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Showing papers in "Social Forces in 1962"




Journal ArticleDOI
Bernard E. Segal1
TL;DR: In this paper, male nurses in a psychiatric hospital were compared and contrasted to their female colleagues with respect to their conceptions of their intra-hospital status and their place in the general stratification system outside the hospital.
Abstract: Male nurses in a psychiatric hospital were compared and contrasted to their female colleagues with respect to their conceptions of their intra-hospital status and their place in the general stratification system outside the hospital. Within the hospital, the male nurses differed from the females in their views of the other occupational groups with whom nurses are in contact. The menus involvement in an occupation usually reserved for women also affected their view of the general stratification system, especially in terms of a relatively low estimate of their own self-esteem. SEVERAL discussants of status relations have devoted specific attention to disL parities between characteristics assumed to adhere to foci of ascription (like age and sex), and characteristics that members of certain occupations are expected to possess.' One of these discussants, Hughes, has provided the term contradiction of status for cases where the combination of ascribed status characteristics 1 Ralph Linton, "Status and Role," in Logan Wilson and William L. Kolb (eds.), Sociological Analysis (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1949); Everett C. Hughes, "Dilemmas and Contradictions of Status," Aitierican Journal of Sociology, 50 (1944-45), pp. 353-359; Allison Davis, "American Status Systems and the Socialization of the Child," in Clyde Kluckhohn et al, Personality in Nature, Culture, and Society (New York: Knopf, 1953); Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Work (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1954), especially chapter 10, "Occupations of Women"; Josephine Williams, "Patients and Prejudice: Lay Attitudes Toward Women Physicians," American Journial of Sociology, 51 (1945-46), pp. 283-287. Less directly applicable but still relevant is Leo Schnore, "Social Mobility in Demographic Perspective," American Sociological Review, 26 (1961), pp. 407-423. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.159 on Sun, 18 Sep 2016 05:46:43 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

72 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore shortcomings in the current employment of the concept of consensus, and in so doing to explain the continued relevance of conflict theory for sociological research, and to logically distinguish consensus and conflict from the general theory of cooperation.
Abstract: The purpose of this study is to explain the growth and popularity of consensus theory in present day sociology. It seeks to explore shortcomings in the current employment of the concept of consensus, and in so doing to explain the continued relevance of conflict theory for sociological research. The final aim is to logically distinguish consensus and conflict from the general theory of cooperation-particularly to show that consensus and cooperation do not mutually entail each other. The equation of consensus to social structure and conflict to social dynamics is subjected to criticism on the grounds that such a dichotomization prevents the effective development of a sociological theory of change and process. F Aew words in the vocabulary of contempporary sociology appear as soothing or as reassuring as consensus. The chain of agreeable associationis of the term symbolize the final mating of the science of sociology and a theory of social equilibrium. What stands in need of investigation is the price paid for this essentially recent turn in sociological theory. Specifically it must be asked whether the movement away from traditional theories of conflict and conflict resolution represents a genuinely new stage in the secularization of social science or is in fact a narrowing down of the field brought about by social pressures. Whatever its meaning, the notion of consensus is an impressively stated althouglh inadequately explored reference point in present day sociology. The resilient strength of consensus theories stems in part from some vague sense that they are connected to functionalismii. For those skeptical of this fusion of consensus ancl function, analysis of the issues is blunted by the plethora of definitions the unwary examiner is greeted with. The fact is that there is an absence of consensus in sociological theory as to just what does and (loes not constitute consensus or a consensual

64 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the effect of urbanization on extended family relations has been extensively investigated within the last 10 years, with the starting point for many of these studies being Wirth's analysis of urbanism as a way of life written in 1938.
