scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers in "Polity in 2023"


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: Biden as discussed by the authors made a speech on the U.S. Supreme Court to support the appointment of judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to serve as associate justice of the Supreme Court.
Abstract: We are grateful to Susan Liebell and the Polity editors and reviewers for helpful feedback on this article and support of this symposium. 1 “Remarks by President Biden on his Nomination of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to Serve as Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court,” The White House, https://www.whitehouse.gov /briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/02/25/remarks-by-president-biden-on-his-nomination-of -judge-ketanji-brown-jackson-to-serve-as-associate-justice-of-the-u-s-supreme-court/.

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The Dobbs Court as mentioned in this paper takes sides in a longstanding historical debate about how US law and culture viewed early abortion as acceptable, cherry-picking those accounts that support its vision of the past, even if they are not widely accepted.
Abstract: The critics of Roe v. Wade, the landmark decision recognizing a right to choose abortion, long faulted the Court for an act of failed diplomacy. Scholars across the ideological spectrum argued that Roe had unnecessarily alienated antiabortion Americans by doing too much too soon, imposing a sweeping resolution, and disrupting a state-by-state process of experimentation. The conservative Supreme Court recently positioned itself as a more rational, neutral arbiter. “This Court,” the Court opined inDobbs v. JacksonWomen’s Health Organization, “cannot bring about the permanent resolution of a rancorous national controversy simply by dictating a settlement and telling the people to move on.” If Roe and Casey took sides in the conflict over abortion, Dobbs is far worse. The Dobbs Court takes sides in a longstanding historical debate about how US law and culture viewed early abortion as acceptable, cherry-picking those accounts that support its vision of the past, even if they are not widely accepted. The Court claims to be bound by precedent when rejecting the idea of an abortion right rooted in principles of constitutional equality, all while breezily dismantling a precedent in Roe that is nearly five decades old. The Court proclaims its ability to rise above the partisan fray on abortion at the same time that it echoes a rich range of arguments

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: In American law, the boundaries of regulation are set by politics and the Constitution as mentioned in this paper , and the line between these political and constitutional constraints is never entirely clear, as political rhetoric and constitutional doctrine borrow from one another in innumerable ways.
Abstract: InAmerican law, the boundaries of regulation are set by—among other things— politics and the Constitution. Either one can serve as a constraint. Regulations that are politically unpopular or otherwise unfeasible are non-starters regardless of whether they satisfy the Constitution. Regulations that violate the Constitution, on the other hand, may be tremendously popular but will often be struck down by courts. The line between these political and constitutional constraints is never entirely clear, as political rhetoric and constitutional doctrine borrow from one another in innumerable ways. Elected officials take oaths to uphold the Constitution; judges often act in ways that appear political. But in a broad sense, judges are more commonly associated with the enforcement of constitutional law and regularly deny that they are doing politics—a matter for elected officials. Recognizing some slippage between the categories, we can draw a line between judge-enforced constitutional law and democratic politics. Formost of American history, the balance of gun rights and regulationwas set by politics—not, as one might suspect from its prominence in the current gun debate, the Second Amendment. Decisions about gun law were made by elected officials at the federal, state, and local level, responding to different forms of political pressure.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The appointment of Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court in April 2022 was a meaningful sign of progress as mentioned in this paper , and she became the first Black woman to serve on the Court, and with her addition the Court has greater gender and racial diversity than at any time in history.
Abstract: The appointment of Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court in April 2022 was a meaningful sign of progress. After her confirmation, President Biden declared, “We’re going to look back and see this as a moment of real change in American history.” Not only is Justice Jackson the first Black woman to serve on the Court, but with her addition, the Court has greater gender and racial diversity than at any time in history. Four of the nine justices are women and a third are people of color. Although many groups have never been represented on its bench, today’s Court looks more like America than ever before. However, this descriptive representation comes at a time when the Court is scaling back the rights of women andminoritized groups. Last term, the Court declared that abortion is not a constitutionally protected right, undermined Native American sovereignty, permittedCongress to deny residents of Puerto Rico benefits available to other citizens, and limited opportunities for non-citizens to seek judicial

