Showing papers in "Review of Sociology in 1978"

Theories of Social Conflict

Abstract: Conflict results from purposeful interaction among two or more parties in a competitive setting. It refers to overt behavior rather than to potential for action and to subjective states. According to Deutsch (1973:10), "competi­ tion implies an opposition in the goals of . . . interdependent parties such that the probability of goal attainment for one decreases as the probability for the other increases." Whereas a competitive situation might exist with­ out any awareness of it by the parties concerned, according to Boulding (1963:5) conflict "is a situation of competition in which the parties are aware of the incompatibility of potential future positions and in which each party wishes to occupy a position that is incompatible with the wishes of the other." "Social" conflict refers to conflict in which the parties are an aggregate of individuals, such as groups, organizations, communities, and crowds, rather than single individuals, as in role conflict. Group conflict is used as a synonym of social conflict in this essay. Finally, social conflict refers in common usage to interaction in which the means chosen by the parties in pursuit of their goals are likely to inflict damage, harm or injury, but not necessarily in every case. With this small proviso, Coser's definition of social conflict conveys its meaning very well (1967:232): "social conflict [is] a struggle over values or claims to status, power, and scarce resources, in which the aims of the conflict groups are not only to gain the desired values, but also to neutralize. injure, or eliminate rivals. " Social conflict encom­ passes a broad range of social phenomena: class, racial, religious, and communal conflicts; riots, rebellions, revolutions; strikes and civil disorders; marches, demonstrations, protest gatherings, and the like.

Human Spatial Behavior

Abstract: Over a decade ago, sociologists with an interest in the dynamics of inter per­ sonal relations turned their attention toward the spatial setting of human behavior. This was an exciting movement away from the "figure" of individ­ uals and groups to the "ground" of the space in which social activities occur. As Goffman (1963, 1971) began to study the spaces separating groups and actors, new insights into various kinds of social situations were gained. Careful observers of activities in everyday life, such as Garfinkel (1964), found regularities in the ways people used space when interacting and reported that the disturbance of these regularities created difficulties for individuals. In general, new knowledge indicated a relationship between spatial be­ havior and the social order. Hence, those sociologists studying interactions could potentially collect data on the location and movements of individuals to complement the picture of social life that evolved largely from informa­ tion of a verbal nature. It was, however, psychologists such as Sommer (1969), and not sociologists, who took these observations seriously. The general sociological ambivalence toward the spatial dimension of social life has been unfortunate both for the study of spatial behavior and for sociology itself. This is a point that I refer to repeatedly in the text that follows. 'Thanks are rendered to Claude Fischer, Harold Garfinkel, Carol Silvennan, Daniel Stokols, and Ralph Turner for comments on an earlier draft. The preparation of this chapter was supported by a National Institute of Mental Health Postdoctoral Fellowship (USPHS-MH

Status inconsistency and role conflict

Abstract: The idea that a social structure is not necessarily consistent in the demands it imposes on, or in the expectations it generates in, its occupants and the persons who interact with them has served sociology powerfully over a long period of time. This idea is at least implicit, for example, in Marx's analysis of the contradictions in class structure and the dialectic through which these contradictions work themselves out; in Weber's delineation of the multiple principles on which a stratification system can be built; in Sumner's postulate of a strain toward consistency in the elements of culture; in Pareto's treatment of the gap between elite definition and capacity; in Durkheim's vision of the possibilities inherent in the division of labor; in Park's and his students' elaboration of the concept of marginal man; in Thomas' writings on the conflicts of values and attitudes; and in Linton's treatment of the relationships between social system and society. This chapter focuses on two contemporary versions of this basic idea, the concepts of status inconsistency and role conflict, and on their literatures. Our interest is in the consequences of the social structural and normative inconsistencies, contradictions, and conflicts that are the referents of these concepts. The concept of status inconsistency has its origin in a macrostructural orientation to sociology; the concept of role conflict has its origin in a somewhat more microstructural view and in social psychological theoriz-

Urban Density and Pathology

Abstract: In the mid 19708 there was considerable interest in sociology and psy­ chology in urban population density and crowding. The interest centered about the assertion that high density generated social pathologies of several varieties. I refer to this assertion as the density-pathology hypothesis. This hypothesis falls within the purview of urban sociology, relating to some perennial questions and to theory in this field. Both Simmel (1950) and Wirth ( 1938) posited density effects, and their theories have been reconsidered lately. Contemporary urban analysts such as Winsborough (196 1 , 1965), Keyfitz (1966), Milgram ( 1970), and Hawley ( 1972) have also considered density in relation to urbanism. This review examines the density-pathology hypothesis at the community level [leaving the microlevel to reviews by Baldassare in this volume and by Stokols in the Annual Review of Psychology ( 1978)]. It covers the studies of cities, neighborhoods, and other geographical units that sought a rela­ tionship between density and pathology. The review covers theories at this level as well.

