Showing papers in "Regional & Federal Studies in 2007"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse wider changes in the nature and form of the Welfare State, and the consequences of this for territorial governance, and argue that there are distinct trends in contemporary territorial governance: greater political as opposed to simple administrative decentralization; more asymmetry and diversity; a shift from a "principal-agent" to a "choice" model of central-local relations; great scope for experimentation; more non-hierarchical relations; new patterns of fiscal relations.
Abstract: Multi-level governance appeared in the 1990s as a concept which sought to capture the changing relationships between different territorial levels of government in the EU. The concept was important as it drew to attention to important changes in territorial governance that were occurring at this time. This article steps back to analyse wider changes in the nature and form of the Welfare State, and the consequences of this for territorial governance. It argues that there are distinct trends in contemporary territorial governance: greater political as opposed to simple administrative decentralization; more asymmetry and diversity; a shift from a ‘principal-agent’ to a ‘choice’ model of central–local relations; great scope for experimentation; more non-hierarchical relations; new patterns of fiscal relations.
80 citations
TL;DR: In most European countries, there are debates and reform suggestions about how the territorial basis of governance should be reshaped as discussed by the authors, including a redefinition of the role of the nation-state and a strengthening of lower levels of self-government.
Abstract: In most European countries, there are debates and reform suggestions about how the territorial basis of governance should be reshaped. These changes include a redefinition of the role of the nation-state and a strengthening of lower levels of self-government. There is also an increasing acceptance of diversity, variation and asymmetry and a tendency that the public domain is influenced by the processes of marketization. A combination of structural, ideational and actor based drivers are behind these changes. Some of the patterns that emerge are similar across Europe, but there is also a strong tendency that territorial governance is differentiated to fit specific sub-national preconditions.
64 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, an analytical distinction between these types of competition is made and empirical evidence is provided for Germany where inter-regional policy competition organized by the federal government is implemented in a co-operative federalism.
Abstract: In its territorial dimension, the reconfiguration of the state is mainly revealed in the development of multi-level governance. Generally speaking, we observe a shift from hierarchical and co-operative modes towards competitive modes. As a consequence, regions are increasingly challenged by competition. Beyond the driving forces of the market, which are often overestimated, central governments use policy competition to influence and control regional policy making. Based on an analytical distinction between these types of competition, the article explains how this new mode of multi-level governance works. Empirical evidence is provided for Germany where inter-regional policy competition organized by the federal government is implemented in a co-operative federalism. This case allows us to explain practical problems and constraints of competitive governance.
57 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors synthesize different theoretical approaches in studying cross-border co-operation (CBC) while considering institutionalization and identity-building as the two major processes behind crossborder developments.
Abstract: This paper seeks to synthesize different theoretical approaches in studying cross-border co-operation (CBC) while considering institutionalization and identity-building as the two major processes behind cross-border developments. Since there still exist some gaps in explaining the conditions necessary for successful development of CBC at the margins of the EU, this paper attempts to contribute with empirical data collected from the Estonian–Russian and Romanian–Moldovan borderlands. The argument here is that CBC is relatively successful where it has developed more towards multi-level governance or where it has achieved institutional identity and acquired ability to shape the practices. This paper also suggests that where historical-cultural identity exists, it may provide a better ground in the development of cross-border activities, yet, this fact alone does not substitute institutional cross-border identity, a precondition for mobilization.
46 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of MMP on the relationship between the two types of MPs and voters is analyzed using survey and interview data, addressing both individuals and MPs and also between groups and MPs.
Abstract: New Zealand's mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system created nationwide party list MPs who had to develop their constituency roles in the context of historically strong links between constituents and their plurality-elected representatives. The article analyses the impact of MMP on the relationship between the two types of MP and voters. Building on theories of legislative behaviour, it proposes hypotheses that are tested against both survey and interview data, addressing the relationship between individuals and MPs and, also, between groups and MPs. A key conclusion is that a dichotomous model of district MPs looking after constituents' individual needs while list MPs respond to nationwide constituencies—although having some foundation—is far too simple a generalization about the early years of the MMP electoral system.
40 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors find that constituency members of the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly broadly conduct more constituency work than list members, although the extent of list member is still significant for a variety of reasons.
Abstract: The Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales electoral systems created both constituency and list members. The article discusses hypotheses for exploring their behaviour and notes the particular context of regional party systems dominated to a greater or lesser extent by the Labour party. The authors find that constituency members of the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly broadly conduct more constituency work than list members, although the extent of list member is still significant for a variety of reasons. The qualitative nature of list member constituency work is not systematically different from that of constituency members. Nevertheless, there are variations in list member approaches. Constituency and list member perceptions of list member work also differ and this has become a serious source of controversy. Relationships between constituency and list members, and between devolved representatives and MPs, are competitive or co-operative, predominantly in relation to pa...