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The nondelegation doctrine has been used by conservative judges to constrain the reach and autonomy of administrative agencies as mentioned in this paper , leading to the creation of the modern American state, and thus, the need for state sovereignty.
Abstract: Since the late 1930s, national administrative agencies have built policy by interpreting broad and sometimes vague congressional statutes to develop rules that fulfill Congress’s vision. This model facilitated administrative development, resulting in the organization and operation of the modern American state. Recently, however, the Court has constructed a path to transform this understanding by reviving a long-abandoned principle, that of nondelegation. Reanimating nondelegation would require Congress to legislate in narrower and more specific ways, limit the reach and autonomy of administrative agencies, and leave far more governing authority in the hands of states and localities. Simultaneously, the Court is exercising more scrutiny over Congress’s exercise of its authority, especially when its actions curtail state sovereignty.While this most recent case,West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), does not achieve these broad changes, the interplay between Chief Justice Roberts and other conservatives invites further attempts to constitutionally transform and shrink the national administrative state. The nondelegation doctrine controversially holds that “legislative delegation of rule-making power to the executive branch is unconstitutional, and that the federal courts should strike down legislation that delegates.” Most scholars locate the doctrine’s high-water mark at the national level during the NewDeal in the 1930s, with the Supreme Court using it to invalidate the National Industrial Recovery Act.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The conservative legal movement has been gaining traction for nearly half a century and owes much of its success and incorporation into mainstream American politics to the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (FedSoc) as mentioned in this paper .
Abstract: The conservative legal movement has been gaining traction for nearly half a century and owes much of its success and incorporation into mainstream American politics to the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (FedSoc). After a blockbuster 2021 term, many Americans noticed the power of a new conservative supermajority on the Supreme Court. This ideological composition is the result of decades of careful training of American jurists by FedSoc affiliates paired with tactful political maneuvering to allow their originalist allies to ascend to the highest level. The insurmountable conservative supermajority at the Supreme Court leaves left-of-center interests with little choice than to concentrate efforts at intermediate federal appeals courts. The recent rulings’ policy implications, including those considered by our colleagues in this symposium such as gun control, abortion, environmental regulation, free speech, free exercise, as well as tribal sovereignty, do not bode a welcoming Supreme Court for litigation strategies supporting the goals of left-of-center or

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: In 2018, the United States Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, the precedent that had guaranteed access to abortion as a fundamental liberty ensured by the Fourteenth Amendment for almost half a century as mentioned in this paper .
Abstract: In June 2022, the United States Supreme Court overturned Roe v.Wade, 1 the precedent that had guaranteed access to abortion as a fundamental liberty ensured by the Fourteenth Amendment for almost half a century. Most Americans don’t know much about the Supreme Court or the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the abortion decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization triggered political protests, extensive press coverage, and a wave of voter registration. Candidates for political offices revised their campaign strategies. Millions of dollars were poured into a state-wide referendum on abortion in Kansas. In his majority decision in Dobbs, Justice Alito insisted that the Constitution speaks clearly; abortion is not a fundamental right to be defended by the Court but a policy issue to be determined by the political branches of government. Yet voters are skeptical about whether the Constitution provides such clarity. Polls have consistently shown that people (especially those who identify as Democrats) believe the justices of the Supreme Court are increasingly political, pursuing conservative goals rather than impersonally ruling on constitutionality. Political scientists have

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
28 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: Bremerton is the product of a decades-long investment in building institutions and ways of seeing the world that have marked the rise of the Christian Right as discussed by the authors , and this investment in institutions and ideas has succeeded in crystallizing a distinct Christian Right worldview, one centered on the identity
Abstract: Abortion and religious liberty remain the core and foundational pillars of the Christian Right, even as the movement’s interests have diversified over the decades. As Jerry Falwell, a founding architect of the movement, stated, Christian conservatives sprang into action because they felt the nation was “virtually driving God from the public square. And then, of course, Roe vs. Wade in the middle of all that.” Two Roberts Court decisions last term thus represent the culmination of decades of dedicated work by the Christian Right. These two cases areDobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which overturned national abortion rights and Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, the First Amendment case involving the high school coach discouraged from leading prayers on the field after football games. Just like Dobbs, Bremerton is the product of a decades-long investment in building institutions and ways of seeing the world that have marked the rise of the Christian Right. Moreover, this investment in institutions and ideas has succeeded in crystallizing a distinct Christian Right worldview—one centered on the identity

