Showing papers in "Public Opinion Quarterly in 2008"

The Impact of Nonresponse Rates on Nonresponse Bias A Meta-Analysis

Abstract: Fifty-nine methodological studies were designed to esti- mate the magnitude of nonresponse bias in statistics of interest. These studies use a variety of designs: sampling frames with rich variables, data from administrative records matched to sample case, use of screening- interview data to describe nonrespondents to main interviews, followup of nonrespondents to initial phases of field effort, and measures of be- havior intentions to respond to a survey. This permits exploration of which circumstances produce a relationship between nonresponse rates and nonresponse bias and which, do not. The predictors are design fea- tures of the surveys, characteristics of the sample, and attributes of the survey statistics computed in the surveys.

Social Desirability Bias in CATI, IVR, and Web Surveys The Effects of Mode and Question Sensitivity

Abstract: Although it is well established that self-administered ques- tionnaires tend to yield fewer reports in the socially desirable direction than do interviewer-administered questionnaires, less is known about whether different modes of self-administration vary in their effects on socially desirable responding In addition, most mode comparison stud- ies lack validation data and thus cannot separate the effects of differ- ential nonresponse bias from the effects of differences in measurement error This paper uses survey and record data to examine mode effects on the reporting of potentially sensitive information by a sample of re- cent university graduates Respondents were randomly assigned to one of three modes of data collection—conventional computer-assisted tele- phone interviewing (CATI), interactive voice recognition (IVR), and the Web—and were asked about both desirable and undesirable attributes of their academic experiences University records were used to evaluate the accuracy of the answers and to examine differences in nonresponse bias by mode Web administration increased the level of reporting of sensi- tive information and reporting accuracy relative to conventional CATI, with IVR intermediate between the other two modes Both mode of data collection and the actual status of the respondent influenced whether respondents found an item sensitive

Web Survey Methods Introduction

Abstract: A key characteristic of Web surveys is their diversity. Unlike other modes of data collection, where the method tells us something about both the sampling process and the method of data collection, the term “Web survey” is too broad to give us much useful information about how the study was carried out. For example, referring to an RDD telephone survey describes both the method of sampling (in part) and the mode of data collection. But there are so many different ways to identify sampling frames for Web surveys, to invite people to complete such surveys, and to administer surveys over the Internet (see Couper 2000) that the term “Web survey” conveys little evaluative information. The implications of this diversity are twofold. First, broad generalizations or claims about Web surveys relative to other methods of data collection are ill-advised. Second, much more detail about the process is needed in order for the reader to make judgments about the quality of the process itself or about the resulting data. The papers in this special issue reflect some of the many ways that the Internet can be used—whether alone or in combination with other methods—to conduct surveys. Despite their relatively short history, Web surveys have already had a profound effect on survey research. The first graphic browser (NCSA Mosaic) was released in 1992, with Netscape Navigator following in 1994 and Internet Explorer in 1995. The first published papers on Web surveys appeared in 1996. Since then, there has been a virtual explosion of interest in the Internet generally, and World Wide Web specifically, as a tool for survey data collection (see www.WebSM.org for a detailed bibliography). This is not to say that the early claims that Web surveys will make all other methods of data collection obsolete have come to pass. But it is fair to say that the methodological attention that Web surveys have received has exceeded other modes in a similar time period. In part, this is because the relative cost of Web surveys makes them a more accessible method of data collection than telephone or face-to-face surveys. In addition, the computerized nature of Web surveys facilitates conducting

Computing Response Metrics for Online Panels

Abstract: As more researchers use online panels for studies, the need for standardized rates to evaluate these studies becomes paramount. There are currently many different ways and conflicting terminology used to compute various metrics for online panels. This paper discusses the sparse literature on how to compute response, refusal, and other rates and proposes a set of formulas and a standardized terminology that can be used to calculate and interpret these metrics for online panel studies. A description of and distinction between probability-based and volunteer opt-in panels is made since not all metrics apply to both types. A review of the existing discussion and recommendations, mostly from international organizations, is presented for background and context. In order to propose response and other metrics, the different stages involved in building an online panel are delineated. Metrics associated with these stages contribute to cumulative response rate formulas that can be used to evaluate studies using online probability-based panels. (Only completion rates can be calculated with opt-in panels.) We conclude with a discussion of the meaning of the different metrics proposed and what we think should be reported for which type of panel.