Abstract: Recent urban studies in western Europe and the United States have shown the continued importance of kinship ties, contrary to the hypothesis that they tend to disappear in the city. To test this hypothesis on different types of societies, an examination of research done in the West African cities of Brazzaville, Congo; Dakar, Senegal; Lagos, Nigeria; and Leopoldville and Stanleyville, The Congo, was made. It showed that here too kinship ties continued to exist. The extended family served as a source of shelter as well as providing for the economic, religious, legal and recreational needs of its urban members. T HE effect of urbanization upon extended family relations has been extensively investigated within the last 10 years. The starting point for many of these studies has been Wirth's analysis of urbanism as a way of life written in 1938. According to Wirth, the city is a social organization that substitutes secondary for primary group relationships. Though dependent on more people for the satisfactions of his wants, the urbanite, ullike his rural counterpart, is not dependenlt upo11 particular persons, and his dependence is limited to a "highly fractionalized" part of other persons' activities. Contacts are segmental and of secondary character; no group can claim the complete allegiance of the inclividual. The city's effect on the family, coisequently, is *to strip it to its bare essentials. The nuclear family of father, mother ancl children replaces the extended family. "The family as a unit of social life is emancipated from the larger kinship group characteristic of the country," so that relationships basecl *The preparation of this paper was carried out during the tenure of a predoctoral fellowship from the National Institute of Mental Health, United States Public Health Service. The author is indebted to Dr. Reuben Hill for his critical reading of a previous draft of the paper. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.255 on Tue, 24 May 2016 06:13:23 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms URBANIZATION AND THE EXTENDED FAMILY 7 on the extended family disintegrate in the city.' Recent urban studies, however, have shown that kinship ties continue to exist. Using a sample representative of the Detroit area, Axelrod found interaction witlh relatives as manifested in friendship networks and mutual assistance to be important in all age and socioeconomic status groups.2 Greer's sample of two middle-level census tracts in Los Angeles indicated that 73 percent of the high urban families and 76 percent of the low urban families were a part of family friendship networks.8 The San Francisco study of Bell and Boat reported a similar finding. In their probability sample of adult males drawn from four census tracts representing different social types, six of ten men had a close friendship tie with at least one relative.4 Seventy-six percent of the low income and 84 percent of the high incomle respondents, in addition, expected assistance from relatives even for prolonged illnesses.5 Of the 195 parent-child relations Sussman studied in his New Haven research, 154 maintained mutual assistance patterns.8 This was a white, Protestant middle-class sample, but Young and Willmott found much the same thing in London with their working class sample.7 The same investigators' study of a middle-class London suburb showed that 25 percent of parents in their seventies lived with married children and the percent increased to 41 for those 80 and over.8 Childless couples also turned to the extended family in old age; 53 percent of those of pensionable age lived with relatives.9 In contrast to these results, Michel concluded that among the segment of the Parisian working class living in furnished hotels, that she studied, kinship ties were disintegrating.10 Data, therefore, collected from widely varying samples in such disparate cities as Detroit, London, San Francisco, Los Angeles and New Haven have not confirmed the disappearance of kinship ties in the urban milieu. Only in Paris did a study of a small part of the population appear to uphold the hypothesis. Relevant African studies provide comparative data from different societies on the fate of the extended family in the city. Some variation of the extended family appears in all the basic culture areas of Africa-Mediterranean littoral, Sahara Desert area, western and eastern Sudan, the West Coast, CentralSouthern and the East Horn, and the East African cattle area. In fact, the concept of the extended family itself developed from studies of African peoples. Life in the tribal villages follows a traditional pattern. The person is important only as he contributes to the extended family unit. In return he is given the security of not one but several fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, uncles and grandparents. Such a social organization results in strong group solidarity with an attendant communal spirit. The purpose of this paper is to examine how this "powerful cementing framework" is affected by urbanization.11 The analysis will center on the Negro cities of West Africa.12 Their social organization differs to a considerable extent from that of European and United States cities. Another advantage in using these cities for compara1 Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," Americatn Joutnral of Sociology, 44 (July 1938), p. 21. ' Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social Participation," Americait Sociological Review, 21 (February 1956), p. 17. 'Scott Greer, "Urbanism Reconsidered," Anwrican Sociological Review, 21 (February 1956), p. 23. 'Wendell Bell and Marion D. Boat, "Urban Neighborhoods and Informal Social Relations," Amnerican Journal of Sociology, 62 (January. 1957), pp. 394, 396. 'Ibid., p. 396. 'Marvin B. Sussman, "The Help Pattern in the Middle Class Family," American Sociological Review, 18 (February 1953), p. 23. 'Michael Young and Peter Willmott, Family and Kinship in East London (Glencoe, Ill.: The. Free Press, 1957).. 'Peter Young and Michael Willmott, Family and Class. in a London Sutbuiirb (Londotn: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1960), p. 40. "Ibid., p. 51. 10 Andree Michel, Famille Induistrialisation Logement (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1959). 'Hugh H. Smythe, "Social Change in Africa," American Journtal of Econtomics anid Sociology, 19 (January 1960), p. 202. 'The Department of State classification system is used which includes the Congo and the Republic of the Congo in West Africa, as well as among others, Nigeria and the Mali Federation, consisting of Senegal and the Sudanese Republic. See G. Etzel Pearcy, Africa: Natiies atd Cotncepts (Washington, D. C.: Department of State Publication 7129, January 1961), p. 9. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.255 on Tue, 24 May 2016 06:13:23 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

46 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found that sit-in protests are less indicative of social alienation among Negroes than of their identification with or positive reference to the white middle class, and that the three most significant demonstrations of the change have been the sit-ins.