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: For instance, the authors reread Hanna Pitkin's Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J) fifty years after it was first published, and was awestruck by the author's courage in pursuing what seemed important to her, regardless of the risks entailed in that project.
Abstract: In rereading Hanna Pitkin’s Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J) fifty years after it was first published, I am awestruck by the author’s courage in pursuing what seemed important to her, regardless of the risks entailed in that project. Her courage has been rewarding for many of us for it has opened the possibility of introducing a Wittgensteinian sensibility into political theory, asking its practitioners to learn to see—not what was hidden, but what was right before their eyes. The provocation she offeredwas not that of asking for new answers to alreadywell-known questions, say, about the origin of the state, but to ask, what were the questions that reallymattered and to whom?At the same time, there is the imperceptible force of the conventional formulations thatmanage to find a place almost inadvertently in her text when Pitkin applies some of her insights to concepts of justice, or fairness, or, for that matter, to the very notion of the political. We see that Wittgenstein’s anguish over the likely failure of philosophy to “shew the fly a way out of the fly-bottle” is not easy to assuage. These issues continue to pose formidable problems for understanding academic and public discourse on contemporary politics. In this essay I propose to show the difficulty of the task Pitkin sets herself through an analysis of a limited region of her thought, viz., what she calls “conceptual puzzlement,”where she brings some of themost incisive insights fromWittgenstein to bear on political theory. However, before I go into the substantive issues, I want to signal how important is the form of Philosophical Investigations (herewith PI) for me; the fact that Wittgenstein conceives of PI as a kind of album; and that instead of a straightforward argument, the text leads us astray through the voice of temptation

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The authors compare Pitkin's understanding of what was at stake for politics and theory in her book on ordinary language philosophy, W&J, by contrasting her preface to the first edition, in 1972, to the preface she wrote for the second edition in 1993.
Abstract: This essay focuses on Hanna Pitkin’s understanding of what was at stake for politics and theory in her book on ordinary language philosophy, Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J). It does so by contrasting her preface to the first edition, in 1972, to the preface she wrote for the second edition in 1993, both of which I then compare to Toni Morrison’s 1992 preface to Playing in the Dark. Why Morrison? Morrison’s preface is built around a 1975 novel, The Words to Say It by Maria Cardinale. Her novel exemplifies Pitkin’s claim that ordinary language philosophy and psychoanalytic practice are deeply connected, but Morrison also pushes us beyond Pitkin to consider race and what Morrison called the “word-work” of her own creative fiction-making. By focusing on the novel’s racial subtext, Morrison’s preface presses the fact of racialized social division on Pitkin’s Wittgensteinian idea that ordinary language is a home to return to. Still, Morrison invokes the idea of “shareable language,” and the transformational possibilities in the word-work of truth-telling, in ways that suggest the resonance— and potential extensions—of Pitkin’s 1993 re-imagining of politics and theory.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J) as mentioned in this paper is a book about Wittgenstein's later philosophy that is not only lacking in direct remarks on politics or morality, it seems almost negatively predisposed towards normative commentary of any kind.
Abstract: “It is by no means obvious that someone interested in politics and society needs to concern himself with philosophy; nor that, in particular, he has anything to learn from an obscure, misanthropic, enigmatic philosopher like Ludwig Wittgenstein, who never wrote about such topics at all.” So begins Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J). Pitkin’s opening line spoke—and continues to speak—to the difficulty in identifying the relevance and potential significance ofWittgenstein’s work for a social science audience. Wittgenstein’s later philosophy is not only lacking in direct remarks on politics or morality, it seems almost negatively predisposed towards normative commentary of any kind. His famous claim that philosophy should only describe things as they are, not produce explanatory theses about them, would seem to foreclose the very idea of creating political and social theories that take his work as their departure point. Perhaps more worrisome, writes Pitkin, is that “in trying to make his ideas accessible, lucid, and systematic, I may make their real content and significance inaccessible.” Worse than failing to succeed, the book could “betray its own cause.” Wittgenstein’s penchant for raising endless questions where Pitkin’s reader seeks answers presents a problem of authorial style that cannot be easily overcome. Interpretive projects that seek to distill his main philosophical ideas, especially for a non-philosophical audience, do so at the real risk of significant distortion.

Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: Pitkin this article was one of the first to explore explicitly the political potential of reading Wittgenstein and his philosophy of language in the context of justice and politics, and her book W&J remains one of their most illuminating and deep readings of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations.
Abstract: Wittgenstein’s work has been mobilized in recent decades to address questions of justice and politics, and in this respect Hanna Pitkin’s 1972 book Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J) was indeed pioneering, the first to explore explicitly the political potential of reading Wittgenstein. What is striking today is how W&J remains one of the most illuminating and deep readings of Wittgenstein’s Philosophical Investigations. Pitkin is among those who have experienced the power of ordinary language philosophy, of the examination of the actual uses of language, in J.L. Austin’s words, “what we should say when . . .” In her preface, she evokes her “passionate love of words as such,” that is to say, of the sensitive reality of words, their aspects and appearances, “the sheer delight in tracing the individual contours of meanings.” This sensitivity to language as it is pronounced by a human voice, Pitkin evokes it as a milieu: “perhaps only someone with a multilingual and multicultural childhood like mine, out of a milieu compounded of psychoanalysis, Marxist humanism, and Jewish humor, can take towords in quite this way.” This sensibility to “the touch of words” is something she shares with Stanley Cavell. Pitkin manages to highlight the power of Wittgenstein’s simple idea that language matters: “the

Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The notion of influence is power, i.e., "getting others to do things that they would not do otherwise" as mentioned in this paper , and influence is the ability to influence others.
Abstract: ittgenstein and Justice (W&J) changed the trajectory of my scholarship. I initially came across W&J while working on an empirical dissertation on legal interest groups and how the perception of their relationships with key actors altered their advocacy strategies. I could not determine whether this change was a result of those key actors’ “power” or “influence.” The interest groups literature conflates the two concepts. Influence is power, especially in Robert Dahl’s understanding of it, i.e., getting others to do things that they would not do otherwise. This cannot be right. If “influence” is just “power” why the need for two words? I did what I was trained to do—read more of the literature. As I later came to understand, the literature itself was the source of my confusion. Part of the reason for this is because of something that Colin Bird calls “scholasticism”: the tendency to privilege certain thinkers and beliefs. Bird captures the problem well: “we stand as much in the shadow as on the shoulders of these giants; the dazzling light they cast in some directions may artificially darken other areas and lend premature credence to assumptions that deserve closer scrutiny.” Dahl, Bachrach and Baratz, Lukes, and Foucault are titans in the power literature, but their understanding of power did nothing to address my concerns. Their ideas actually made the problem

Journal ArticleDOI
23 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: For example, the authors found that the correlation of net presidential approval (approval-disapproval) with House seat swing is a rather modest .66 while the correlation with Senate seat swing was a very weak .36.
Abstract: By the final weeks of the 2022 election campaign, there was a clear consensus among pundits and political analysts that Democrats were likely to experience a shellacking in the midterm elections, especially in the House of Representatives. Republican leaders and strategists were confident that a “red wave” or even a “red tsunami” was approaching. Even more objective observers such as Chuck Todd and Mark Murray of NBC News believed that a number of indicators were clearly pointing toward large GOP gains in the House, the most prominent being President Biden’s poor approval rating, which had been stuck in the low-forties for months. While many political observers expected Joe Biden’s poor approval rating to result in big Republican gains in the 2022 election, historically, presidential approval has not been a very accurate predictor of midterm seat swing. For the nineteen midterm elections between 1946 and 2018, the correlation of net presidential approval (approval-disapproval) with House seat swing was a rather modest .66 while the correlation with Senate seat swing was a very weak .36. Presidential approval explained only 44% of the variation in House seat swing and only 13% of the variation in Senate seat swing. One indicator that has been shown to produce more accurate forecasts of both House and Senate seat swing than presidential approval is the generic ballot—a question in which voters are asked which party they plan to vote for without providing names of individual House or Senate candidates. By combining the results of generic ballot polling with the number of House or Senate seats that the president’s

