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Showing papers in "Rhetoric and public affairs in 2015"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine Ronald Reagan's first inaugural address and present a broad ideological worldview that prescribed a very limited role for government as the solution to the economic crisis, and a powerful narration of that worldview in the form of an individualist story of the American Dream.
Abstract: This essay examines Ronald Reagan’s first inaugural address. In this speech, Reagan used a strategy of “ultimate definition,” consisting of three components. First, the inaugural articulated a broad ideological worldview that prescribed a very limited role for government as the solution to the economic crisis. Second, it appealed to a value system that co-opted the progressive values of contemporary liberalism. Finally, it contained a powerful narration of that worldview in the form of an individualist story of the American Dream.

23 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that memories of civil rights movements are mapped spatially and rhetorically to depict correlations among Jim Crow contexts and acts of black resistance, and that place, violence and masculinity animate a relationship between exigency and response, producing a gendered landscape of memory that limits at the outset the conditions and possibilities for women's emergence.
Abstract: Although scholars recognize the importance of recovery projects that aim to recenter women’s roles in black freedom struggles, when it comes to these memory practices, the “woman problem” of civil rights memory is more acknowledged than understood. This essay argues that memories of civil rights movements are mapped spatially and rhetorically to depict correlations among Jim Crow contexts and acts of black resistance. The relationship among these spatial and rhetorical configurations is termed the “rhetorical geography of memory.” Through an account of the rhetorical geography of memory of the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute, this essay posits that place, violence, and masculinity animate a relationship between exigency and response, producing a gendered landscape of memory that limits at the outset the conditions and possibilities for women’s emergence.

23 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors reveal how American Indian permission for mascots can be seen as upholding rather than challenging the system of colonialism through a form of self-colonization.
Abstract: In 2005 the National Collegiate Athletic Association banned the use of American Indian symbols such as mascots, nicknames, and imagery in post-season sporting events. However, several universities successfully appealed this decision by demonstrating permission from eponymous American Indian nations. The focus of this essay is on the rhetorical implications of this permission argument within American Indian rhetoric about American Indian mascots, nicknames, and imagery. Drawing from the lens of rhetorical colonialism and an examination of the University of Utah Utes, I reveal how American Indian permission for mascots can be seen as upholding rather than challenging the system of colonialism through a form of self-colonization.

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Undeserving Professor critique as mentioned in this paper encourages a neoliberal reinvention of higher education, by constructing symbolic representations that align with preexisting public vocabularies and socially shared orientations reflected in images of the Deserving and Uneserving Poor.
Abstract: The perceived social value of higher education in the United States and the political will to fund it represents a fascinating paradox. This article explores one way that paradox is reconciled. I look closely at the emergence of a specific educational critique in the discourse of the Texas Public Policy Foundation. The critique encourages a neoliberal reinvention of higher education. It does so by constructing symbolic representations that align with preexisting public vocabularies and socially shared orientations reflected in images of the Deserving and Undeserving Poor. By illuminating the discursive techniques by which these representations construct an image of what I call the Undeserving Professor, the critique offers significant theoretical and political insights into an underexplored area of rhetoric, neoliberalism, and public affairs.

17 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the speech as a deictic epideictic address, or a speech in which the rhetor uses the physical place, the immediate scene/setting, and the assembled audience as evidence to commemorate the past and chart a clear course for the future.
Abstract: President Ronald Reagan’s June 6, 1984, “Address on the 40th Anniversary of D-Day” is one of his most celebrated speeches, and yet no critical assessment of the address exists in rhetorical scholarship. In this article, I examine this speech as a deictic epideictic address, or a speech in which the rhetor uses the physical place, the immediate scene/setting, and the assembled audience as evidence to commemorate the past and chart a clear course for the future. Through this analysis, I argue that Reagan’s speech at Pointe du Hoc is exemplary because it relies on rhetorical vision and deixis to connect a past moment to the present, and in so doing, invites the audience to participate in the discourse emotionally, mentally, and even physically. I conclude by suggesting that a deictic approach to rhetorical criticism offers scholars a vocabulary to describe how speakers can “point” or refer to the physical and material elements of a speech setting as evidence for their argument.