Abstract: Socioeconomic and legal changes in the position of southern Negroes have been accompanied by a changing pattern of race relations and a new attitude on the part of Negro leaders. Data from a closedanswer questionnaire administered to students in three Negro colleges in North Carolina support the hypothesis that sit-in protests are less indicative of social alienation among Negroes than of their identification with or positive reference to the white middle class. NTHEPAST six years dramatic changes have occurred in the pattern of Negro-white relations in the South. Outside the sphere of perhaps the three most significant demonstrations of the change have been the

43 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the sociologist is seen as a member of two distinct professional communities within which he plays two separate roles, i.e., disciplinary specialists and college teaching, and the role performance in one of the communities has a bearing on the evaluation of a man in the other.
Abstract: In the present analysis the sociologist is seen as a member of two distinct professional communities within which he plays two separate roles. Utilizing a sample of 262 sociologists receiving the Ph.D. in the period 1945 through 1949, their membership in a community of disciplinary specialists is analysed through publication output, membership in the American Sociological Association and current institutional affiliation. These kinds of data reflect a different orientation to the community of disciplinary specialists as compared to the community of college teaching. High productivity, membership in the Association and affiliation with a major university connote strong situational pressures and personal orientation to the community of disciplinary specialists. Persons who do not publish are less likely to affiliate with the Association and are more likely to be affiliated with four-year colleges and to be primarily committed to the community of college teaching. T HIS paper is concerned with the academic sociologist as a member of two professional communities: the community of college teaching and the community of disciplinary specialists. Inherent in these two distinct communities are roles which call for quite different kinds of behavior, a fact which has been obscured because often the same persons are actors in both. Further complicating matters, in-migration into both communities usually takes place at the same time, the credentials for membership in the communities are comparable, and often role performance in one of the communities has a bearing on the evaluation of a man in the other, this despite the dissimilarity between role requirements. Nevertheless each of the communities may be treated as an independent one in its own right by virtue of the following characteristics: ". . .1) Its members are bound by a sense of identity. 2) Once in it, few leave, so that it is a terminal or continuing status for the most part. 3) Its members share values in common. 4) Its role definitions vis-a-vis both members and non-members are agreed upon and are the same for all members. 5) Within the areas of communal action there is a common language, which is understood only partially by outsiders. 6) The community has power over its members. 7) Its limits are reasonably clear, though they are not (usually) physical and geographic, but social. 8) Though it does not produce the next generation biologically, it does so socially through its control over the selection of professional trainees. and through its training process it This content downloaded from 157.55.39.35 on Wed, 31 Aug 2016 05:03:51 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

41 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it is postulated that there exist patterns of career choice which are 'based on a series of situational decisions which, individually, have no rational connection with the choice of a- particular occupation but, nonetheless, comprise the process of embarkation upon a career'.
Abstract: It is postulated that there exist patterns of career choice which are 'based on a series of situational decisions which, individually, have no rational connection with the choice of a- particular occupation but, nonetheless, comprise the process of embarkation upon a career. The data are from a study of student nurses.

32 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article found that intergenierational mobility is frequent amonlg rural and urban castes but it is generally confined to occupations of similar rank, thus, mobility has a negligible effect upon the traditional association between positionls in the caste and occupational hierarchies.