Bringing Values Back In The Adequacy of the European Social Survey to Measure Values in 20 Countries

Abstract: The Schwartz (1992) theory of basic human values has promoted a revival of empirical research on values. The semi-annual Eu- ropean Social Survey (ESS) includes a new 21-item instrument to mea- sure the importance of the 10 basic values of the theory. Representative national samples in 20 countries responded to the instrument in 2002-3. We briefly describe the theory and the ESS instrument and assess its adequacy for measuring values across countries. Using multiple-group confirmatory factor analyses, augmented with mean-structure informa- tion, we assess the configural and measurement (metric) invariance of the values—necessary conditions for equivalence of the meaning of con- structs and scalar invariance—a precondition for comparing value means across countries. Only if such equivalence is established can researchers make meaningful and clearly interpretable cross-national comparisons of value priorities and their correlates. The ESS values scale demonstrates configural and metric invariance, allowing researchers to use it to study relationships among values, attitudes, behavior and socio-demographic characteristics across countries. Comparing the mean importance of

Cohort Differences in Tolerance of Homosexuality Attitudinal Change in Canada and the United States, 1981–2000

Abstract: Using data from the World Values Surveys, we explore trends in tolerance of homosexuality in Canada and the United States from 1981 to 2000. Particular attention is given to the effects of birth cohort. Consistent with previous research, we find that younger cohorts are typically the most tolerant of homosexuality. We also find that Cana- dians are more liberal than Americans. Most interesting, however, is the remarkable degree of change over time within cohorts, especially in Canada. These findings suggest that attitudes toward homosexuality dur- ing this period were an exception to the age-stability hypothesis, which claims that opinions on controversial social issues are formed by early adulthood, and change little with age. We speculate that differing po- litical climate across country and time is responsible for the significant differences in public opinion.

Where You Stand Depends Upon Where Your Grandparents Sat The Inheritability of Generalized Trust

Abstract: Generalized trust is a stable value that is transmitted from parents to children. Do its roots go back further in time? Using a person's ethnic heritage (where their grandparents came from) and the proportion of people of different ethnic backgrounds in a state, I ask whether your own ethnic background matters more than whom you live among. People whose grandparents came to the United States from countries that have high levels of trust (Nordics, and the British) tend to have higher levels of generalized trust (using the General Social Survey from 1972 to 1996). People living in states with high German or British populations (but not Nordic populations) are also more trusting (using state-level census data). Italians, Latinos, and African Americans tend to have lower levels of trust, but it is not clear that country of origin can account for these negative results. Overall, there are effects for both culture (where your grandparents came from) and experience (which groups you live among), but the impact of ethnic heritage seems stronger.

Social Trust and Attitudes Toward Democracy

Abstract: In spite of the great importance attached by social capital theory to the role of social trust in maintaining stable and effective democracy, research has produced rather weak and mixed support for the idea that the socially trusting individuals tend to be politically trusting, and the weight of evidence suggests either a weak or insignificant relationship between social and political trust. The present work, however, reports robust and statistically significant correlations between generalized social trust, on the one hand, and confidence in political institutions and satisfaction with democracy, on the other. The associations are significant in 23 European countries and in the United States. This article argues that its findings are more accurate and more reliable than much of the previous work because they are based on better and more sensitive measures. The results pose a dilemma for future survey work, while reopening possibilities for social capital research.