16 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The National Institute for Civil Discourse (NICD) as mentioned in this paper was founded by the presidents of the United States and the University of Arizona after the shooting of Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and 18 others.
Abstract: In the aftermath of the shooting of Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and 18 others in January 2011—a shooting that left six people dead— the University of Arizona established a new National Institute for Civil Discourse dedicated to research, education, and public outreach on the issue of “civility in public discourse.” With much fanfare, the two honorary cochairs of the Institute, Bill Clinton and George H. W. Bush, joined with other politicians, academics, and philanthropists in declaring that the time had come for a serious yet civil debate about guns in America. “Our country needs a setting for political debate that is both frank and civil,” Bush said in a statement announcing the creation of the Institute. Similarly, Clinton hoped that the new Institute might “elevate the tone of dialogue in our country,” leading to more productive deliberations on polarizing issues like gun violence. There has been plenty of incivility on both sides of the gun debate, of course, and “uncivil” or inflammatory rhetoric has been blamed for at least some of the gun violence in America. Yet the impasse over guns in America is rooted in more than a lack of civility. The problems are more broadly deliberative in nature—a failure of rhetorical leadership on the part of our elected leaders; propaganda and demagoguery by well-funded special interests; a culture of journalistic malpractice that privileges the polarized ex-

15 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the economic narratives circulating in American democracy actually construct a tale of two economies, a tangible economy and a speculative economy, and that Mitt Romney's Bain Capital narrative placed him on the wrong side of this economic divide.
Abstract: At the outset of the 2012 presidential race, Republican candidate Mitt Romney touted his private sector leadership of the private equity firmBainCapital. As this election unfolded, Romney’s Bain Capital story became less of a narrative he could run on and more of a narrative he had to run from. Why did this Bain Capital story, a story about someone’s success in the freemarketplace in a society that seemingly values such success, become so troubling for the Romney campaign?This question constitutes the centerpiece of the present essay. Inaddressing this question, we argue that the Bain Capital narrative’s role in the 2012 presidential race divulges a great deal about the fundamental nature of economic discourse in American democracy. Specifically, we contend that the economic narratives circulating in American democracy actually construct a tale of two economies—a tangible economy and a speculative economy. Unfortunately for Romney, his Bain Capital narrative situated him on the wrong side of this economic divide.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined an early alternative to polling, Mass-Observation (M-O), that dramatically reported on the nuances, contradictions, and passions of public opinion during some of the most extraordinary times in British history.
Abstract: This essay examines an early alternative to polling, Mass-Observation (M-O), that dramatically reported on the nuances, contradictions, and passions of public opinion during some of the most extraordinary times in British history. Between the Abdication Crisis of 1937 and the start of World War II, M-O’s combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, along with its emphasis on the cultural context of public opinion, produced a richer, more textured, and more deliberative rhetoric of public opinion than the Gallup poll’s survey techniques. In the process, M-O foreshadowed many of today’s scholarly trends, including the reflexive turn in social research, increased skepticism about the knowledge claims of science, and the emergence of more public scholarship.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: On June 10, 2014, Hoffman was shot and killed in a gym locker room and a teacher was wounded in a Troutdale, Oregon school, and the shooter killed himself after a shootout with police.
Abstract: On June 10, 2014, Emilio Hoffman was shot and killed in a gym locker room and a teacher was wounded in a Troutdale, Oregon school. The shooter killed himself after a shootout with police. Two days earlier, a couple shot two police officers at point blank range in a restaurant, covered one of them with a Gadsden flag and a swastika, and then later killed an armed civilian who tried to stop them in a Walmart. They died by their own hands. On June 5, 2014, a gunman at Seattle Pacific University shot one student and injured two others before being stopped with pepper spray and disarmed by a student. This came on the heels of another shooting in May in Isla Vista, California, where a man stabbed his three roommates to death, shot and killed three others, and injured 13 others—eight by gunshot and four by hitting them with his car. He died by his own hand. Similar incidents have received widespread attention: Newtown, Connecticut; Virginia Tech; and Fort Hood stand out in recent memory because of their coverage by the mass media. However, these events represent only a small fraction of gun violence in the United States. The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence reports that “on average, 32 Americans are murdered with guns every day and 140 are treated for a gun assault in an emergency room.” As was the case in the killings at ThurstonHigh School, ColumbineHigh School, and Virginia Tech, many expected stronger gun control legislation