Abstract: Interview data lend little support to the view that the caste system obstructs occupational change in India. Intergenierational mobility is frequent amonlg rural and urban castes but it is generally confined to occupations of similar rank. Hence, mobility has a negligible effect upon the traditional association between positionls in the caste and occupational hierarchies. This association is attributable to differences among castes in educational attainmenit.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a systematic analysis of relationships between attributes of innovations in one segment of agriculture and the rate at which those innovations have been accepted by farm operators, finding that those new farm practices which are least complex and most nearly compatible with existing procedures tended to be adopted rapidly.
Abstract: This study provides a systematic analysis of relationships between attributes of innovations in one segment of agriculture and the rate at which those innovations have been accepted by farm operators. In several respects the data support other studies and discussions of the role of attributes of innovations in adoption: those new farm practices which are least complex and most nearly compatible with existing procedures tended to be adopted rapidly. Several other practice attributes were not related to speed of adoption in the expected manner: high cost practices were adopted at least as quickly as low cost practices; the possibility of trying an innovation on a small scale did not seem to encourage rapid adoption; and mechanical qualities, as such, were not factors in rapid adoption. Innovations which permit a saving of working time tended to be adopted rapidly, and there is some evidence for inferring that this attribute is given an unduly high priority in adoption decisions.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Whitney and Grigg as mentioned in this paper found that 90 percent of the "local" moves were undertaken for "status" reasons, based on the prior experience of job advancement, while the other 90 percent were undertaken by those moving from outside the Boston area were classified as distance migrants.
Abstract: C HANGE of residence is a subject of strong and growing interest in urban sociology. This interest is based on the fact that mobility is the proximal cause of many changes in the demography and social structure of urban areas. A common technique used to study the reasons for individual and family mobility is to ask people the reasons for their contemplated or completed moves. This paper reports the results of such a study in a central city area. It suggests that the cause of mobility may be different for moves of different lengths and different directions, and thus integrates some of the simpler theories advanced in the literature. Perhaps the best-known explanation for residential mobility is change in family size. In a study of moves among residents of four census tracts in Philadelphia, Rossi finds "the major function of mobility to be the process by which families adjust their housing to their housing needs that are generated by the shifts in family composition that accompany life cycle change."' As children are added to the young household, housing needs increase and the young family moves to larger quarters. When the children leave the household at adulthood, housing needs decline and the aging family moves to smaller quarters. A different interpretation of the reasons for residential mobility is presented by Whitney and Grigg,2 who studied moves of a sample of college students' families, as reported by the students. Dividing moves according to whether or not they crossed a county line, Whitney and Grigg found that 90 percent of the "distance" moves could be classed as "economic"-to seek or accept job advancement. On the other hand, 90 percent of the "local" moves were undertaken for "status" reasons, based on the prior experience of job advancement. A third set of reasons for mobility comes from studies of suburban migration, such as those of Tableman,3 Dewey,4 and Bell.5 The variables cited in these studies are style-of-life preferences, such as the desire for home ownership and country life. Additional hypotheses concerning reasons for mobility can be found in the literature of ecological correlation, where associations appear between mobility and social class, national origin, mental and physical health, and the like. The multiplicity of suggested causes of mobility, and the apparent contradictions between simple explanations suggest that residential mobility must be treated as a complex phenomenon. However, these previous studies suggest that the problem can be simplified by classifying moves according to distance and direction. The following analysis is intended to demonstrate the utility of such a classification. A sample of residents of a central area in Boston were asked the whereabouts of their immediately previous dwelling. On the basis of their answers, respondents were divided into local movers, centralizers, and distance migrants. Local movers were those who had moved from another house within a district including the area studied, about one square mile in extent, and "naturally" bounded by parks, a river, business and industry. Centralizers were those who had moved from any of the less central parts of the Boston Standard Metropolitan Area into the central area studied. Those moving from outside the Boston area were classified as distance migrants. All residents were * A paper read at the fifty-sixth annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, St. Louis, Missouri, August 30-September 2, 1961. 1 Peter H. Rossi, Why Families Move (Glencoe: Free Press, 1956). 2 Vincent H. Whitney and Charles M. Grigg, "Mobility Among Students' Families," American Sociological Review 23 (1958), pp. 643-652. Also Gerald R. Leslie and Arthur H. Richardson, "Life-Cycle, Career Pattern and Decision to Move," American Sociological Review 26(1961) pp. 894-902. I Betty Tableman, "Intra-Community Migration in the Flint Metropolitan District," (Mimeographed report, Social Science Research Project, Institute for Human Adjustment, University of Michigan, 1948). 4 Richard Dewey, "Peripheral Expansion in Milwaukee County," American Journal of Sociology LIII (1948), 417-422. 6 Wendell Bell, "Familism and Suburbanization," Rural Sociology 21 (1956), pp. 276-283.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors showed that psychiatric nurses attempt to influence doctors' treatment decisions by engaging in deferential actions; these actions also perform the function of maintaining the doctor-nurse relationship, and that deference behavior may be viewed as an influence.
