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Showing papers in "Social Text in 2000"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors look at the Internet as a specific instance of the fundamental role played by free labor and highlight the connections between the digital economy and what the Italian autonomists have called the social factory.
Abstract: Working in the digital media industry is not as much fun as it is made out to be. The “NetSlaves” of the eponymous Webzine are becoming increasingly vociferous about the shamelessly exploitative nature of the job, its punishing work rhythms, and its ruthless casualization (www.disobey.com/netslaves). They talk about “24–7 electronic sweatshops” and complain about the ninety-hour weeks and the “moronic management of new media companies.” In early 1999, seven of the fifteen thousand “volunteers” of America Online (AOL) rocked the info-loveboat by asking the Department of Labor to investigate whether AOL owes them back wages for the years of playing chathosts for free.1 They used to work long hours and love it; now they are starting to feel the pain of being burned by digital media. These events point to a necessary backlash against the glamorization of digital labor, which highlights its continuities with the modern sweatshop and points to the increasing degradation of knowledge work. Yet the question of labor in a “digital economy” is not so easily dismissed as an innovative development of the familiar logic of capitalist exploitation. The NetSlaves are not simply a typical form of labor on the Internet; they also embody a complex relation to labor that is widespread in late capitalist societies. In this essay I understand this relationship as a provision of “free labor,” a trait of the cultural economy at large, and an important, and yet undervalued, force in advanced capitalist societies. By looking at the Internet as a specific instance of the fundamental role played by free labor, this essay also tries to highlight the connections between the “digital economy” and what the Italian autonomists have called the “social factory.” The “social factory” describes a process whereby “work processes have shifted from the factory to society, thereby setting in motion a truly complex machine.”2 Simultaneously voluntarily given and unwaged, enjoyed and exploited, free labor on the Net includes the activity of building Web sites, modifying software packages, reading and participating in mailing lists, and building virtual spaces on MUDs and MOOs. Far from being an Tiziana Terranova Free Labor

1,461 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors compare l'ethique and the situation professionnelle des musiciens and des universitaires, and conclude that les politiques culturelles permettent d'ameliorer the situation sociale des artistes.
Abstract: L'A. compare l'ethique et la situation professionnelle des musiciens et des universitaires. Ces deux categories semblent rencontrer des difficultes similaires. Elles doivent faire face a une veritable depreciation de leur statut et a un phenomene de «deprofessionnalisation». Universitaires et musiciens semblent cultiver un meme sens du sacrifice. Les economistes de l'art envisagent la creation artistique comme une activite productive ordinaire. Ils montrent qu'elle ne beneficie pas des gains de productivite comme les autres secteurs malgre une augmentation des couts. L'A. estime que les politiques culturelles permettent d'ameliorer la situation sociale des artistes. Il montre qu'il est tres difficile d'analyser le statut professionnel et le niveau de remuneration des artistes. Bon nombre d'entre eux exercent en effet une double activite. Il s'interroge quant a l'impact et a la persistance de l'ideal romantique au sein des communautes artistiques. Il souligne que le statut de mercenaire au service d'interets commerciaux diminue le prestige de l'artiste et amoindrit la valeur de son travail. Cet ideal parvient-il a survivre au developpement des industries culturelles ? Pour bon nombre d'artistes le rejet de la richesse les rapprochent des plus pauvres. Pour autant, les rappers recherchent la gloire et l'argent. Certaines personnalites du rock s'efforcent de preserver cette dimension propre a l'ethique bohemienne. L'A. decrit la situation des artistes lors de la crise economique de 1929. Ceux-ci comme les membres des autres categories furent contraints d'adopter une strategie de survie. L'A. porte ensuite son attention sur le statut profesionnel des universitaires. Comme les artistes, ils doivent, pour pouvoir exercer leur profession, accepter de bas salaires et une grande precarite de leur statut. Il montre que les politiques de privatisation de l'enseignement et de la recherche ont considerablement aggrave ce phenomen