Face-to-Face versus Web Surveying in a High-Internet-Coverage Population Differences in Response Quality

Abstract: The current study experimentally investigates the differ- ences in data quality between a face-to-face and a web survey. Based on satisficing theory, it was hypothesized that web survey respondents would be more likely to satisfice for a multitude of reasons, thereby pro- ducing data of lower quality. The data show support for the hypothesis. Web survey respondents were shown to produce a higher "don't know" response rate, to differentiate less on rating scales, and to produce more item nonresponse than face-to-face survey respondents.

Completion Time and Response Order Effects in Web Surveys

Abstract: The use of the World Wide Web to conduct surveys has grown rapidly over the past decade, raising concerns regarding data qual- ity, questionnaire design, and sample representativeness. This research note focuses on an issue that has not yet been studied: Are respondents who complete self-administered Web surveys more quickly—perhaps taking advantage of participation benefits while minimizing effort—also more prone to response order effects, a manifestation of "satisficing"? I surveyed a random sample of the US adult population over the Web and manipulated the order in which respondents saw the response options. I then assessed whether primacy effects were moderated by the overall length of time respondents took to complete the questionnaires. I found that low-education respondents who filled out the questionnaire most quickly were most prone to primacy effects when completing items with unipolar rating scales. These results have important implications for var- ious aspects of Web survey methodology including panel management, human-computer interaction, and response order randomization.

Beliefs About the Origins of Homosexuality and Support For Gay Rights An Empirical Test of Attribution Theory

Abstract: In this study, we employ Weiner's attribution theory of controllability to examine beliefs about the origins of homosexuality. If the cause of homosexuality is perceived as controllable (learned, envi ronmental, or an individual choice), negative affect toward homosexuals and reduced support for policies relevant to the group can be expected. If the cause is perceived as uncontrollable (biological or genetic in origin), positive affect and increased support for polices is anticipated. Our anal yses of data from two unique surveys of national adults corroborate these hypotheses, showing that positive feelings toward gays, support for gay civil rights, civil unions, and same-sex marriage are strongly determined by a genetic attribution for homosexuality. Attributions are in fact the strongest predictor of support. We distinguish our analysis from previ ous research by examining the important role of religion, ideology, and experience, in shaping attributions.

Social Desirability Effects and Support for a Female American President

Abstract: Public opinion polls show consistently that a substantial portion of the American public would vote for a qualified female presi- dential candidate. Because of the controversial nature of such questions, however, the responses may suffer from social desirability effects. In other words, respondents may be purposely giving false answers as not to violate societal norms. Using an unobtrusive measure called the "list experiment," we find that public opinion polls are indeed exaggerating support for a female president. Roughly 26 percent of the public is "angry or upset" about the prospect of a female president. Moreover, this level of dissatisfaction is constant across several demographic groups. As talk about the 2008 presidential election heats up, there is much speculation about whether the United States will elect its first female president; questions about the extent to which the public would support a woman for president have taken on more than hypothetical value. The White House Project has been established to research stereotypes about women as national leaders and to promote the idea of a woman as a president. Senator and former first lady Hillary Clinton leads in all polls to be the Democratic Party nominee in 2008, and the Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has been promoted within Republican circles as that party's nominee, although she has declared she would not be a candidate.

A Comparison of Address-Based Sampling (ABS) Versus Random-Digit Dialing (RDD) for General Population Surveys

Abstract: Valid and reliable public health data are becoming more difficult to obtain through random-digit dial (RDD) telephone surveys. As a result, researchers are evaluating different survey designs (i.e., sampling frame and survey mode combinations) as complements or alternatives to RDD. Traditionally, mail surveys of the general public have been limited due to a lack of a complete sampling frame of households. Recent advances in electronic record keeping, however, have allowed researchers to develop a sample from a frame of addresses (e.g., the U.S. Postal Service Delivery Sequence File, which appears to provide coverage which rivals or possibly exceeds that obtained through RDD sampling methods). To test the use of this frame for surveying adults aged 18 years and older across a wide geographic area, a pilot study was conducted as part of the 2005 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS). The pilot compared use of a traditional, RDD telephone survey methodology to an approach using a mail version of the questionnaire completed by a random sample of households drawn from an address-based frame.