34 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the local adaptation of Commission incentives depends both on the degree to which border actors are satisfied with national policies and on actors' capacity to consolidate pro-European institutional arrangements.
Abstract: It is well known that increased European integration has encouraged new forms of governing within the member states. This paper focuses on the process of Europeanization by comparing the implementation of the cross-border co-operation programme INTERREG in three separate cases. This article questions the capacity of the European Commission to encourage regional and sub-regional actors to co-operate and form multi-level networks that increase territorial development through state borders. This paper argues that the local adaptation of Commission incentives depends both on the degree to which border actors are satisfied with national policies and on actors' capacity to consolidate pro-European institutional arrangements.
27 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors defined three types of list MP, between which there are variations in both the volume of constituency work undertaken and engagement with individual constituents or group interests. But the overall legitimacy of both federal and electoral systems means there is no dispute over the rules governing the rights of different types of member in constituency work.
Abstract: Germany has both a federal system of government and mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral systems at both federal and Lander levels. The paper explains how most patterns in the constituency work of German MPs at both levels are functions of the electoral systems employed, party competition and tactical considerations. District MPs have significant commitments to constituency work; overall list MPs do as well, though to a lesser extent. The article defines three types of list MP, between which there are variations in both the volume of constituency work undertaken and engagement with individual constituents or group interests. Relationships between members are strongly related to partisan contests, although the overall legitimacy of both federal and electoral systems means there is no dispute over the rules governing the rights of different types of member in constituency work.
26 citations
TL;DR: This paper studied the relationship between federalism, sub-state nationalism and social policy in Canada and Belgium up to the early 2000s and argued that nationalism represents a powerful force for the decentralization of social policy since it seeks to make the national community congruent with the community of redistribution.
Abstract: This article looks at the relationship between federalism, sub-state nationalism and social policy in Canada and Belgium up to the early 2000s. It argues that nationalism represents a powerful force for the decentralization of social policy since it seeks to make the national community congruent with the community of redistribution. Nationalist mobilization over social policy is occurring in both Quebec and Flanders, although there are ideological and programmatic differences between the two nationalist movements. The article also shows how the consequences of these patterns of mobilization are conditioned by the institutional context. In Canada, the competitive nature of federal/provincial relations and the statist nature of social programmes (i.e. absence of ‘social partners’ other than the state involved in their management) explain why there has been decentralization of social policy towards Quebec whereas consensual decision making and Bismarckian social insurance arrangements have created s...
25 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that the volume of constituency work for MPs in Scotland and Wales has declined, but this has not been as sharp as may have been expected, and evidence supports findings that constituency work is driven in part by electoral incentives.
Abstract: Historically, British MPs had established high levels of commitment to constituency work. The introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales posed new challenges locally from AMs and MSPs. The article shows that the volume of constituency work for MPs in Scotland and Wales has declined, but this has not been as sharp as may have been expected. Co-operation and competition between members over constituency work is strongly, though not exclusively, related to partisan relationships. In particular, MPs in Scotland are much more inclined than those in Wales to forward enquiries relating to devolved matters to members of the relevant devolved institution. Evidence supports findings that constituency work is driven in part by electoral incentives—but this does not tell the whole story. Institutional and cultural factors are also important, as are individual members' preferences and styles. Scottish and Welsh MPs are sanguine about their experience, although it has diminished enthusiasm, such as it wa...
19 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine whether multi-level governance as a practice has been established in Sweden and conclude that vertical MLG has not yet been fully introduced in Sweden because there is no new regional level.
Abstract: This article examines whether multi-level governance (MLG) as a practice has been established in Sweden. It does so by dividing multi-level governance into vertical and horizontal dimensions. The article argues that there is a multi-level policy process within Swedish regional policy and that a degree of network governance has been introduced in Sweden through the Regional Growth Programmes and regional partnerships. Regional partnerships also demonstrate how the horizontal and vertical aspects of MLG have become inter-twined. However, the article concludes that vertical MLG has not yet been fully introduced in Sweden because there is no new regional level. However, with the recommendations of the Committee on Public Sector Responsibilities, a new regional level in Sweden may not be too distant.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors report on high levels of commitment to constituency work also at the provincial level and stress the relatively non-partisan nature of constituency work given the lack of a strong relationship between service and seat marginality at either federal or provincial levels and the relative disconnectedness of the party systems between federal and provincial levels.
Abstract: Members of Canada's federal House of Commons are given substantial resources for constituency business, most of which is ombudsman-type service conducted by local offices. MPs consistently rate this work as their most important activity. Members of provincial legislative assemblies also are provided with resources for constituency service work. The article reports on high levels of commitment to constituency work also at the provincial level. Regardless of party stripe, constituency offices at both levels normally co-operate to assist citizens with problems even if they are from other constituencies. The article stresses the relatively non-partisan nature of constituency work given the lack of a strong relationship between service and seat marginality at either federal or provincial levels, and the relative disconnectedness of the party systems between federal and provincial levels.