131 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the veiling work of Iranian feminism in its past history is discussed, and the implications of this imbrication in secularism of modernity are unpacked for the present moment of Iranian politics.
Abstract: about (un)veiling as a contemporary practice in Islamicate1 societies— about which there is now a very lively and enormous literature. It is about how feminism itself may have worked as a veil, about the veiling work of feminism as a boundary marker for secularism of Iranian modernity. My hope in rethinking the history of feminism is to seek out possibilities for the present moment of Iranian politics. I mean to be provocative but not accusatory, seeking to unpack the implications of feminism’s imbrication in secularism of modernity. By unfolding the veiling work of Iranian feminism in its past history, I hope to envisage possibilities for “building working alliances” in contemporary Iranian gender politics.2 Let me emphasize at the outset my refusal to generalize the ideas of this essay to all Islamicate societies. One of the problems with current discussions of Islam and feminism is ahistorical generalizations. These generalizations screen away vast historical and contemporary differences among countries as diverse as Algeria, Turkey, Afghanistan, and Indonesia, to name just a few. My argument assumes historical specificity; it assumes that to understand what is going on in Iran today, we need to look at the specific contingent configurations of the politics of modernity in that country. What may or may not be generalizable cannot be known from what is assumed to be Islamic, modern, feminist, or secular by any prior definition of these terms. For instance, the configurations of Islam, feminism, nationalism, and secularism that are now unfolding in Iran have very much to do with the fact that an Islamic republic has been in power for the past twenty-one years, one that came out of a mass popular revolution. As a very hybridized phenomenon, these developments go beyond previously dominant and accepted political paradigms. We have an unshaped and fluid muddle with women as key producers of it! Two concepts, feminism and civil society, move through this complex reconfiguration and acquire new meanings, while crafting a discursive space more marked by opacity than transparency, thereby challenging our previous certainty about what divides Islam from un-Islam, secular from religious. Consider this: The editors of Iran’s two most prominent feminist women’s periodicals, Zanan [Women] and Huquq-i zanan [Women’s rights], had previously been editors of Zan-i ruz [Today’s woman], a women’s weekly Afsaneh Najmabadi (Un)Veiling Feminism

67 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors identify a pervasive language and mood in the contemporary critical scene that is concerned with the inauthenticity of postcolonial culture, community, and politics, and in which authenticity comes to attach itself to the concepts of certain cultural practices as a kind of aura, as the practices themselves come to be seen as resources for the overcoming of the forms of alienation.
Abstract: Colonialism is a form of human suffering, one of the historically determinate forms of suffering specific to the modern age. Frantz Fanon is one of the best-known cartographers of this experience of suffering and has left us a vocabulary, as much a revised psychoanalysis as it is a “stretched” Marxism, for tracing out its contours in the culture and politics of the colonial world.1 In a remarkable recent essay on the phenomenology of colonial conquest, Ranajit Guha has reopened this question for the postcolonial moment, exploring its links to the narrative traditions in which the ascendancy of Europe and its encounters with non-European cultures and peoples continue to be told and retold.2 Guha produces a gestalt shift in our understanding of anticolonial nationalism by pointing out that its principal affect is a desire to tell and retell this same painful story, though from the perspective not of the colonizers’ victory as such, but rather of the defeat and subjugation of the colonized. I shall take Guha’s reopening as my own point of entry into the question of colonial dislocation and suffering and will attempt briefly to indicate some of the directions a renewed discussion of it might take. I am concerned in particular with the thematics of authenticity and recovery of self as they have appeared repeatedly, at many times and in many places, in the midst of the struggles that we speak of collectively as decolonization. My concern here is to identify a pervasive language and mood in the contemporary critical scene that is concerned with the inauthenticity of postcolonial culture, community, and politics, and in which authenticity comes to attach itself to the concepts of certain cultural practices as a kind of aura, as the practices themselves come to be seen as resources for the overcoming of the forms of alienation Aamir R. Mufti The Aura of Authenticity