Eye-Tracking Data New Insights on Response Order Effects and Other Cognitive Shortcuts in Survey Responding

Abstract: Survey researchers since Cannell have worried that respondents may take various shortcuts to reduce the effort needed to complete a survey. The evidence for such shortcuts is often indirect. For instance, preferences for earlier versus later response options have been interpreted as evidence that respondents do not read beyond the first few options. This is really only a hypothesis, however, that is not supported by direct evidence regarding the allocation of respondent attention. In the current study, we used a new method to more directly observe what respondents do and do not look at by recording their eye movements while they answered questions in a Web survey. The eye-tracking data indicate that respondents do in fact spend more time looking at the first few options in a list of response options than those at the end of the list; this helps explain their tendency to select the options presented first regardless of their content. In addition, the eye-tracking data reveal that respondents are reluctant to invest effort in reading definitions of survey concepts that are only a mouse click away or paying attention to initially hidden response options. It is clear from the eye-tracking data that some respondents are more prone to these and other cognitive shortcuts than others, providing relatively direct evidence for what had been suspected based on more conventional measures.

The Religion Card Gay Marriage and the 2004 Presidential Election

Abstract: In 2004, 13 states had ballot initiatives on whether their state constitutions should include a ban on gay marriage. States with gay marriage ballot propositions, which included the linchpin of Ohio, afforded Republicans the opportunity to raise gay marriage as an issue with an important subset of their base, white evangelical Protestants. We find evidence that white evangelical Protestants had a higher level of mobilization for Bush in states with a gay marriage initiative. However, we also see that secularists were demobilized in these same states, having a lower rate of turnout but not a higher level of support for Kerry.

Facial Similarity Between Voters and Candidates Causes Influence

Abstract: Social science research demonstrates that people are drawn to others perceived as similar. We extend this finding to political candi- dates by comparing the relative effects of candidate familiarity as well as partisan, issue, gender, and facial similarity on voters' evaluations of candidates. In Experiment 1, during the week of the 2006 Florida gubernatorial race, a national representative sample of voters viewed images of two unfamiliar candidates (Crist and Davis) morphed with either themselves or other voters. Results demonstrated a strong prefer- ence for facially similar candidates, despite no conscious awareness of the similarity manipulation. In Experiment 2, one week before the 2004 presidential election, a national representative sample of voters evaluated familiar candidates (Bush and Kerry). Strong partisans were unmoved by the facial similarity manipulation, but weak partisans and independents preferred the candidate with whom their own face had been morphed over the candidate morphed with another voter. In Experiment 3, we compared the effects of policy similarity and facial similarity using a set of prospec- tive 2008 presidential candidates. Even though the effects of party and policy similarity dominated, facial similarity proved a significant cue for unfamiliar candidates. Thus, the evidence across the three studies sug- gests that even in high-profile elections, voters prefer candidates high in facial similarity, but most strongly with unfamiliar candidates.

The Influence of Presumed Media Influence in Politics Do Politicians’ Perceptions of Media Power Matter?

Abstract: Much of what politicians do, we maintain in this paper, is driven by their belief in the power of media, which motivates their desire to be featured in news coverage. Our argument rests upon recent advances in communication theory, stressing "the influence on presumed media in- fluence" (Gunther, Albert C., and J. Douglas Storey. 2003. "The Influence of Presumed Influence." Journal of Communication 35(2):199-215) and contributes to our understanding of the mediatization of politics. Com- bined data from a survey of Israeli members of Knesset (MKs; n = 56), parliamentary reporters' (n = 20) rankings of MKs' media motivations, Knesset records of MKs' political activity, and data on the frequency of MKs' news appearances were used to test this argument. Structural equation modeling revealed that politicians' belief in the power of media increases their motivation and effort to appear in media coverage, which in turn is related both to greater media prominence and to more parlia- mentary activity. These results are discussed in light of their implications for both our understanding of political actors and the role of journalists.