Abstract: Deference behavior is viewed from two standpoints: (a) as an attempt to influence and (2) its function in maintaining social relationships. Data reveal that psychiatric nurses attempt to influence doctors' treatment decisions by engaging in deferential actions; these actions also perform the function of maintaining the doctor-nurse relationship. Such actions are defined as power strategies-actions that are oriented to a normative order but which are not in conformity with that order. Power strategies are also reactions to a power order-based on conditions of dependency, as well as actions oriented to a normative order-in this study, the authority structure of the doctor-nurse relationship. I n recent years sociologists and social psychologists have shown an active interest in the phenomena of influence attempts1 and deference behavior.2 Researchers and writers interested in each of these phenomena, however, have not turned their attention to the connection between the two-that is, deference as social influence. The first objective of this paper will be to redress this omission by pointing out, with empirical illustrations, how deference behavior may be viewed as an influence




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a positive relationship was found between both sets of expectations and all areas of post hospital performance, even though the relationship between expectations and performance level was affected by psychiatric and sociological variables.
Abstract: The assumed relationship between role performance and expectations is tested for discharged female psychiatric patients. A positive relationship is found between both sets of expectations and all areas of posthospital performance. Even though the relationship between level of expectations and performance level is affected by psychiatric and sociological variables, the significant relationship between expectations and performance still remains when the intervening variables are controlled. A central issue of interpretation is raised in the form of a "corrosion" hypothesis: the role theory assumption that performance is a function of expectations may be only partially explanatory; the opposite possibility that expectations are adjusted to suit the performance level of the patient must also be taken into account.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, student respondents were asked to sort statements of a generally misanthropic nature into one of four categories indicating that the statement was in their opinion primarily applicable to Negroes, to Jews, to both, or to neither.
Abstract: Student respondents were asked to sort statements of a generally misanthropic nature into one of four categories indicating that the statement was in their opinion primarily applicable to Negroes, to Jews, to both, or to neither. A distinctive, mutually exclusive, and highly consensual pattern of Negro and Jewish stereotypes emerges. While the content and assignment of stereotypes is selective, the generality of stereotyping is displayed in the willingness of respondents to stereotype and the association between the number of different stereotypes endorsed. The data thus provide evidence for both the generality of stereotyping and the specificity of stereotype assignment. R acial and ethnic stereotypes, as a cognitive dimension of prejudice, have captured and sustained the interest of social scientists since the introduction of the term "stereotype" by Walter Lippmann in 1922 and the pioneer study of racial and ethnic stereotypes by Katz and Braly in 1933. Despite this sustained study, the substantive statements that may be drawn from the literature of stereotype research are highly limited, and many perplexing questions remain. The term stereotype, typically employed in the research literature without formal definition, refers generally to a set of categorical beliefs or propositions about members of real or;putatiye groups. The holders of such beliefs are frequently construed to be rigid in their adherence, and the beliefs themseJves are often construed as emnotionally colored and fallacious or exaggerated. To the social psychologist, stereotypes, as the language of prejudice, are thought to provide a vocabulary of motives both for individual and concerted action of prejudiced persons. They signal the socially approved and accessible targets for the release of hostility and aggression, and they provide the rationalizations for prejudiced attitudes and discriminatory behavior. In providing a common language of discourse for prejudiced persons, stereotypes function as any special language to reinforce the beliefs of its users, and to furnish the basis for the development and maintenance of solidarity among the prej-

Journal ArticleDOI
Ivan Vallier1
TL;DR: In this paper, a multi-level explanation of the kibbutz crisis is presented, and the diverse repercussions of this dilemma are described and analyzed in kibbyz Mayeem Kareem.