65 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Loi de reconciliation sur la responsabilite et lopportunite de travail (PRWORA) en vigueur aux Etats-Unis depuis 1996, a pour consequence d'exclure des millions de pauvres des programmes d'assistance federaux as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: La Loi de reconciliation sur la responsabilite et l'opportunite de travail (PRWORA) en vigueur aux Etats-Unis depuis 1996, a pour consequence d'exclure des millions de pauvres des programmes d'assistance federaux. Desormais, le fait de relever des services sociaux est assimile a une dependance passive, tandis que la pauvrete n'est toujours pas consideree comme un probleme public. L'A. pousse l'analyse plus loin en affirmant que la dependance aux services sociaux est consideree comme une maladie, et le traitement de la pauvrete n'est pas envisage comme une reponse au droit legitime a des revenus, mais comme une correction des problemes personnels et un controle des comportements

64 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine les specificites de la relation au travail au sein de la nouvelle economie and compare les caracteristiques des anciens medias and des nouveaux medias.
Abstract: L'A. etudie l'evolution de la nouvelle economie. Il rappelle que celle-ci est intimement liee au developpement du reseau Internet. Il affirme que les differents secteurs d'activite de la Net-economie sont affectes par un processus spectaculaire de precarisation et de degradation du travail. Il examine les specificites de la relation au travail au sein de la nouvelle economie. Le travail culturel et technique des entreprises qui offrent leurs services sur le reseau Internet s'incrit dans une strategie qui vise a assurer une production continue de valeur. L'A. analyse les notions d'«economie numerique» (digital economy), de «classe intellectuelle» et de «travail immateriel». Il souligne que les entreprises de la Net-economie privilegient l'auto-organisation et l'interconnexion entre les employes en matiere d'organisation du travail. L'A. compare les caracteristiques des anciens medias et des nouveaux medias. Il montre que les nouveaux medias s'efforcaient de promouvoir le «travail libre» et la gratuite. Avec le developpement du commerce electronique, les entreprises de la Net-economie tendent de plus en plus a orienter leurs strategies economiques vers la creation de produits a valeur commerciale

61 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The case of Fatima, Leïla, and Samira as mentioned in this paper became the focus of national attention and the National Assembly convened a nationally televised meeting on 25 October to determine how to address these issues, and subsequently returned to them on 8 November.
Abstract: from summer vacation), Ernest Chernière, principal of the Gabriel Havez grammar school in the far-northern Parisian suburb of Creil, expelled three girls (ages thirteen to fourteen) of North African Muslim heritage for refusing to take off their headscarves in class. On 4 October, the socialist national newspaper, Libération, picked up the story, and within three days the fate of Fatima, Leïla, and Samira became the focus of national attention. On 10 October, through the mediation of a local Tunisian cultural association, the parties reached a compromise that the girls would be free to wear their scarves in the halls, but not in the classrooms themselves. By 20 October, however, two new cases had arisen in the southern cities of Marseilles and Avignon, and, in addition, the three Creil girls found themselves once again excluded from class for wearing their scarves in violation of the compromise. Amid a flurry of news reports, interviews, debates, and proclamations from all sides of the political, religious, academic, and association spectrum, the National Assembly convened a nationally televised meeting on 25 October to determine how to address these issues, and subsequently returned to them on 8 November. Over the course of these debates, the socialist minister of education, Lionel Jospin, in the face of severe criticism and taunts of “Retire!” from the conservative Gaullist contingent, affirmed his simultaneous commitment to a secular school system and to absolute equity in education. Following a 1937 law prohibiting proclamations that might jeopardize the religious neutrality of educational institutions, he demanded that children “not come to school with any sign affirming a religious distinction or difference,” but stated that this in itself could not constitute grounds for expulsion (Journal Officiel, 25 October 1989, 4114). He then requested a special Council of State (Conseil d’État) high court to examine the question constitutionally. On 27 November 1989, the council concluded that wearing a Muslim headscarf was not in principle incompatible with a secular educational system and that expulsion would only be justified if there existed a “risk of a threat to the establishment’s order or to the normal functioning of teaching” or, in other words, if the headscarf, Paul A. Silverstein Sporting Faith