Are Political Markets Really Superior to Polls as Election Predictors

Abstract: Election markets have been praised for their ability to fore cast election outcomes, and to forecast better than trial-heat polls. This paper challenges that optimistic assessment of election markets, based on an analysis of Iowa Electronic Market (IEM) data from presidential elec tions between 1988 and 2004. We argue that it is inappropriate to naively compare market forecasts of an election outcome with exact poll results on the day prices are recorded, that is, market prices reflect forecasts of what will happen on Election Day whereas trial-heat polls register preferences on the day of the poll. We then show that when poll leads are properly discounted, poll-based forecasts outperform vote-share mar ket prices. Moreover, we show that win projections based on the polls dominate prices from winner-take-all markets. Traders in these markets generally see more uncertainty ahead in the campaign than the polling numbers warrant?in effect, they overestimate the role of election cam paigns. Reasons for the performance of the IEM election markets are considered in concluding sections.

Estimating Causal Effects of Ballot Order from a Randomized Natural Experiment The California Alphabet Lottery, 1978–2002

Abstract: Randomized natural experiments provide social scientists with rare opportunities to draw credible causal inferences in real-world settings. We capitalize on such a unique experiment to examine how the name order of candidates on ballots affects election outcomes. Since 1975, California has randomized the ballot order for statewide offices with a complex alphabet lottery. Adapting statistical techniques to this lottery and addressing methodological problems of conventional ap- proaches, our analysis of statewide elections from 1978 to 2002 reveals that, in general elections, ballot order significantly impacts only minor party candidates, with no detectable effects on major party candidates. These results contradict previous research, finding large effects in general elections for major party candidates. In primaries, however, we show that

The Polls—Trends Public Opinion on Energy Policy: 1974–2006

Abstract: In recent years, energy policy has become an increasingly salient political issue in the United States. Rising gas prices, coupled with regional energy shortages and a growing recognition of the connection between U.S. energy supplies and national security, have led to calls for legislative action. Part of developing a national energy policy lies in un- derstanding public opinion about existing energy sources, public support for various energy strategies, and what the public might be willing to do in order to conserve energy and reduce U.S. reliance on foreign oil. In this review, we report trends in public opinion from 1974 through 2006 on traditional energy sources, alternative energy sources, and citi- zens' priorities on energy alternatives. The polls show that concern about the U.S. energy situation is as high now as it was during the nation's energy crises of the 1970s. While attitudes about traditional sources of energy are strongly influenced by current economic conditions, citizens are increasingly receptive to alternative sources of energy (e.g., nuclear energy). Citizens also support policy changes that involve the government encouraging conservation through energy efficient appliances, vehicles, and homes and offices. The public voices a growing frustration with President Bush's, and the Congress's, handling of the nation's energy problems, and they express a desire for leadership in finding long-term solutions to the nation's energy dilemmas.

Effects of Design in Web Surveys Comparing Trained and Fresh Respondents

Abstract: In this paper, we investigate whether there are differences in the effect of instrument design between trained and fresh respondents. In three experiments, we varied the number of items on a screen, the choice of response categories, and the layout of a five-point rating scale. In general, effects of design carry over between trained and fresh respondents. We found little evidence that survey experience influences the question-answering process. Trained respondents seem to be more sensitive to satisficing. The shorter completion time, higher interitem correlations for multiple-item-per-screen formats, and the fact that they select the first response options more often indicate that trained respondents tend to take shortcuts in the response process and study the questions less carefully.