TL;DR: Relations between Central and Local Government in Sweden During the 1990s : Mixed Patterns of Centralization and Decentralization as discussed by the authors, 1990s: Mixed patterns of centralization and decentralization
Abstract: Relations Between Central and Local Government in Sweden During the 1990s : Mixed Patterns of Centralization and Decentralization
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a framework of incentives that links the new executive bodies to the UK's Permanent Representation, UKREP, in an effort to prevent the mediation of multiple policy positions.
Abstract: Devolution has had a substantial impact on the way in which UK regions organize their representative activity in the EU. The model of stakeholder partnerships, focused largely on economic development issues, has been complemented by a set of devolved regional actors. Relations between the new representative offices in Brussels have been configured in such a way as to maintain the primacy of the UK negotiating stance; a framework of incentives links the new executive bodies to the UK's Permanent Representation, UKREP, in an effort to prevent the mediation of multiple policy positions. Nevertheless, the recent establishment of regional parliamentary representative offices alongside the executives of the devolved territories increases the complexity of British interest mediation in Brussels, and offers potential for fracturing of the existing system.
TL;DR: The authors discusses the impact of neo-liberal governance on the development of language policy and group politics in Canada and in Wales and argues that the role of institutions in their relationship between the state and civil society is discussed in detail.
Abstract: The article discusses the impact of neo-liberal governance on the development of language policy and group politics in Canada and in Wales. It outlines changes in the nature and governance of language policies in both countries and looks at their implications for group politics. It argues that the impact of neo-liberalism will depend on whether groups have access to resources or key players and on their use of existing norms and values embodied by institutions, such as the constitution or past practices. The article concludes by arguing that one cannot take for granted that neo-liberalism is either ‘bad’ or ‘good’ for group politics without studying in more detail the role of institutions in their relationship between the state and civil society.
TL;DR: The authors explored features of Iraqi federalism and the Iraqi state that will make it vulnerable to secessionist pressures, and provided some direction in resolving the paradox of federalism, the contradictory finding that federalism seems to both facilitate and prevent secessionist conflict.
Abstract: The debate regarding whether federalism can manage, prevent or resolve conflict in deeply divided societies while maintaining the territorial integrity of existing states is ongoing—both on the ground and in the theoretical literature. This paper explores one central facet of the debate about federalism through an exploration of the case of Iraq. It is argued that institutional features of federalism and realities on the ground make Iraq uniquely vulnerable to secessionist pressures. However, not all federations (and not all federalisms) are equally vulnerable to secessionist pressures. By exploring features of Iraqi federalism and the Iraqi state that will make it vulnerable to secessionist pressures, this paper provides some direction in resolving the paradox of federalism—the contradictory finding (and assertion) that federalism seems to both facilitate and prevent secessionist conflict.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors deal with welfare development in the European social model in contemporary times and the emergence of new social risks and the role played by the mesogovernments in welfare reform in Europe.
Abstract: Europeanization can be regarded as a process that finds expression in the gradual redefinition of state sovereignty and the development of supranational common institutions (e.g. Agreement of Schengen, Court of Justice, Euro currency). In parallel, territorial subsidiarity seeks to provide for a greater sub-state say in areas of social policy making, often linked to cultural or identity considerations. This article deals with welfare development in the European social model in contemporary times. While a paradigm shift in macro-economic policies has allowed for monetary centralization and a growing matching of EU internal ‘open’ markets, the quest for the decentralization of welfare programmes has also aimed at meeting demands for policy innovation and a more effective management. Allegedly, welfare provision by sub-state diversity may affect collective solidarity and redistribution. The emergence of new social risks and the role played by the mesogovernments in welfare reform in Europe are also ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors evaluate the evolution of democratic federalism in Mexico through a case study of central government involvement in the selection and removal of governors in the state of Yucatan, showing that regional political bosses can exercise an important constraint on the powers of national-level rulers by requiring that they select governors acceptable to local political elites.
Abstract: This article evaluates the evolution of democratic federalism in Mexico through a case study of central government involvement in the selection and removal of governors in the state of Yucatan. The research address debates regarding the nature of federalism in authoritarian systems and on the dynamics of democratization in a federal context. First, it challenges conventional characterizations of state politicians in authoritarian systems as submissive and lacking autonomy vis-a-vis the centre. Instead, the case demonstrates that regional political bosses can exercise an important constraint on the powers of national-level rulers by requiring that they select governors acceptable to local political elites. A second issue is to what extent national or subnational political change drives transitions from authoritarian rule. Recent literature on the Mexican case has emphasized the impact of state and local democratization on national-level change. In contrast, this study's analysis of reforms in the ...