51 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse a type of films comiques americains which s'inscrit dans une perspective resolument parodique (cheesy) and qualifie un processus de valorisation de l'artificiel, de lexageration, du sauvage ou de lobscene.
Abstract: L'A. analyse l'avenement d'un nouveau type de films comiques americains qui s'inscrit dans une perspective resolument parodique (cheesy). Il souligne que le terme «cheese» designe a la fois une pratique parodique et une lecture parodique d'une oeuvre, et qualifie un processus de valorisation de l'artificiel, de l'exageration, du sauvage ou de l'obscene. Il souligne que «Brady Bunch Movie» qui evoque, dans un style parodique, la vie quotidienne des afro-americains, s'inscrit dans cette perspective tout comme les films d'horreur mexicains ou les films de Quentin Tarentino. Il montre que ce dernier met en scene des heros aux identites raciales interchangeables et qu'il s'efforce de parodier les scenes d'action des films de John Woo. L'A. rappelle que le monstre Godzilla fut cree par Inoshiro Honda pour denoncer le danger inherent au developpement de l'arme atomique. Il insiste sur le fait que le manque de moyens financiers et l'utilisation de maquettes destinee a pallier cette carence rend l'atmosphere des scenes de bataille particulierement comique

39 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the pertinence for le cas of ces immigres asiatiques des approches in termses de sous-classe and de culture de la pauvrete, generalement appliquees aux Noirs.
Abstract: Le 22 aout 1996, le president Bill Clinton signait la Loi de reconciliation sur la responsabilite et l'opportunite de travail (PRWORA) dont l'une des consequences allait etre d'exclure des millions de pauvres des programmes d'assistance federaux. Cette mesure s'avere catastrophique pour les refugies du Sud-Est asiatique. Dans cet article, l'A. analyse la pertinence pour le cas de ces immigres asiatiques des approches en termes de sous-classe et de culture de la pauvrete, generalement appliquees aux Noirs

34 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors denonce le caractere discriminatoire des politiques des transports mise en place par la municipalite and evoque le projet de developpement, adopte en 1994, d'un reseau ferre reliant les banlieues et le centre de la ville and la mobilisation qui a conduit a son abandon.
Abstract: L'A. decrit l'organisation des transports en commun a Los Angeles. Elle souligne que la ville dispose d'un reseau ferre et d'un grand nombre de lignes d'autobus. Elle denonce le caractere discriminatoire des politiques des transports mise en place par la municipalite. Elle evoque le projet de developpement, adopte en 1994, d'un reseau ferre reliant les banlieues et le centre de la ville et la mobilisation qui a conduit a son abandon. Ce projet privilegiait deliberement les membres des classes moyennes et negligeait l'amelioration du reseau d'autobus dont les principaux utilisateurs sont les membres des minorites qui ne disposent que de faibles revenus. Elle souligne que l'organisation des transports a Los Angeles nuit a la mobilite des femmes pauvres, appartenant le plus souvent a la communaute afro-americaine. Elle montre que les afro-americains ont ete victimes, au long du 20 e siecle, de discriminations dans les transports urbains. Elle montre que cette situation contribuait a restreindre leurs perspectives d'emploi