Eliciting Subjective Probabilities in Internet Surveys

Abstract: Individuals' subjective expectations are important in ex- plaining heterogeneity in individual choices, but their elicitation poses some challenges, in particular when one is interested in the subjective probability distribution of an individual. We have developed an innova- tive visual representation for Internet surveys that has some advantages over previously used formats. In this paper we present our findings from testing this visual representation in the context of individuals' Social Se- curity expectations. Respondents are asked to allocate a total of 20 balls across seven bins to express what they believe the chances to be that their future Social Security benefits would fall into any one of those bins. Our data come from the Internet survey of respondents to the Health and Retirement Study, a representative survey of the U.S. population aged 51 and older. To contrast the results from the visual format with a previously used format, we divided the sample into two random groups and ad- ministered both, the visual format and the more standard percent chance format. Our findings suggest that the main advantage of the visual format is that it generates usable answers for virtually all respondents in the sample while in the percent chance format a significant fraction (about 20 percent) of responses is lost due to inconsistencies. Across various other dimensions, the visual format performs similarly to the percent chance format, leading us to conclude that the bins-and-balls format is a viable alternative that leads to more complete data.

Voice is Not Enough The Importance of Influence in Political Trust and Policy Assessments

Abstract: Procedural justice researchers have long argued that giv ing people a voice in decision-making proceedings leads to heightened satisfaction with the outputs of those processes and enhanced compli ance with decisions. More recently, this concept has been applied to the political arena with the suggestion that simply having a voice in the pro ceedings may not be enough. Similarly, the attitudes of external efficacy and political trust have long been linked. Integrating these two lines of research to incorporate important lessons about the dimensionality of external efficacy, I argue that giving people a voice in politics is not a universal remedy for ailing democracy. A voice that is perceived to have no influence can be more detrimental than not perceiving a voice at all. Moving out of the experimental setting by using survey data collected in a 2001 study of attitudes toward municipal government, I examine the impact that perceptions of voice and influence have on feelings of policy satisfaction and political trust. Findings suggest that perceptions of voice and influence do indeed have an impact on feelings of political trust and policy satisfaction. Neither political trust nor policy satisfaction responds positively to perceptions of increased voice alone. Believing that citizen voice, loud or quiet, has an influence is important. Feelings of policy sat isfaction and political trust are increased only when respondents believe citizens had both increased voice and influence.

An Evaluation of Respondent Selection Methods for Household Mail Surveys

Abstract: Mail surveys are a staple of the survey industry; however, they are rarely used in surveys of the general population. The problem is twofold: (1) lack of a complete sampling frame of households and (2) difficulties with ensuring random selection of a respondent within the household. However, advances in electronic record keeping, such as the U.S. Postal Service Delivery Sequence File, now make it possible to sample from a frame of residential addresses. Unfortunately, less is known about the effectiveness of within-household selection techniques for household mail surveys. A six-state pilot study was conducted as part of the 2005 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System using the Delivery Sequence File to sample addresses for a mail survey. The pilot study tested three respondent selection methods: any adult, adult with the next birthday, and all adults. The next-birthday and all-adults methods yielded household-level response rates that were comparable to the any adult method, the method assumed to have the least respondent burden. At the respondent level, however, the response rate for the all-adults method was lower when we accounted for within-household nonresponse.

An experiment on the measurement of political knowledge in surveys

Abstract: In a series of articles, Mondak and colleagues argue that the conventional way of measuring political knowledge in surveys is flawed. Personality related "propensity to guess" underestimates the level of political knowledge in the population and distorts estimates of between group differences, when a DK alternative is offered. This has led Mondak to recommend the use of closed-ended items on which DKs are not explicitly offered, following best practice in the field of educational testing. In this article, we present the results of an experimental study which calls into question the wisdom of this approach. Our results show little evidence of partial knowledge concealed within DK responses; when people who initially select a DK alternative are subsequently asked to provide a "best guess," they fare statistically no better than chance. We conclude that opinion researchers should be cautious about adopting Mondak's recommendations for the design of political knowledge items in surveys.