Journal ArticleDOI
23 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The Iowa Electronic Markets (IEM) as discussed by the authors is a real-money, internet-based futures market where contract prices reveal information about future events, which incentivizes accurate forecasting.
Abstract: The Iowa Electronic Markets (IEM) are real-money, internet-based futures markets where contract prices reveal information about future events. Since 1988, the IEM has run election markets establishing a track record of accuracy. Self-selected IEM traders invest their own money and trade contracts with payoffs tied to future election outcomes. This incentivizes accurate forecasting. Prices change when price-determining traders’ beliefs change. Thus, IEM price dynamics

Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: In the context of the "Classics Revisited" series as mentioned in this paper , the aim has been to forge a space for a more generative reconsideration of a priori assumptions about the scope and content of what political science is, what it has and could do.
Abstract: Polity’s “Classics Revisited” provides a forum to reflect on whether books revered in the discipline raise questions and advance interventions that still resonate with current concerns. Sidestepping the “canon wars,” the aim has been to forge a space for a more generative reconsideration of a priori assumptions about the scope and content of what political science is, what it has and could do. Most of the “classics” featured to date required no justification or much of an introduction. Their impact within the discipline, on public discourse, and even popular culture is self-evident—their titles are instantly recognizable, and their authors have become synonymous with these texts, regardless of howmany others they have written. This “Classics Revisited” is different. Hanna Pitkin’s Wittgenstein and Justice (hereafter W&J), like the other books Polity has selected, was certainly path-breaking. In this volume Pitkin took account of the work of political science and the unique role political theory has within and beyond it. “Political theory [speaks] to a polity in crisis,” she explained. The crisis she confronted was how to address the “modern condition” characterized by alienation

Journal ArticleDOI
17 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: Rousseau as mentioned in this paper argues that the theater is problematic because as a spectacle that calls attention to its difference from what it represents, it invites the spectators to actively engage with the performance, preventing the uniform transmission of the artist's ideas to the spectators.
Abstract: In his writings on aesthetics, Jacques Rancière argues that Rousseau’s criticism of the theater in The Letter to M. D’Alembert on the Theater is significant because it calls into question the possibility of the uniform transmission of the artist’s knowledge to the spectator. Despite this important point, Rancière largely adopts the commonly accepted reading of the Letter that Rousseau finds the theater politically pernicious because it separates and isolates audience members, turning them into passive spectators. According to this reading, Rousseau proposes to replace the theater with the ethical immediacy of the festival. Situating the Letter in its historical context and reading it with Rancière to argue against his own reading, I challenge this interpretation. I argue that for Rousseau the theater is problematic because as a spectacle that calls attention to its difference from what it represents, it invites the spectators to actively engage with the performance, preventing the uniform transmission of the artist’s ideas to the spectators. For Rousseau, this democratic potential of the theatrical spectacle transforms it from a possible means of moral instruction to a risk to the existing social order, which relies on a distinction between those who should instruct and those who should be instructed. Insofar as the spectators refuse to act as passive recipients of knowledge and do something they are not supposed to do, including taking part in the idle pleasures of the rich and judging the quality of the plays, they reconfigure the distribution of the sensible. Rousseau’s alternatives to the theater, the marriage ball and the public festival, seek to close off this possibility by carefully concealing their representational status. By presenting the representations of an “ideal” community as the immediate expressions of the community’s truth, these spectacles achieve, or so Rousseau hopes, what the theater fails to do, the effective delivery of moral instruction.