Journal Article
TL;DR: Jakobsen and Pellegrini as mentioned in this paper pointed out that Secularism represents the Enlightenment reason that overcomes religious dogmatism, and that to set critical pressure on the religion/secularism binary is to shift further the already shifting grounds of the intellectual enterprise, including the Left's intellectual enterprise.
Abstract: Critical theory encourages us to look closely at the binaries that construct meaning and to consider the interrelations of pairs that supposedly name oppositions. Investigating and potentially destabilizing the religion/secularism opposition, however, has proven to be a tricky proposition in an academy that is often leery of any appeal to things religious. Part of the reason for this skepticism is that the religion/secularism opposition is fundamentally implicated in claims about reason. Specifically, secularism represents the Enlightenment reason that overcomes religious dogmatism. Accordingly, to set critical pressure on the religion/secularism binary is to shift further the already shifting grounds of the intellectual enterprise, including the Left’s intellectual enterprise. Moreover, for many on the Left, the secular is seen as a bulwark against the irrational, regressive aspects of religion. (When you’re facing the Christian Right, secularism can look pretty good.) Nonetheless, this secularism—posed against religion and for reason— has imperatives other than simply those of freedom from dogmatism. Modern secularism in its promises, at least, provides a broad emancipation. As Weber observes, secularism’s freedom from religion was also freedom for the market. This market freedom was not fully secular but was, in fact, tied to a specific form of religious activity—reformed Protestantism—and the practice of “worldly asceticism.”1 By worldly asceticism, we mean those processes of body regulation, what we might call (with Foucault) bodily disciplines, that emerged in modernity. Because worldly asceticism in its market form was only indirectly related to the religious (one practiced it not to gain salvation but merely to demonstrate an already achieved salvation promised in Calvinist predestination), it could form a practice at once secular and religious. Secularism and religion were in this sense co-implicated. Recognizing the co-origination of secularism and market-reformed Protestantism unmasks the national and religious particularities that have come to pass as a universal “secular.” This secularism was linked at its origins to a particular religion and a particular location, and it was maintained through a particular set of practices. Janet R. Jakobsen with Ann Pellegrini World Secularisms at the Millennium

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For some, the reappearance of religion may be a sign of return, but not of regression, a return to the time of beauty and light, the time before the outsiders and their degenerate, fluorescent version of enlightenment as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Science has transformed the visual schemes of an insomniac—the studious invocation of sheep, the procession of zoological icons hypnotically jumping a white picket fence on a soft green lawn.1 Thanks to the cloning feat of Dr. Ian Wilmut,2 all I see today is a stream of Dollys, identical in every manner, deftly clearing the barricade in quick succession. There is no comfort anymore, no soporific presence. A genetically engineered sheep is no longer innocent, naive. These icons that inhabited my nightly imagination, the last refuge of an insomniac, are suddenly pregnant with meaning, rich with symbolism. Life is not the same anymore. The realm of the “natural,” a world untainted by human interventions, has exploded into a kaleidoscope of technological wizardry. Science has taken over that last bastion of the personal and private, the world of one’s dreams. And yet, just as science in all its quests for rationality has conquered another realm of the supposedly irrational, religion seems to be (re)appearing systematically and unmistakably. Religion has often been cast as the demon in the nightmares of modern science. What do we make of the appearance of these two supposed opposites in the same dreamscape? For some, it is just another chapter in an ongoing story in which the light of reason banishes the darkness of superstition. The appearance of superstition is seen as regression, signaling the need to remind the dreamer of the superiority of rationality. For others, the morality play, while also long-running, moves in the opposite direction. For them, the reappearance of religion may be a sign of return, but not of regression— a return to the time of beauty and light, the time before the outsiders and their degenerate, fluorescent version of enlightenment. Having grown up secure in the warm halo of modern science in secular India, with Charles Darwin as my hero, the tumultuous turns of science and religion have been disorienting. My growing feminism has Banu Subramaniam Archaic Modernities

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose an analysis of the film "West Side Story" realized by Robert Wise and Jerome Robbins in 1951, and decrit de quelle maniere it met en scene la lutte pour la conquete de l'espace social, les relations entre les sexes, le rejet de lhomosexualite.
Abstract: L'A. propose une analyse du film de Robert Wise et Jerome Robbins «West Side Story» realise en 1951. Il rappelle que les realisateurs n'ont jamais eu comme intention de mettre en scene la culture et la vie quotidienne de la communaute portoricaine de New York. Pour les portoricains, en ravanche, ce film evoque le phenomene du racisme, la pauvrete et le risque de destruction inherent au comportement violent. L'A. estime que ce film represente les portoricains comme des criminels et les portoricaines comme des victimes. Il s'inscrit dans une relation coloniale qui valorise l'assimilation culturelle et opere l'appropriation de la musique portoricaine. L'A. propose une lecture subversive de «West Side Story». Celui-ci constitue, a ses yeux, une allegorie des relations inter-raciales aux Etats-Unis. Il decrit de quelle maniere ce film met en scene la lutte pour la conquete de l'espace social, les relations entre les sexes, le rejet de l'homosexualite