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the moral, philosophical, and rhetorical choices made in Barack Obama's 2009 Nobel lecture are best understood as an articulation of Reinhold Niebuhr's rhetoric of Christian Realism.
Abstract: This essay continues the ongoing discussion Robert Terrill began and Joshua Reeves and Matthew May joined regarding the moral, philosophical, and rhetorical choices made in Barack Obama’s 2009 Nobel lecture. We argue that Obama’s address is best understood as an articulation of Reinhold Niebuhr’s rhetoric of Christian Realism—Obama wrote the lecture himself and prepared for it by studying the influential theologian’s works. Importantly, Obama is not the first rhetor to use the moral and political thought of Niebuhr to situate his or her public address; the list includes Martin Luther King Jr., Saul Alinsky, Jimmy Carter, John McCain, and Hillary Clinton. Yet Niebuhr’s vocabulary remains largely unstudied by public address scholars and rhetorical theorists. We argue that criticizing the moral and political judgments made in Obama’s address by the Niebuhrian standards the president sets for it provides an alternative method by which to evaluate the speech’s successes and failures. In so doing, we also provide the field of public address with its first account of the rhetorical possibilities and limitations of Reinhold Niebuhr’s work, specifically his vision of a “spiritualized-technician”—a rhetor who speaks the language of realism, idealism, and irony, to expand an audience’s moral imagination.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the 2008 election reveals a contested piety in the midst of transition, and that this transition points in a relatively well-defined direction for American civil-religious culture, drawing on recent literature in the area of practical piety, and they read the speeches as evidence that civic piety may be more than a subordinating, pragmatic agreement between church and state.
Abstract: In 2008, two of the leading presidential candidates emerged from controversial, outsider religious groups—Mormonism and the black church tradition. Dogged by ongoing questions from the media, each candidate produced a high-profile public address. In this article, I argue that Mitt Romney’s “Faith in America” and Barack Obama’s “A More Perfect Union” craft competing visions for American civic piety. Drawing on recent literature in the area of practical piety, I read the speeches as evidence that civic piety may be more than a subordinating, pragmatic agreement between church and state. It may instead be read as a spiritually substantive space of cultural identity formation. I further conclude that the 2008 election reveals a contested piety in the midst of transition, and that this transition points in a relatively well-defined direction for American civil-religious culture.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Pasquino was the name of a curmudgeon who earned a reputation among the popolo for circulating satirical barbs about the colloquy and conduct of politico-religious officials.
Abstract: In Renaissance Rome, Pasquino was the name of a curmudgeon who earned a reputation among the popolo for circulating satirical barbs about the colloquy and conduct of politico-religious officials. Commemorated and conserved in a statue that remains his namesake, Pasquino became a figure for the civic ritual of bodying forth unease with and distaste for corrupt Italian politics. Pasquinades, or anonymous squibs posted on and around the statue, represent a tradition of transgression in and on public statuary in Italy. This essay examines the age-old Roman practice of defacing so-called “talking statues” according to its communalization of oppositional politics that both defy and defile the symbols and mainstays of public space. Specifically, I approach Pasquino as a rhetorical body and the pasquinades as bodying forth tactile, visual, and verbal inscriptions of disgust. Pasquino is monumental because he evokes popular opinion and political activity by capturing satiric commentaries on Italian public culture. Ultimately, I argue that the statuary satire of Pasquino provides a traditional space of rhetorical performance through which the iterative contours of ridicule survive in “living” symbols of resistance.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that when megachurch pastors speak about economic issues, they deploy language and arguments that emphasize American economic providence and the need for individuals to take personal responsibility for financial outcomes, premises that afforded pastors the discursive space necessary for making claims about the superiority of private charity over public welfare.
Abstract: Jesus often spoke about the Christian obligation to provide for the poor. Yet, public opinion polls and scholarly studies consistently find that conservative Protestant voters favor economic policies of low taxes, limited state spending on welfare, and personal responsibility for financial success. This study uses evangelical sermons as a means for analyzing how conservative economic discourse, defined as a preference for limited government interference in market activities, proliferated inside American megachurches over four years following the 2008 recession. It also examines how pastors of large congregations rhetorically justified support for policies that scholars have shown work against the economic interests of middle-class and poor citizens alike. The study found that when megachurch pastors speak about economic issues, they deploy language and arguments that emphasize American economic providence and the need for individuals to take personal responsibility for financial outcomes, premises that afforded pastors the discursive space necessary for making claims about the superiority of private charity over public welfare. These findings suggest that, contrary to arguments that situate the public discourse of conservative Protestants as being mostly about social issues, there is inside evangelicalism a robust conversation about financial questions. This economic discourse is strikingly similar to that of nonreligious conservatives in the United States, a confluence that works to create a rhetorical resonance among the base constituencies inside the Republican Party and so fortify its ideological appeal and strength.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors investigates the anti-democratic rhetoric of The Federalist and argues that the body politic is always already a threat to itself and frames the role of governance as the management of the emergence of those threats.
Abstract: This essay investigates the anti-democratic rhetoric of The Federalist . In The Federalist , politics is imagined via the medical logics of the eighteenth century. For Publius, democracy is an incitement to factions and incubator of disease because it requires citizens to gather in deliberative “public bodies.” In describing democratic “disease,” The Federalist claims that the body politic is always already a threat to itself and frames the role of governance as the management of the emergence of those threats. In so doing, The Federalist forwards an early American rhetoric of misodemia—the hatred of democracy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a method to capture the Madness of Oral Arguments and the Many Faces of Oral Argument: Oral Argument's Purposes and the Justices' Styles.
Abstract: 1. A Letter to the Chief Justice of the United States 2. Historical Development of Legal Rhetoric and Supreme Court Oral Arguments 3. Do Oral Arguments before the Supreme Court Matter? A Simple Explanation 4. New Question: Oral Arguments "Matter," But How Do We Make Sense of Them? A Modest Proposal 5. Critical Theories and Research Questions: Proposing a Method to Capture the Madness of Oral Arguments 6. The Many Faces of Oral Argument: Oral Argument's Purposes and the Justices' Styles 7. Arguing about "Bong Hits 4 Jesus' Testing Theory and Method in Morse v. Frederick 8. Making Sense of Child Rapists in Kennedy v. Louisiana: A Firsthand Observation 9. Historical Repercussions of Judicial Sensemaking: District of Columbia v. Dick Anthony Heller 10. The Ground Covered and New Ground to Uncover: Responding to Critics, Offering Recommendations, and a Final Letter to the Chief Justice 11. Biased Sensemaking: Compromising the Court's Rhetorical Authority