Journal ArticleDOI
17 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The authors analyzes the development of race alongside Machiavelli's writing on difference and his theorization of the relationship between truth and appearances, showing how racialization responded to anxieties regarding the ability to discern subjects' true identity.
Abstract: This article analyzes the development of race alongside Machiavelli’s writing on difference and his theorization of the relationship between truth and appearances. I focus on the rise of blood purity statutes in early modern Spain, showing how racialization responded to anxieties regarding the ability to discern subjects’ true identity. Whereas race functioned to cover over the potential gap between truth and appearances, I argue that Machiavelli insisted upon the impossibility of bridging this gap. He thus offers us a theory of subjecthood that resists racialization.

Journal ArticleDOI
20 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: This paper argued that delimiting the settler colonial analytic to colonial legacies in the "Anglo-world" risks disavowing its congruent relationship with other colonial ideologies such as those of the Spanish imperial world.
Abstract: This essay argues that delimiting the settler colonial analytic to colonial legacies in the “Anglo-world” risks disavowing its congruent relationship with other colonial ideologies such as those of the Spanish imperial world. In examining Alexis de Tocqueville’s comparisons of Anglo- and Spanish American colonization alongside Latin American writers like Lorenzo de Zavala and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, it shows how they occupied a common discursive terrain in grappling with the prospects for democracy in the new world. For Tocqueville, the failure of Spanish American democracy compared to the United States stems from the different systems of land colonization at work in each context. Sarmiento and Zavala provide different accounts of American colonization that exhibit both intersections with and departures from Tocqueville. Bringing these writers together shows how settler colonial ideologies and imaginaries in the Americas circulated in a shared hemispheric space and reciprocally shaped one another in contingent ways.

Journal ArticleDOI
20 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: This article examined the politics of implicit bias as theorized by the Racial Classification Model using two types of school suspensions in a state with large numbers of both Black and Hispanic students and found important differences in sanctioning patterns with black and Hispanic enrollment as expected from differing stereotypes of those groups.
Abstract: Racial discrimination in school punishment is well documented but not well understood. We examine the politics of implicit bias as theorized by the Racial Classification Model using two types of school suspensions in a state with large numbers of both Black and Hispanic students. We find important differences in sanctioning patterns with Black and Hispanic enrollment as expected from differing stereotypes of those groups. There are also differences within Hispanic students in Florida—again highlighting the importance of group stereotypes. In addition, we find a spillover effect, where schools comprised of more Black (and to a lesser extent, Hispanic) students have higher suspension rates for not only Black students, but for White and Hispanic students as well.

Journal ArticleDOI
20 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: In this article , the authors argue that in normalizing the language of the critique of law enforcement during voir dire in the 2021 trial of Derek Chauvin, three important changes occurred: the first was that Black jurors were less likely to be dismissed for opinions they have long voiced, but which had been seen as the basis for legitimate dismissal, the second was that it clarified what contextual impartiality should mean for the court given widespread scrutiny of the racial discrimination within and outside of the law.
Abstract: This paper argues that in normalizing the language of the critique of law enforcement during voir dire in the 2021 trial of Derek Chauvin, three important changes occurred: the first was that Black jurors were less likely to be dismissed for opinions they have long voiced, but which had been seen as the basis for legitimate dismissal, the second was that it clarified what contextual impartiality should mean for the court given widespread scrutiny of the racial discrimination within and outside of the law. Lastly, the topics covered during voir dire served to highlight precisely the types of life experiences that may be valuable for the juror’s task of phronesis, Aristotle’s term for practical wisdom, necessary for deliberation and determining the verdict. The paper includes a close reading of the voir dire responses of several jurors in the Chauvin trial.