The Sick Role: Assessment and Overview

Abstract: Despite the growing criticisms of Parsons' original formulation (Parsons 1951), it is impossible to discuss the sick role without acknowledging his fundamental contribution in helping to bridge the conceptual gap between biological, psychological, cultural, and social processes. Moreover, his for­ mulation of the sick role generated a wide number of diverse studies in the field, as well as several instructive criticisms and reassessments (Gallagher 1976; Wilson & Bloom 1972; Freidson 1972; Twaddle & Hessler 1977; Segall 1976a; Gerson 1976; Twaddle 1969). It must be understood that Parsons (1951) chose to examine the specific subsystem of modern medical practice to illustrate his more abstract functional analysis of the larger social system, and that he was addressing the broader questions of modern­ ization, the role of the professions, and the social control of deviance. Whatever the limitations in his original conceptualization, Parsons essen­ tially was advancing an ideal-type model, the main outlines of which are well known. Briefly, he viewed sickness as a form of deviance, which posed problems for the individual and for the social system. However, a person who plays the sick role has certain privileges and exemptions denied to other types of social deviants. Four institutionalized expectations are pre­ sumed to adhere to the sick role. The occupant is exempted from "normal social role responsibilities, which of course is relative to the nature ami severity of the illness" (Parsons 1951:436). [A number of critics may not have read this qualification carefully.] The sick person is not blamed, and in the case of more serious illnesses, it is understood he cannot improve merely by an act of will or through everyday remedies, but requires care by others. However, the person must regard the state of illness as undesir­ able, must seek competent help, and comply with prescribed health regi-

The Development of Soviet Sociology, 1956-1976

Abstract: On June 19, 1958, a group of prominent Soviet philosophers, economists, and historians met in the Institute of Philosophy, USSR Academy of Sciences, and established the Soviet Sociological Association (SSA). As Soviet sociologists prepare to celebrate the 20th anniversary of their first professional organization, we have an opportunity to review the progress of Soviet sociology as an academic discipline and examine its prospects for future development. The case of Soviet sociology, despite its apparent idiosyncrasies, is a paradigmatic one. It provided a rare opportunity to observe in vivo the evolution of sociology into an academic discipline. It is partly for this reason that it continues to attract so much interest outside the Soviet Union. The first reactions in the West following the emergence of Soviet sociol­ ogy reveal a peculiar mixture of surprise, skepticism, and hope (Labedz 1956, 1963; Brodersen 1957; Roucek 1958; Kassof 1961, 1965; Merton & Riecken 1962; Ahlberg 1964; Feuer 1964). As sociological research contin­ ued to advance in the 1960s, a note of optimism about the future of Soviet sociology could be easily detected (Fischer 1964, 1966, 1967; Weinberg 1964; Allen 1965; Parsons 1965; Kiss 1966; Simirenko 1966, 1969; Vucinich 1968). Among the works of the current decade, probably the most thorough general review of the field available includes a book by Weinberg (1974), an article by Lipset (1973) on Soviet stratification research, and two works by Gouldner (1970) and Simirenko (1973), which present alternative mod­ els of the development of academic sociology in the USSR and the USA. With perhaps two exceptions (ShaHn 1976; Simirenko 1976), recent works deal with the past and largely neglect the organizational and theoreti­ cal developments of Soviet sociology in the last few years. Yet there is good reason to believe that the events of the current decade have been crucial for

Radical Sociology: The Emergence of Neo-Marxian Perspectives in US Sociology

Abstract: A radical sociology takes as its goal human emancipation. By human eman­ cipation we mean a condition in which each person has the chance to participate consciously in the formulation and direction of the social orga­ nization affecting him or her-and thereby has the chance to maximize his or her potentialities. In a liberated society each person would be able to freely undertake a range of activities that would be self-expressing and fulfilling, while simultaneously contributing directly and intelligibly to the projects and plans that make social life possible. We therefore understand radical sociology to be a contemporary version of that long line of social thought that assumes the "infinite perfectibility" of humanity, that starts from the premise that "the root is man." But the starting point of a radical sociology is not simply a humanistic faith or a utopian vision; the virtue of a sociology as a feature of the struggle for emancipation is that it sets as its goal the development of knowledge as a means of emancipation. What kind of knowledge is emancipatory? Most fundamentally, it is knowledge that helps persons locate their experiences, discontents, and troubles as aspects of processes that are subject to human

Recent Trends in American Historical Demography: Some Methodological and Conceptual Considerations

Abstract: There is an increased interest in the role of demographic factors in American development. During the last 15 years, scholars from a variety of disciplines have explored the impact of demographic changes on American society in the past. A collection of 26 of the major articles from diverse journals has just been published (Vinovskis 1978c). Whereas most of the demographic studies of colonial America have been done by historians, the demographic analysis of nineteenth century America has been carried out to a large extent by demographers and economists. While studies of colonial demography have relied very heavily on reconstituting families from the vital records, those of nineteenth century America usually have been based on the federal censuses. Finally, scholars ofcolonial history tend to be less well trained in statistics and demography than their counterparts in nineteenth century demographic history. This essay does not analyze or even mention most of the work in American historical demography, rather it suggests some of the major issues and problems of this field. In the section on colonial demographic history, I emphasize some of the methodological and conceptual problems of the current studies, since most scholars have accepted these efforts rather uncritically. In the discussion of nineteenth century demographic history, I analyze the works on fertility and mortality patterns and trends in the antebellum period.