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the A. developpe l'idee selon laquelle l'imperialisme a evolue de formes coercitives vers une forme plus imprevisible, obeissant a des buts or des interets plus diffus.
Abstract: L'A. developpe l'idee selon laquelle l'imperialisme a evolue de formes coercitives vers une forme plus imprevisible, obeissant a des buts ou des interets plus diffus. Il attribue cette evolution a la disjonction croissante entre le capitalisme triomphant a l'echelle mondiale et tous les systemes de gouvernance, y compris ceux qui ont porte cette mondialisation. Six theses etayent cette theorie : evolution de la coercition vers le volontarisme ; a l'ancienne hierarchie centre-peripherie se substitue un lateralisme ; des interets specifiques remplacent l'interet general ; l'hegemonie semble aujourd'hui sans but strategique : l'A. oppose a cet egard le soutien a la chute du regime Allende en 1973 aux recents conflits du Golfe ou du Kosovo ; affaiblissement des Etats : les forces armees, jadis fer de lance de l'imperialisme, ne s'appuyent plus sur des Etats forts, mais ont developpe une sphere d'autonomie ; les enjeux se sont deplaces de l'economie (capitaliste contre socialiste) vers le culturel en termes de mondial contre local. En depit des critiques dont elle fait l'objet, la theorie de S. Huntington de clash des civilisations, rend bien compte, selon l'A., de ces differentes dimensions. Une regulation demeure possible, mais elle peut emaner d'une societe civile mondiale et non d'un centre

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Patel et al. as discussed by the authors trace the coimplications of Christian, Christiansecular, and Hindu temporalities in the capitalist production of the militarized Indian nation and show the ways in which Hindu nationalist temporality relies on both missionary and secular-Christian times.
Abstract: own. In what follows I trace the coimplications of Christian, Christiansecular, and Hindu temporalities in the capitalist production of the militarized Indian nation. Here the production of a linear past-present-future relation (linear even as it curves back through the past) requires certain forms of subjectivity: a farmer who establishes a rural-urban progress narrative; a domesticated insinuation into gender in which a woman desires and represents both timeless tradition and modern commodities. In this reading, I show the ways in which Hindu nationalist temporality relies on both missionary and secular-Christian times. At the close of the essay, I explore ways of narrating colonial temporalities differently, using the work of two historians. This, because in order to get to the before or the after of colonialism one must traverse it. Only through such narrations, and the affect that engenders them as painful, can substantive differences in subject positions become available. The questions that frame this discussion include the following: How can we think subjectivity through other possible times, given that subjectivities in the “modern” are inseparable from particular ways of narrating time? Is it possible to speak of temporality, to feel temporalities, in transformatory ways, without asking readers to travel through narrations of time? Rather than merely restating Foucauldian points about disciplinary time and the carceral body, I pose these questions about time in relation to colonialism and nation-formation. I suggest that instead of changing one clock into another (e.g., traditional into modern), or speeding up and slowing down time (e.g., the acceleration of history), one must consider the persistence of at least three ways of telling time at once. This persistence abets forms of recursiveness and domination, even as it might offer ways to disturb them, or more disturbingly regenerate them in new alignments. The complex relationship between telling time and telling time’s history means that I cannot simply present these temporalities in a linear fashion to the reader. Instead, I enact the temporalities I argue from and argue for, inviting readers to enter into the narration. If we wish to envision different horizons, we may have to begin by attending to bodily implications in avowedly “nationalist” orders of time. Geeta Patel Ghostly Appearances