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that Ellison's editorial signified more than just a meditation on wartime political strategies; it also marked the articulation of black community, arguing that the text grounded black community in the enactment of self-conscious doubleness.
Abstract: This essay analyzes Ralph Ellison’s 1943 “Editorial Comment” from the Negro Quarterly . In the editorial, Ellison highlighted the shortcomings of black America’s attitudinal responses to World War II; as a corrective, he offered “critical participation,” which entailed supporting U.S. and Allied principles while remaining vigilant against white supremacy. I argue that Ellison’s editorial signified more than just a meditation on wartime political strategies; it also marked the articulation of black community. Through a close reading of Ellison’s editorial, I contend that the text grounded black community in the enactment of self-conscious doubleness. Ellison’s appeal to self-conscious doubleness contributed to African American intellectual culture in that it outlined an innovative way for navigating the constraints of “double consciousness.” Rather than regarding doubleness as indicative of a static identity, Ellison engaged it as a source of dynamic rhetorical possibility.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that a maturing person may begin to realize that their demands for various things may not or cannot be satisfiable by getting those things, that there is something extra or impossible about the things that have more to do with the Other they represent than the things themselves.
Abstract: As Sigmund Freud said of religion, the condition of rhetoric is an original helplessness. Incapable of meeting its needs alone, the infant’s yelps pierce “a synchronic world of cries” already arranged in a symbolic order, enabling a caregiver to assign meaning and, in effect, to speak for the babe (“Herman is hungry!”). Jacques Lacan argued that the cries of helplessness signal the emergence of the demand, originally a request to satisfy a need but, as one learns to speak, eventually a plea for recognition too. Once one is a subject of language, this means that within every manifest demand—however reasonable (“can I have some water, please?”), unreasonable (“make it stop raining!”), or silly (“I can haz cheezburger?”)—is a latent demand for recognition (“love me!”). In this way, a maturing person may begin to realize that her demands for various things may not or cannot be satisfıed by getting those things, that there is something extra or impossible about the things that have more to do with the Other they represent than the things themselves. This excessive dimension beyond the object of the demand is the domain of “desire,” and a lot of us have trouble speaking about it because doing so means we have to give up on the fantasy of a love that would make us whole. Realizing the truth of one’s