Journal ArticleDOI
23 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: In the first post-redistricting election of the decade, the main motivation behind this model was to attempt to capture the potential impact that gerrymandering would have on state-level outcomes as discussed by the authors .
Abstract: This model was developed specifically for the Midterm Election Forecasting Roundtable at the 2022 APSA Annual Meeting in Montréal. While most House forecast models generate forecasts either at the district level, or the aggregate number of seats won by a party, this model is different. It models the number of House seats in each state won by the Democrats and generates a forecast at the end of August. With 2022 being the first post-redistricting election of the decade, the main motivation behind this model was to attempt to capture the potential impact that gerrymandering would have on state-level outcomes. Gerrymandering is most likely to occur in a state under two conditions: (1) when reapportionment leads to a change in the number of seats apportioned to the state, and (2) when the state’s redistricting process is entirely controlled by one political party. Given that, this model includes a simple dummy variable for Gerrymander Potential, which is simply 1 if both of those conditions exist in a state in the first post-redistricting election of each decade. It is also party adjusted, taking on a negative value if the state’s redistricting process is controlled by Republicans, and positive if it is controlled by Democrats. If a state’s redistricting process was subject to divided party control, handled by an independent redistricting commission, or where the maps were drawn by state courts, I assigned this variable a value of 0.

Journal ArticleDOI
23 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: Tien and Marasco as mentioned in this paper show how China's economic development was made possible by what they call "directed improvisation" -directives from leaders in Beijing to local officials to improvise in finding solutions to everchanging problems.
Abstract: Charles Tien and Robyn Marasco: In your award winning 2016 book, How China Escaped the Poverty Trap, you show how China’s economic development was made possible by what you call “directed improvisation”—directives from leaders in Beijing to local officials to improvise in finding solutions to everchanging problems. Has this reliance on local level-improvisation changed under Xi Jinping in recent years? Has this model been applied to battling COVID?

Journal ArticleDOI
31 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The Claim of Reason as mentioned in this paper is one of the first books to mention Wittgenstein and justice in the preface of The Claim of Truth, which has been read and reread for years.
Abstract: I had never heard of either Hanna Pitkin orWittgenstein and Justice until Linda Zerilli mentioned the book to me some time in the mid-2010s. Or so I thought. But then I noticed that Stanley Cavell singles the book out in the preface to his masterpiece The Claim of Reason, which I have been reading and rereading for years. There is no way I could have missed the reference every time I looked at that preface. Why didn’t I immediately rush out to read Pitkin’s book? If not in the 1990s, when I was first immersing myself in Wittgenstein and Cavell, then at least in the early 2010s when I was beginning to write Revolution of the Ordinary? I still have no answer. In one way, my failure to pick up Pitkin’s book is not surprising: I am a literary critic, not a political theorist. In another way, it’s astonishing that I somehowmanaged to avoid Wittgenstein and Justice (W&J) entirely for so many years. For now that I finally have read the book, I realize that fifty years ago Pitkin embarked on exactly the same kind of project that I took up in Revolution of the Ordinary. Her subtitle isOn the Significance of LudwigWittgenstein for Social and Political Thought. My subtitle isLiterary Studies afterWittgenstein, Austin, andCavell. Pitkin sets out to show other political theorists that ordinary language philosophy, which she understands as Wittgenstein’s late philosophy as analyzed and developed by Stanley Cavell, could have a transformative effect on her own discipline. In the same way, I begin Revolution of the Ordinary by declaring that ordinary language philosophy,

Journal ArticleDOI
02 Mar 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker as discussed by the authors introduced two key concepts, rural consciousness and the politics of resentment, to political scientists and the public that helped provide a frame for the 2016 presidential election.
Abstract: Alyson Cole: Your award-winning book, The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker, introduced two key concepts— rural consciousness and the politics of resentment—to political scientists and the public that helped provide a frame for the 2016 presidential election. To what extent do you think these two concepts still explain our current political moment? If you were to revise these concepts, what would you amend? Are any other frames needed to understand how Americans make sense of government and the impact of politics on their lives?

Journal ArticleDOI
22 Feb 2023-Polity
TL;DR: This article examined legislative attempts to amend or repeal ballot measures between 2010-2018 across all initiative states and concluded that looser rules governing legislative behavior post-passage, narrower vote margins, and marijuana-related measures generate more frequent, and more extensive, legislative alteration attempts.
Abstract: Direct democracy in the United States exists alongside representative democracy as a forum in which citizens participate in the political decision-making process. Through their cooperation or obstruction, legislators can smooth or impede initiative implementation. Existing scholarship has explored legislative attitudes and behavior in limited contexts, concluding that legislators are hostile to direct democracy and seek to undermine its results. In this manuscript, I examine legislative attempts to amend or repeal ballot measures between 2010–2018 across all initiative states. The analysis focuses on the two issue areas most subject to legislative involvement: marijuana legalization and “governance” policies. I conclude that looser rules governing legislative behavior post-passage, narrower vote margins, and marijuana- and governance-related measures generate more frequent, and more extensive, legislative alteration attempts. The analysis advances the literature on legislative interference, providing insight into when, how, and under what conditions state government actors intervene in the initiative process.