The social organization of the classroom

Abstract: During the past decade, interest in the classroom as a social organization has gained impetus from several developments in the sociology of educa­ tion. A general shift toward interactionist approaches has led to increased attention to the microlevel of the school-although the theoretical stimuli have been diverse, ranging from functionalism through organization theory to ecological, ethological, and phenomenological perspectives. Another impetus to renewed interest in the classroom has come from the failure, despite concerted efforts during the 1960s and early 1970s, to estab­ lish substantial, meaningful "effects" of schools on student achievement. The ambiguous results of several large-scale surveys led some critics to question whether any research focusing on input and output at the level of the school as a whole was likely to identify the most important variables and processes explaining student success and failure. It has been proposed alternatively that: "What transpires in the classroom is likely, on a priori grounds alone, to be a more salient unit than the school in cognitive devel­ opment" (Richer 1975:388. Some research conducted during the 1960s had already demonstrated differential performance of students in different class­ rooms within the same school. McPartland 1967; Goldberg, Passow & Justman 1966). Sociological research on the classroom has also received impetus from an unconventional source-i.e. from radical critics like Holt, Kohl, Kozol, Herndon, and Dennison, who are not sociologists and who are in fact quite hostile to the social science as well as the educational "establishment."

MORAL ORDER AND SOCIOLOGY OF LAW: Trends, Problems; and Prospects

Abstract: ic societies of the western world, moral order is always problematic. Unlike the traditional Japanese, we cannot simply draw from our cultural history an integrated normative system, complete with detailed specifications of the nature of our mutual obligations. We have declined, in the alternative, to depend on a dominant authority-a charis­ matic leader, a single hierarchical party, or the military-to tell us how we should behave. We tend instead to keep our moral order flexible and instru­ mental, emphasizing individual liberty and promoting social change. Our norms, legal and nonlegal, tend to be diverse and casually related to each other, far from constituting a rational moral order, either formally or substantively.

Laboratory Experimentation in Sociology

Abstract: Laboratory experimentation is the principal method used in the interdisci­ plinary field of social psychology. Our criterion for this chapter was to choose topics in which most of the work had been done by sociologists. There are already good reviews by psychologists of their experimental research in the volumes by L. Berkowitz, Advances in Experimental Social Psychology. This means that we excluded many topics of interest to sociolo­ gists, such as attribution theory, bargaining and negotiation, ·coalitions, and interpersonal attraction. Our second criterion was that the work seem promising and interesting to us. We decided to emphasize detailed coverage of the topics chosen rather than comprehensivenes s. Expectation state theory is the largest single area of experimental social psychology outside of psychology. The Camilleri-Berger decision model is an interesting offshoot that has been applied to other phenomena. Issues first raised by Robert F. Bales and his co-workers, principally on the form of the distribution of participation in groups and role diff erentiation, remain very much alive. Behavioral sociology, the attempt to reduce sociological phenomena to principles of operant conditioning, was championed by R. Emerson and G. Romans and continues both to inspire research and to be a philosophical challenge. Coleman's

Changing patterns in research on the third world

Abstract: There is a virtual consensus among scholars in the field that the study of the new nations has reached a state of acute crisis, a crisis that has affected careers, attitudes, syllabuses, and publications. After reaching a peak in the mid 196Os, the volume of publications tapered off, and, with a few excep­ tions, the quality suffered. The hope such literature once contained for helping the Third World slowly ebbed away. While the early theoretical perspective, sensing a loss of persuasiveness, retreated, new theoretical perspectives moved in from a position of marginality to fill in the gaps. But the field currently does not have a compelling paradigm that will structure study and endow enough coherence for research to proceed in a confident and a cumulative manner. However, the time may be right for an evalu­ ation. The purpose of this paper is to review the literature on the Third World and to discuss the basic theoretical, methodological, and substantive problems. Contrary to widely held assumptions that Third World literature divides into a liberal approach and a radical school, I argue the existence not of two but four approaches to development: the liberal, historicist, managerial, and neo-Marxist. Without discounting significant differences due to ideological preferences and professional inclinations, it is important to look at these approaches as the constantly adjusting responses of the scientific community, or parts of it, to the constantly changing real world. The processes of state formation and national development in the Third World present a distinctive historical moment of human development re­ quiring as much historical sensitivity and empathy as the processes of reformation, the emergence of the nation-state, and the industrial revolu­ tion of Europe. In the past as in the future, the crucial divide will be between