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Schlafly and her colleagues were able to prevent the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s as discussed by the authors, arguing that traditional gender roles were freeing to women, ensuring their rights, while "liberation" could lead only to bondage.
Abstract: This article considers the rhetoric of Phyllis Schlafly and her STOP ERA movement. Despite the early success and broad popularity of the Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s, Schlafly and her colleagues were able to prevent its ratification. In their many clashes with proponents of the women’s liberation movement, these traditionalist women successfully appropriated and redeployed an ideographic argument that had been the province of their foes. Specifically, Schlafly claimed that traditional gender roles were freeing to women, ensuring their rights, while “liberation” could lead only to bondage. Drawing on the work of philosopher Isaiah Berlin, I argue that Schlafly’s upbeat, “positive” campaign advanced a “positive” conception of freedom against the “negative” freedom proposed by second-wave feminists. The success of this effort demonstrates the utility of such arguments, especially in a nation that values freedom as both opportunity and exercise. I close by suggesting that Schlafly’s rhetorical strategy has been embraced by subsequent conservative “culture war” movements, ensuring her legacy into the new millennium.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: See the man: the man of the daguerreotype, the gelatin silver print, the photograph, the deep hollows of his eyes therein, see the man who in life is already a ghost, haunted by the dead, by his dead son, and by those sacrifıced “upon the altar of Freedom”, as he haunts the corridors of power deep into the night, waking sleepers to save prisoners slated for execution, to forgive them, to pardon and redeem them.
Abstract: See the man. See him as icon, as allegory, as fetish: see the slightly matted hair, the lanky fıgure seeming to loom over his fellows, the long face framed by gas-lit shadows, the slender limbs articulating so purposefully, the plain suit suited more for publican than president. See the man: the man of the daguerreotype, the gelatin silver print, the photograph, the deep hollows of his eyes therein. See the man who in life is already a ghost, haunted by the dead—by his dead son, and by those sacrifıced “upon the altar of Freedom”—as he haunts the corridors of power deep into the night, waking sleepers to save prisoners slated for execution—to forgive them, to pardon and redeem them. This is how the fılm gives us to see him. Hear the man. Hear his voice, reedy but warm as they said it was. Hearken to his words. Hear in them the archetypal political vernacular of modern American democracy—an earnest rhetorical agglomerate infused with the rhythms, allusions, and reckonings of biblical aphorisms, Aesop’s fables, Pilgrim’s Progress, Shakespearean soliloquies orated in Western accents, and the diluted wisdom of George, Thomas, Daniel, and Henry. Hear in his words the nation as a parable, the Union as a chorus, its Civil War as the “mighty scourge” that God willed to render judgment on “the bondsman’s two hundred and fıfty years of unrequited toil.” This is how the fılm gives us to hear him, thus to know him. Let us contemplate the discursive combination—piece of machinery, so to speak—of which the fılm is a consummate embodiment. Let us consider