TL;DR: The impact of the Europeanization process has not diminished the distinctiveness of the Northern Ireland subnational unit nor is it resulting in any significant degree of sub-national homogenization with the EU as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Like all sub-national units of the European Union (EU), Northern Ireland is subject to the ‘Europeanizing’ influences of the EU policy process. This influence became more profound and emphatic in the period after 1999 when powers were devolved to new sub-national political institutions. New institutional structures, evolving formal and informal linkages and changed policy mechanisms, have been subtly influenced by a process of Europeanization. The process, however, has been constrained by the resilience of the community political divide and the sensitivity that surrounds identity in Northern Ireland. The impact of the Europeanization process has not, therefore, diminished the distinctiveness of the Northern Ireland sub-national unit nor is it resulting in any significant degree of sub-national homogenization with the EU.
TL;DR: In this paper, the current and future place of local authorities in the European Union through a comparative study of local authority in Canada is analyzed, and the authors conclude that English local government is unlikely to receive a substantially different formal treaty-basis within the EU as a result of the ongoing constitutional treaty debate.
Abstract: This article analyses the current and future place of local authorities in the European Union through a comparative study of local authorities in Canada. Specifically, the article compares English local government in the EU with the relationship between local government in Ontario and the Canadian federal government. The article concludes that English local government is unlikely to receive a substantially different formal treaty-basis within the EU as a result of the ongoing constitutional treaty debate. The Canadian experience, however, demonstrates the importance of the federal–local relationship, even in the absence of formal constitutional revision. It also indicates that there is acceptance of the necessity of a federal–local relationship as a means of tackling major policy problems facing Canada. Similarly, English local governments will continue to be affected by developments at the EU level and will continue to be involved in attempts to influence policy making at that level. In neither ...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the growth in the number of state regions in Norway in relation to two alternative theoretical perspectives on multi-level governance: a federal perspective and a club theoretical perspective.
Abstract: This article discusses the growth in the number of state regions in Norway in relation to two alternative theoretical perspectives on multi-level governance: a federal perspective and a club theoretical perspective While the multi-functional and federal part of Norwegian regional government has been weakened over recent years, there has been a significant growth in the number of single-purpose regions and where the various regional divisions seem to follow a club theoretical logic Empirical evidence demonstrates that a major justification for this development from federalist to club theoretical principles in the organization of public activities at the regional level is to be found in the professional and the collective nature of the tasks being transferred to this governmental level
TL;DR: The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (CT) strengthened some of the federal features of the future European political order and hence, makes it more appropriate to apply standards of assessment from federal thought as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (CT) strengthens some of the federal features of the future European political order and, hence, makes it more appropriate to apply standards of assessment from federal thought. Stable and legitimate federal political orders require multiple forms of balancing. Many of the changes in the CT are improvements on the Nice Treaty in these regards, and the CT would therefore go some way toward creating a European political order more likely both to merit and facilitate trust and trustworthiness. Such trust is crucial if the institutions are to foster willing support and ‘dual loyalty’ among the citizenry and authorities toward both one's own member state and toward the union as a whole.
TL;DR: The main functions devolved to the transnational parties would seem to be elite networking, identity building and the socialization/induction of new members from enlarg... as mentioned in this paper, which is the main function of the TNP.
Abstract: Multi-level governance has affected political parties as much as other institutions. Created within nation-states as the latter developed democratic structures, they sought to represent the interests of groups deriving from the societal cleavages found everywhere as modernization occurred across Europe. At the same time they developed material bases and interests of their own. To enhance these and to continue representing their core supporters, they have always been ready to move into new arenas, first the sub-national and latterly the EU level. The transnational parties (TNP) created by all political families at this level are vehicles for seeking new influence. But just as national governments have yielded sovereignty only with reluctance, so the national parties that run the TNP have kept for themselves most of the main facets of party activity. The main functions devolved to the TNP would seem to be elite networking, identity building and the socialization/induction of new members from enlarg...
TL;DR: German Landtag elections have usually been classified as moderating or second-order elections (Gaines and Crombez, 2004). Especially when held close to the national mid-term, the federal government...
Abstract: German Landtag elections have usually been classified as moderating or second-order elections (Gaines and Crombez, 2004). Especially when held close to the national mid-term, the federal government...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the theories on the recombining of the European territories (new-regionalism, new-localism), to understand how these logics contribute to a fragmentation of the regional governance.
Abstract: Brittany is a robust exception to the traditional weakness of regional economic associations in France; from the 1990s, regional enterprises tend to organize on the regional scale, in order to pursue productive aims or even exert influence over public institutions. However, these collective actions depend on very different political and economic logics in High and Low Brittany. This configuration thus carries on to examine the theories on the recombining of the European territories (new-regionalism, new-localism), to understand how these logics contribute to a fragmentation of the regional governance.