Abstract: This paper is a multi-level explanation of the “kibbutz crisis.” Due to widespread structural differentiation in Israel since 1948 the kibbutzim, as a group of concrete collectivities, have been “specialized” relative to the adaptive problem and are now primarily units of the economy. Pressures are placed on the kibbutzim to subordinate communal moral-integrative norms to rational criteria and production effectiveness. The diverse repercussions of this dilemma are described and analyzed in kibbutz Mayeem Kareem.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the analysis of data from a college sample, the validity of the Authoritarian Personality Theory of racial and ethnic prejudice is questioned, and thus, through this, the psychologistic approach to the study of social attitudes is used as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In the analysis of data from a college sample, the validity of the Authoritarian Personality Theory of racial and ethnic prejudice is questioned, and thus, through this, the psychologistic approach to the study of social attitudes. A rigorously sociologistic approach is shown to be a better predictor of variations in the data than the Authoritarian thesis, even for the covariations between F-scale scores and scores on two different prejudice scales. The importance of differential learning for understanding variations in racial prejudice is stressed. EW issues in the field of social psychology, or in sociology, are more vexing than the relative importance of social and psychic factors in the formation of attitudes. The issue, it is true, seldom arises wlheln the problem deals with variable attitudes among separate and distinct cultures. On the other hand, when the problem deals with variations among individuals from the same culture the issue almost invariably intrudes itself. The field of study then becomes an arena of battle between psychic drive and cultural norm, personality need and social expectation. Here and there one may see a clear victor emerging, but the more frequent vista of thrust and counter-thrust has inspired the conclusion that there can be no single victor. Rather, it is inferred, there should be no battle at all, and any differences of opinion should and could be settled by conversations betweein colleagues. It is not the purpose of this paper to elaborate the "compromise" position. Rather than viewing the conflict as an out-worn luxury, this paper enters the field as a combatant. It is our argument that the conflict is too deep and fundamental to admit of any compromises which leave untouched the essential claims of each position. Because the conflict is so fundamental, we must either choose one alternative and reject the other or we must reject both. We cannot incorporate into one conception two positions which are mutually contradictory. The thesis will be developed by the analysis of a specific problem. In this framework data from a questionnaire designed explicitly for this purpose will be the basis of a re-examination of the "Authoritarian Personality" explanation of individual variations in racial and ethnic prejudices. More explicitly, it is the specific thesis of this paper that a considerably more efficient explanation of racial and ethnic prejudice can be designed than the authoritarian explanation, either in its original 1950 versionl or in its later more tempered form.2 Of necessity, the bulk of the paper will be devoted to the data bearing on the specific question of racial and ethnic prejudice. Besides its justification in its own right, the concentration on prejudice will be the vehicle for pointing up the more general issue. WHICH THEORY OF PREJUDICE? Since its publication in 1950, The Authoritarian Personality has been reviewed, rewarded, and reviled. A decade later the consensus 1 T. W. Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel J. Levinson, and R. Nevitt Sanford, The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950.) 2 Gordon W. Allport, The Natture of Prejudice (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1954) : Arnold Rose, "Intergroup Relations vs. Prejudice: Pertinent Theory for the Study of Social Change," Social Problems, IV (October 1956), 173-176; Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Personality and Sociocultural Factors in Intergroup Attitudes: A Cross-National Comparison," Co,jflict Resoluttion, II (March 1958), 29-42; George E. Simpson and J. Milton Yinger, Racial and Cultural Minorities (New York: Harper and Brothers, Revised Edition, 1958) ; James G. Martin and Frank R. Westie, "The Tolerant Personality," American Sociological Review, 24 (August 1959), pp. 521-528; Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Regional Differences in Anti-Negro Prejudice," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 59 (July 1959), pp. 28-36; and Harry C. Triandis and Leigh Minturn Triandis, "Race, Social Class, Religion, and Nationality as Determinants of Social Distance," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 61 (July 1960), pp. 110-118. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.91 on Wed, 21 Sep 2016 05:32:22 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms RACIAL PREJUDICE AND PERSONALITY SCALES 45 among social psychologists appears to be that some measure of its thesis can be accepted even though some of the more extreme versions of the original have been rejected. Subsequent research may have stressed cultural and social variations,3 or suggested other psychological or quasi-psychological factors as alternatives to authoritarianism,4 but the value of personality factors as an explanation of preju-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role and structure of the patron-peon pattern in the rural social organization of the Spanish American people of northern New Mexico and southern Colorado, the changes that have taken place in this system, and the social and cultural implications of these changes are discussed in this article.