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors situate Spielberg's epic fılm within two contexts, one historical and one generic: the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. and the Lincoln genre in Hollywood serve as spatial and temporal frames through which Lincoln is viewed.
Abstract: Tony Kushner’s Lincoln script was based in part on Team of Rivals, the Doris Kearns Goodwin biography that demonstrates that Lincoln, the man, may be best understood in relation to those who surrounded him. One might say the same about Lincoln, the movie. Accordingly, this essay situates Spielberg’s epic fılm within two contexts, one historical and one generic. The Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. and the Lincoln genre in Hollywood serve as spatial and temporal frames through which Lincoln is viewed. Read against the design of the Memorial and the tradition of the genre, Spielberg’s Lincoln is revealed as an important moment in the centuries-long evolution of Lincoln’s image as both savior and emancipator. When the United States decided to create a memorial for Abraham Lincoln, the U.S. Senate knew just what to do: pave a 72-mile road from Gettysburg to Washington, D.C. and name it after the 16th president. Fortunately, the House of Representatives put the brakes on the Lincoln Highway, and after several failed proposals, including one that called for the construction of a log-cabin-inspired shrine, the Lincoln Memorial as we know it was erected on a remote and swampy plot at the west end of the National Mall. John Hay, Lincoln’s secretary, put into words what architect Henry Bacon and sculptor Daniel Chester French were about to say with stone. “Lincoln was of the immortals. You must not approach too close to the immortals. His monument should stand alone, remote from the common

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gronbeck as discussed by the authors was a scholar-teacher at the University of Iowa who was one of the pioneers of the use of rhetorical criticism in the discipline of English literature. But his career was marked by the sixties, a period in which a full measure of anxiety about the discipline from which it defected in the 1910s, English, and by extension American Literature, as well as with a desire to escape identifiability with the declining American Literature.
Abstract: The passing of our good friend and University of Iowa colleague Bruce Gronbeck affords us an occasion to look back at his career as a scholar and mentor. We do so in the spirit of rhetorical criticism itself. We recount his response to the rhetorical situations in which he found himself as a scholar-teacher. The name for the fırst of those situations is “the sixties.” Bruce was schooled in what he came to think of as a fuddy-duddy approach to public address. He was expected to view rhetorical studies as commentary on a corpus of American speeches modeled on, or in cases like Abraham Lincoln’s departing from, an even weightier corpus of mostly eighteenthcentury British parliamentary texts: Charles James Fox, William Pitt the Younger, and, on a good day, Edmund Burke. Commentary was to be guided by a no less constrained canon of rhetorical theorists: Aristotle (or rather Neo-Aristotle), Cicero, Hugh Blair, George Campbell, Richard Whately, and, on another good day, John Quincy Adams, who in 1810 lectured to “senior and junior sophisters in Harvard University” on the importance of the practice of public speaking in a democratic republic. Rhetorical studies as a twentieth-century academic discipline in the United States was born with a full measure of anxiety about the discipline from which it defected in the 1910s, English, and by extension American Literature, as well as with a desire to escape identifıcation with the declining

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, in the movie "Lionel Volk's hands" as discussed by the authors, the sculptor used a life-mask to preserve Abraham Lincoln's face and hands, which were later used by the actor Daniel Day-Lewis for the role of Emancipation Proclamation.
Abstract: Sculptor Leonard Volk, perhaps best remembered for his preserving Abraham Lincoln’s face in life-mask, himself remembered best in an 1881 Century Magazine article a touching encounter with the future president. More than two decades earlier, in the immediate afterglow of Lincoln’s May 1860 nomination for the presidency, Volk, who happened to be in Springfield, visited Mr. Lincoln’s house. “I exclaimed, ‘I am the first man from Chicago, I believe, who has the honor of congratulating you . . . ’ Then those two great hands took both of mine with a grasp never to be forgotten. I thought my hands were in a fair way of being crushed.” Just days later, Volk would for posterity cast the mold of Mr. Lincoln’s hands, one swollen from the campaign reach that had placed the presidency within his grasp. While watching Lincoln again in November 2013 (an experience all the more meaningful during the 150th anniversary year of Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and Gettysburg Address), this time with my undergraduate seminar students after twomonths of deeply considering together Lincoln as Emancipator, then and now, I was critically preoccupied by absence when taken by surprise in noticing for the first time the presence of Lincoln’s queer hands. In Daniel Day-Lewis’s masterful performance— verisimilitudinous, visceral, enchanting—Lincoln’s hands convey much and perhaps intimate even more. There are haptic inflections in his various

