.S.–Mexico land border before and after 9/11. It seeks to answer whether post-9/11 U.S. security and border protection policy responses make any difference to the protection of the U.S.–Mexican land border. The results of the analysis demonstrate that, other things being equal, post-9/11 U.S. security and border protection policy responses have had only marginal effects on the protection of the U.S.–Mexican land border compared to the pre-9/11 period. In other words, those policy responses make little difference when their performance is compared before and after 9/11. I conclude that the U.S.–Mexico land border is more secure, but is not completely safe in the aftermath of 9/11. Este estudio utiliza conceptos analiticos claves de la teoria de interdependencia compleja para examinar el impacto de la seguridad estadounidense y la politica de proteccion de la frontera en la tierra limite de E.U.–Mexico antes y despues del 11/9. Busca responder si las respuestas de seguridad estadounidense y politicas de proteccion posteriores hicieron alguna diferencia en la proteccion de la frontera de E.U.–Mexico. Los resultados del analisis demuestran que, ceteris paribus, la seguridad estadounidense y las respuestas de proteccion fronteriza posteriores han tenido solo efectos marginales en la proteccion de la misma comparados con el periodo anterior. En otras palabras, estas politicas de respuesta hicieron poca diferencia despues del 11/9 en comparacion con las condiciones que prevalecian antes de 11/9. Concluyo que la frontera E.U.–Mexico es mas segura, pero no completamente en el contexto que dejo el 11/9.