Abstract: A major element in the Spanish American rural social organization was the patron-peon pattern. Although the pattern is Inow in the process of dissolution, the underlying cultural values remain and create many difficulties in the adjustment and acculturation of the Spanish Americans to the dominant English-speaking society of modern New Mexico. IN THIS paper an endeavor will be made to delineate the role and structure of the patron-peon pattern in the rural social organization of the Spanish American people of northern New Mexico and southern Colorado, the changes that have taken place in this system, and the social and cultural implications of these changes. Living for the most part in rural farming villages, the Spanish Americans are a unique ethnic group different in language, culture, and historical experience from other Spanish-speaking groups in the United States.' The rural Spanish American social organization structured upon the interlocking institutions and patterns of an extended patriarchal family, the Roman Catholic Church, the independent self-sufficient farming village, and the patronpeon system has been until recently quite resistant to acculturation toward the dominant English-speaking society. This resistance has been further intensified by the unfortunate historical experiences of the Spanish Americans. Stripped of much of their land by English-speaking Americans, exploited economically, treated with contempt and prejudice by many and forced into a subordinate social and economic position within their own state, they have reacted in the past by withdrawing from all but essential social, political, and economic contacts with the dominant English-speaking group.2 The cultural and social isolation of the Spanish Americans lasted until the depression of the 1930's. Mass unemployment, serious loss of land and water rights, growing population pressure upon a narrowing resource base, the temporary termination of traditional occupations such as migrant agricultural labor, sheepherding, and track work for the railroads destroyed the independent self-sufficient nature of the Spanish American villages. The villagers, unable to maintain themselves by their customary economic activities, were forced to accept economic assistance from the government agencies. Through these agencies, large numbers of the Spanish Americans became dependent upon the larger English-speaking world outside the village.3 'See Lyle Saunders, Cutltural. Differences an;d Medical Care (New York: Russell Sage Foundations, 1954), pp. 42-103; John H. Burma, Spantish Speaking Groutps in the United States (Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press, 1954), pp. 3-34; George I. Sanchez, Forgotten People (Albuquerque, N. M.: The University of New Mexico Press, 1940). 2 Burma, op. cit., pp. 6-7. See also Allan G. Harper, Andrew R. Cordova, and Kalervo Oberg, Man anld Resources of the Middle Rio Grande Valley (Albuquerque, N. M.: The University of New Mexico Press, 1943), pp. 60-62. 3Saunders, op. cit., pp. 51-54; Hugh G. Calkins, Village Livelihood in the Upper Rio Grande Area (Soil Conservation Service, Department of Agriculture, Albuquerque, N. M., 1937); Charles P. Loomis, "El Cerrito, New Mexico: A Changing Village," New Mexico Historical Review, 33 (January 1958), pp. 56-57; Carey McWilliams, North from Mexico (New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1949), pp. 75-79; Kalervo Oberg, "Land Use Planning in Cuba Valley, New Mexico," Rural Sociology, 5 (December 1940), pp. 438-448. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.112 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:35:32 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms PATRON-PEON PATTERN 13 The destruction of the village economic structure was accompanied by a serious wealkening of its social integration. The gradual erosion of the extended patriarchal family, the slow decline in the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the intrusion of Protestant denominations, the destruction of the patronpeon system, the development of an educational system dominated by Anglo values, the draft of young men into the military service during World War II and the Korean War, the accelerated rise of new social and economic expectations, the development of a massive emigration movement away from the villages an(d into the urban areas of the West, and the rise of large urban centers on the fringes of the Spaniish American area not only threaten the existence of the traditional village culture but the survival of the Spanislh American culture as a separate cultural entity. A culture that has managed to survive almost three centuries of vicissitudes has now entered a period of suclh rapid economic, social, and cultural changes that its continued existence is perhaps problematical.4 One of the first cultural patterns that began to break down under the impact of the invading English-speaking culture was the patron-peon system. Among the Spanish Americans, the patron was and is a person who is able to provide employment, social and economic security, and leadership to those who must work for a living. He is usually a person of substance belonging to a family that is socially prominent in the area. His position as a patron is not based primarily upon his personal characteristics, but rather upon his ability to perform the institutionalized role of a patron.5 Two basic types of a patron evolved in thle Spanish American culture area. One was the large powerful landholder so clharacteristic of much of Latin America. This type developed primarily in the cattle and sheep ranching areas of southern and eastern New Mexico, althouglh scattered patron families of this type were, and are, found in other sections of the state. The second and more commoon type of patroni was the village patron encountered at onie time in almost every Spanish American village. The Spanish American land owning system was not in general characterized by the concentration of land in the hands of a few. It was marke(d by the predominance of self-sufficient agricultural villages inhabited by small independent landowners owning plots of irrigated land and possessing grazing rights on the village coIml-

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TL;DR: The authors in this paper investigated the characteristics of class in two transitional societies as based on interviews in 474 homes and found that the middle and lower classes in Central America vary greatly according to traditions and social pressures.