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TL;DR: For instance, in this paper, a portrait of Abraham Lincoln is depicted as a man in battle with himself, a battle that played out in his family relations and presidential actions, as well as his family man and the president.
Abstract: Abraham Lincoln’s law partner and biographer, William H. Herndon, once wrote that Lincoln had a “double” and even a “treble consciousness,” making him a most “mysterious” and “incomprehensible man.” In explaining the source of this mystery, Joshua Shenk offers “that Lincoln joined qualities that, though we well understand that they exist separately, confound us when united.” Exploring the mystery of Lincoln has occupied the attention of Lincoln acquaintances and scholars across the ages. Coming to terms with the mysterious Lincoln continues in Steven Spielberg’s 2012 feature fılm, Lincoln. Therein, Spielberg depicts this double consciousness of Lincoln the family man and Lincoln the president. Spielberg’s portrait of Lincoln—like many biographers past and present—sketches a Lincoln in battle with himself—a battle that played out in his family relations and presidential actions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The last telephone conversation with Bruce took place in June of 2014 as he was recovering from the ravaging consequences of a systemic infection as discussed by the authors, and he was characteristically cheerful and optimistic about traveling to Iowa City in October for the celebration of his life's work and his lecture on Jacob Riis.
Abstract: My last telephone conversation with Bruce took place in June of 2014 as he was recovering from the ravaging consequences of a systemic infection. I had some diffıculty understanding Bruce during that conversation because his jaw muscles had deteriorated during his illness. Yet, he was characteristically cheerful and optimistic about traveling to Iowa City in October for the celebration of his life’s work and his lecture on Jacob Riis. He chatted amiably about his book project on Riis and his frustrations with delays in completing the work. The only concession he made to his weakened condition was his new travel arrangement: “I won’t be going anywhere without Wendy, anymore.” Later that summer, he emailed me to say that he and Wendy had purchased their airline tickets for the 2014 National Communication Association convention in Chicago; we arranged to have dinner on November 21. I entered the date in my calendar and considered it a promissory note that Bruce was going to recover from his near-death experience. I relaxed my vigil. And then he was gone. I fırst met Bruce in June of 1981 when I traveled from Alabama to Iowa City as a newly admitted doctoral student to fınd housing and to acquaint myself with the teaching faculty of the rhetorical studies program. Planning to demonstrate my respect for the occasion, I dressed carefully, much as I would have done for a church service in the Deep South. I recall the homemade beige linen frock and maroon platform heels. Carol Schrage, the venerable departmental secretary, welcomed me to the program and sent me to Bruce’s offıce. On my way there, I passed by an offıce where a heavyset

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TL;DR: The call to seek an end-cast of anti-Semitism's roots and continued reifcation of the deep firmament of centuries-old doctrinal religious rationale is discussed in this article.
Abstract: also confınes its aim(s). Kiewe points, for example, to the “secular” Nazi who then invokes religion as the seed of Jew hatred, “substantiating again the premise that anti-Semitism is inherently religious at its core” (26). Rhetorically, this may be true: the Nazi political maelstrom may compel a cavalier invocation of anti-Semitism’s rationale, religious or not. Operationally, though, the politics of anti-Semitism invokes social, economic, political, and cultural drives that point to nonreligious causes and motivations such as a community’s distribution of wealth and its urban geographiesofspatialrelations.Thecall toseekanendcastsits lotinanti-Semitism’s roots and continued reifıcation of the deep fırmament of centuries-old doctrinal religious rationale. The fınal chapter, thin when compared with the 12 preceding it, woulddowell tomorefullyexplorecontemporaryandrhetoricallyproductiveways to mitigate these patterns. Burke noted that relativism occurs “by the fragmentation of either drama or dialectic, . . . And in relativism there is no irony” (Grammar of Motives 512). By isolating the religious agent in the drama of anti-Semitic narrative, Kiewe offers us a useful and at times provocative look back at a long history of hateful rhetoric. But given this long history, I would hope for more to consider for the future. With more attention to more resources of criticism, such as postmodern influences on rhetorical theory, the nuances of contemporary secular influences of capital and culture, and closer editing in terms of citation and context, this study could build on the closing entreaty for Burkean catharsis and postulate more inventive, creative, and regenerative modes of rhetorical critique.