Journal ArticleDOI
23 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: This article proposed a model to forecast the aggregate results of elections to the U.S. House of Representatives based on two well-established traditions, that of vote-popularity functions and that of pooled cross-sectional time-series models.
Abstract: Before the November 2022 midterms, we proposed a model to forecast the aggregate results of elections to the U.S. House of Representatives. This model rests on two well-established traditions, that of vote-popularity functions and that of “regionalized” pooled cross-sectional time-series models. The proposed House model is inspired by the State-by-State Political Economy (2SPE) Model previously applied to presidential elections, which is based on local and national data. In 2020, the 2SPE Model gave Joe Biden 51.69% of the two-party nationwide popular vote (a 0.6-point error) and correctly predicted the winner in forty-seven states plus the District of Columbia. The House model innovates by including presidential popularity data by state formidterm elections as well as variables tracing the trajectory of

Journal ArticleDOI
23 May 2023-Polity
TL;DR: The authors used the Survey of Consumer Attitudes and Behavior (SAT) questionnaire to evaluate whether respondents will be better off or worse off in the next election, and proposed a prospective voting behavior model based on economic conditions.
Abstract: The prospective model of voting behavior has its genesis in the forecasting errors made in 1994. Virtually every political scientist that made a forecast was off by a good bit. One political scientist made a bet concerning the accuracy of his forecast of the Republicans only picking up in the low single digits. The actual outcome was a fifty-four-seat pickup by the Republicans. The political scientist (who shall remain nameless here) who made the single-digit forecast lost a modest sum of money. Like many articles, this project started by thinking that the others in the enterprise had made some mistakes. Many of the models make use of economic conditions when attempting to forecast election outcomes. The voting behavior literature is replete with retrospective and prospective economic models of voting behavior. Unfortunately, political forecasting with economic data necessitates parsimony because we have few cases. Consequently, the model employed here follows the literature focusing on economic expectations. Specifically, the Survey of Consumer Attitudes and Behavior has an item that asks respondents to evaluate whether they will be better off or worse off in the

Journal ArticleDOI
Jurong Yang1
01 Jul 2023-Polity
TL;DR: In this paper , a family saga is used to convey the change from kallipolis to tyranny through such an emotionally charged narrative, which suggests Plato's view that existing cultural models were insufficient for understanding and reacting to constitutional breakdown.
Abstract: In Republic 8–9, Socrates explains how the kallipolis develops into a series of flawed regimes. Each regime is said to have a corresponding soul type; these souls are described as a lineage of fathers and sons. Socrates, then, narrates not only a political story, but what is in effect a multigenerational family saga: the story of a moral decline and fall over the course of five generations, set amidst political turmoil and revolution, covering roughly a century of narrative ground from its start in tragicomedy to its end in disaster. What are the implications of this choice to convey the change from kallipolis to tyranny through such an emotionally charged narrative? As a hybrid of generic conventions, the family saga suggests Plato’s view that existing cultural models were insufficient for understanding and reacting to constitutional breakdown. I consider two accounts Socrates offers for the relationship between his family and political narratives, discussing the interpretive difficulties raised by each, and proposing that these difficulties oblige the reader to attend closely to the details of character and plot in Socrates’s story. I treat the family saga less as an explanation of constitutional breakdown than as an affective model that attempts to make such a breakdown emotionally vivid—one that is nevertheless consistent with the Republic’s strict limits on imitative poetry. Finally, I consider the kinds of political action that the family saga might motivate in the Republic’s readers, under three sets of assumptions about Plato’s attitudes toward Athenian democracy and the kallipolis.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jul 2023-Polity