Abstract: The present study investigates the characteristics of class in two transitional societies as based on interviews in 474 homes. The author examines certain hypotheses (communication, mobility, rationalism, kinship, conformity, optimism, and marital adjustment) by which the middle class may differ in behavior from the lower class. While most of the hypotheses were supported statistically, the middle and lower classes in Central America vary greatly according to traditions and social pressures. J t has been popular to ask whethler there really exists a middle class in Latin America and hiow it may be defined.' The present article assumes the existence of the middle stratum and is concerned with some of its social and psychological characteristics. Interest is focused in the behavioral and attitudinal variables to be found in the lower and middle classes of two transitional societies. The discussion is primarily directed to the so-called "new" middle class.2 It is the author's contention that this new stratum is a product of urbanization and industrialization abetted by commercialism and education. Although this thesis is hardly novel, it merits further investigation. However, the emphasis of the present study is directed to a comparison of class subcultures, rather than their development historically, in El Salvador and Costa Rica. The sample included 79 middle class interviews and * The present study developed out of a SmithMundt visiting professorship at the University of El Salvador in 1958 and a Social Science Research Council grant to return to Central America in 1960. The author is indebted to many individuals in both El Salvador and Costa Rica for the completion of this study. For some of the statistical calculations the author is grateful to Curtis R. Miller of Pacific State Hospital and to John R. B. Whittlesey of Questionnaire Analysis Program I of the University of California Medical Center, Los Angeles, California. 1 A few of the references on middle class would include Theodore R. Crevenaa, ed., Materiales para el Estudio de la Clase Media en la America Latina, 3 vols. (Publicaciones de la Oficina de Ciencias Sociales, Union Panamericana, Washington, D. C., 1950) ; Ralph L. Beals, "Social Stratification in Latin America," The American Jotrnal of Sociology, LVIII (January 1953), 327339; Gino Germani, La Clase Media en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Instituto de Sociologia, 1952); and Andrew H. Whiteford, Two Cities of Lati America: A Comparative Description of Social Classes (Beloit, Wisconsin: Logan Museum of Anthropology, Beloit College, 1960), pp. 53-55. 2 Mario Monteforte Toledo, Guatemala, Monografia Sociologica (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Sociales, 1939), pp. 261-262. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.215 on Tue, 30 Aug 2016 04:18:14 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

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TL;DR: The authors discusses some aspects of Israeli society which have been conducive to the development of strained ethnic relations and manifestations of prejudice, and discusses the emerging divisi ve elements in the social structure that are partially attributed to the heightened solidarity and visibility of specific ethnic groups of immigrants.
Abstract: This paper discusses some aspects of Israeli society which have been conducive to the development of strained ethnic relations and manifestations of prejudice. Despite certain cohesive features such as a common religious and ethnic background and a high level of ideological committment and collective solidarity, there has been increasing evidence of a reduction in this solidarity. Emerging divisiVe elements in the social structure are described and are partially attributed to the heightened solidarity and visibility of specific ethnic groups of immigrants.


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TL;DR: In this paper, a comparative content analysis is used to recognize cultural values in a systematic way, which, in turn, may give us valid clues about national character, in order to identify modal personalities on the national level.
Abstract: The study of modal personalities on the national level has been abandoning its belletristic and speculative ways. It has turned more and more to the use of empirical techniques of research. In this paper, a comparative content analysis is used to recognize cultural values in a systematic way-which, in turn, may give us valid clues about national character.