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TL;DR: In the film Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln is portrayed at the head of a small column of soldiers and smoke encircles the small group, giving the devastation a sense of immediacy, as if the echo of cannon fire only just had ceased as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Toward the end of the film Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln is portrayed at the head of a small column of soldiers. An accompanying subtitle informs the audience that the president is on a battlefield just outside of Petersburg, Virginia on April 3, 1865. In the scene, Lincoln and the men behind him guide their horses carefully among the destroyed bodies of Union and Confederate soldiers. Smoke encircles the small group, giving the devastation a sense of immediacy, as if the echo of cannon fire only just had ceased. Mounds of earth and uniformed bodies are jumbled together with wagon wheels and overturned artillery. The images are not just somber; they induce a sense of horror. Historians maintain that the nine-month siege of Petersburg concluded with a Union victory, but the death that pervades this scene in Lincoln leaves no room for glory or honor. Following the climatic and celebratory moment when the Thirteenth Amendment passes the House of Representatives, the scene at Petersburg seems to undermine the film’s explicit lesson that the constitutional amendment would not only hasten the war’s end, it also would ensure the end of oppression. Lincoln’s face is gaunt as he surveys the carnage, and although Petersburg is but one location, the movie communicates to modern audiences that the president’s thoughts have drifted to the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The life of an academic is defined by the seasons each person goes through, from the spring of youth to the summer of hard work, achievement, and recognition; through the fall of goal achievement, security, and satisfaction; to the winter of slowing down, wrapping things up, and, eventually, retirement.
Abstract: The life of an academic is defıned, in part, by the seasons each person goes through, from the spring of youth, with graduate school, dissertation, and job search; to the summer of hard work, achievement, and recognition; through the fall of goal achievement, security, and satisfaction; to the winter of slowing down, wrapping things up, and, eventually, retirement. I’m reminded of this seasonal metaphor when I think of Bruce Gronbeck. For me, he was truly the man for all seasons. I fırst met Bruce in the spring of my youth. I was 22 years old and an M.A. student at Northern Illinois University (NIU). As it happened, it was also the spring of 1975, and Gronbeck was on a lecture tour of the Midwest. I remember his talk well, both because it was on the topic I was then studying in graduate school—fılm—and because he was a friend and former teacher of my M.A. advisor, Jack Wellman. Jack had told me stories about his time at Michigan and the rhetoric course he had been required to take—a course taught by Bruce Gronbeck. Wellman had been an advisee of the famous media scholar Edgar Willis, and rhetoric was about the last subject he wanted to study. But it was a requirement, so Jack took the course. And like everyone else, he came to love Bruce, though his interest in rhetoric was short-lived. Jack gave me all of his notes and handouts from Speech 611, the course he took from Bruce, the very next year. I have them still. Bruce’s lecture on that cold Midwestern day 40 years ago was on genres of documentary fılm. He would later revise and publish the paper as a chapter in Form and Genre: Shaping Rhetorical Action (1978), edited by

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The use of slave photographs in the film "The Birth of the Thirteenth Amendment" as discussed by the authors highlights the importance of images of slaves in the story of the passage of the 13th Amendment.
Abstract: n interviews, Lincoln screenwriter Tony Kushner said that he experi- enced a breakthrough during the writing process when he realized that the story of the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment is largely a story about white men who had no personal experience of slavery. 1 In light of this realization, and the filmmakers' related choice not to include slaves them- selves as a part of the story, the film's use of slave photographs is worth exploring. By depicting young Tad Lincoln and President Lincoln consum- ing photographs of slaves, the filmmakers use photography to put charac- ters in visual relation to slavery and invite reflection on photography's capacity to fuel the desire to look. Furthermore, the slave photographs erupt into the story at moments when the filmmakers want to emphasize how timely political calculation needs to be balanced with moral imperative. Slave photographs appear or are discussed three times in the film, each time involving Lincoln's interactions with his youngest son, Tad. The film explains that the glass plates were loaned to the Lincolns by Alexander Gardner, a well-known photographer in Washington, D.C. whose real-life gallery Lincoln frequented while president. 2 While the authenticity of this specific story is doubtful—historian of Lincoln iconography Harold Holzer points out that Gardner would never "have sent one-of-a-kind, fragile plates to the rambunctious little 'sprite' of the White House"—the circulation of slave images in the form of cartes de visite, or paper photographs printed on card stock, was common during a period when photographs of all kinds