Joining and Leaving the Rally Understanding the Surge and Decline in Presidential Approval Following 9/11

Abstract: This paper explains the surge and decline of presidential approval following rally events. We develop a theoretical framework grounded in psychology and political entrepreneurship to explain not only who joins and leaves the rally, but why. We argue that threatening events such as 9/11 heighten the link between national identity and presidential approval, but this link fades as political entrepreneurs make partisan identities more salient. We find support for these propositions using analysis of pooled cross-sectional survey datasets and content analysis of elite discourse.

The Polls—Trends: Evolution, Creationism, and The Teaching of Human Origins in Schools

Abstract: This article traces public opinion polls concerning the theory of evolution spanning the period 1981 through 2007. We report on polling trends concerning US citizens' beliefs about the origins of mankind and other species, individuals' certainty and knowledge of the debate, and their understanding of the scientific evidence bearing on evolutionary theory. We conclude by examining preferences for public school policy: What is the appropriate treatment of human origins in science curricula? We show that US public opinion is at odds with the curricula mandated by the nation's state governments.

False Consensus Goes Online Impact of Ideologically Homogeneous Groups on False Consensus

Abstract: This study analyzes survey data obtained from members of neo-Nazi and radical environmentalist discussion forums It assesses the extent to which participants in homogeneous online groups exhibit false consensus, ie, overestimate public support for their views, and whether the overestimation increases with increased online participation Although the analyzed sample overestimates public support, the overestimation is no greater than found with more conventional populations studied to date However, false consensus among the neo-Nazis increases with their involvement in online groups, also controlling for extremism Among the environmentalists, it is the extremism, not online participation that accounts for false consensus Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed

Does a Probability-Based Household Panel Benefit from Assignment to Postal Response as an Alternative to Internet-Only?

Abstract: A potential limitation of web-only panels of the general public, even when households are selected using probability methods, is that only about 70 percent of U.S. households have members with Internet access. In addition, some members of Internet-connected house- holds may be unable or unwilling to participate over the web. The Gallup Panel uses both web and mail modes to survey respondents and in 2006 included approximately 50,000 households selected by random-digit dialing. Frequent Internet users were assigned to respond by the web, while others were assigned to participate by mail using a paper question- naire with a similar visual layout to the web. We use several approaches to determine whether or not the mail option adds value to the results in an otherwise Internet panel and organize our analyses around answering a series of questions. First, does the use of mail allow different types of people to be included? Second, do mail and web respondents give different answers to the same questions? Third, does weighting on and controlling for demographics eliminate any differences in responses from mail and web respondents and indicate that mail is not needed? Finally, do differences exist when responses are collected using an independent mode? In general, the answers to these questions suggest that use of mail adds value to the panel results and improves the overall accuracy of survey results.

The End of Welfare as We Know It?Durable Attitudes in a Changing Information Environment

Abstract: When white Americans think about welfare, they are likely to think about black Americans. The most prominent explanation for this phenomenon offered has been media coverage—newsmakers have presented welfare as an overwhelmingly black and overwhelmingly bad social program. Most of the data used in studies that reach these conclusions, however, predate welfare reform. Since passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA), welfare has lost its place among America's most controversial issues. While there are many critics of the reform, many more declare it a success, and these elites are both Republican and Democrat. Opinion polls indicate that a majority of the public is favorably inclined toward the passed reforms. In this paper, we provide systematic evidence that the information environment surrounding welfare policy has changed. Given this, we pose the following research question: do negative attitudes about blacks continue to color people's willingness to spend money on welfare programs? We address this question by examining the predictors of opposition to welfare spending in the 1992, 1996, 2000, and 2004 American National Election Studies. The evidence suggests that despite the changing information environment, welfare attitudes are as strongly racialized in 2004, as they were a decade earlier.