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: L'Ecosse, forte de son jeune Parlement, abrite un nationalisme qui s'est manifeste a travers le film Braveheart mais egalement sous la forme du symbole politique que represente le Monument erige dans les annees 1860 au heros patriote medieval William Wallace, and connaissant aujourd'hui un regain d'interet as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: L'Ecosse, forte de son jeune Parlement, abrite un nationalisme qui s'est manifeste a travers le film Braveheart mais egalement sous la forme du symbole politique que represente le Monument erige dans les annees 1860 au heros patriote medieval William Wallace, et connaissant aujourd'hui un regain d'interet

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explore cet activism en particulier for la ville de Los Angeles, qui adopter une ordonnance de salaire decent faisant obligation aux entreprises subventionnees daugmenter leurs plus bas salaires and associer une couverture medicale.
Abstract: Les annees 1980 et 1990 ont vu progresser aux Etats-Unis des gestions municipales de type entrepreneurial, au cours desquelles des entreprises etaient courtisees par de multiples avantages devant favoriser leur implantation et par la-meme le developpement local. Mais ces politiques ont donne lieu a de multiples abus et a un gaspillage outrancier d'argent public. Des voix se sont elevees recemment dans les villes americaines pour denoncer ces abus et menent des campagnes pour un salaire decent. Cette mobilisation regroupant syndicalistes, travailleurs, communautes, groupes religieux, represente une solidarite de classe inattendue aux Etats-Unis, mais largement comprehensible en raison du fort taux de pauvrete qui sevit dans ce pays. Cet article explore cet activisme en particulier pour la ville de Los Angeles, qui a du adopter une ordonnance de salaire decent faisant obligation aux entreprises subventionnees d'augmenter leurs plus bas salaires et d'y associer une couverture medicale

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, this paper argued that international is a term that stands in no need of the mediation of custom and convention, and that it is a word that can be used to describe the domestic, municipal, or international law of diverse nations.
Abstract: I would like to suggest that the drive behind the neologism, as indicated by Bentham, may offer a remarkable key to the entire Benthamite edifice. The older phrase law of nations, according to Bentham, refers to a certain discursive space only through the force of custom, or convention. What he thinks to be more appropriately required, however, is a designation that would go beyond mere convention. The phrase international law is therefore purportedly linked to that which it signifies in a manner never achieved by the phrase law of nations. Law of nations, in other words, is a sign relying on the mediation of convention. Without the convention, “the force of custom,” the phrase law of nations might be understood as one designating the domestic, municipal law of diverse nations. On the other hand, international, corresponding to that to which it refers in an intrinsic, immediate, or unmediated manner, is a term of presence in the Derridean sense.2 That is, international is a term that stands in no need of the mediation of custom and convention. The drive behind the neologism could be a unique key to Bentham’s thought, for it is emblematic of a certain attitude toward meaning formation in language that significantly underwrites much of the Benthamite oeuvre. The Marquis de Sade, a contemporary of Bentham, was also troubled, notoriously so, about the mediation of custom and convention in meaning formation. In this article I bring together Bentham and de Sade to argue that the two share a strikingly similar view of language, one that is symbolized in the coining of international by Bentham. The distinction Bentham assumes between the terms law of nations and international law Necati Polat Three Contemporaries

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the introduction of alien religious practices into Euro-America will irreparably damage traditions of tolerance and secularism rooted in Western Christianity, and argued that not all secularisms are alike.
Abstract: transposes onto anxieties regarding immigration into the liberal democratic nations of Western Europe and North America. The anxious worry that the increasing size and strength of transnational ethnic, religious, and cultural diasporas, together with global information, production, and consumption networks, make a mockery of claims of national distinction and sovereignty. Some caution that while once immigrants assimilated into the modernity of secular political cultures, now diaspora dwellers no longer relinquish their premodern, because presecular, extranational affiliations. In short, newcomers threaten to undermine the traditions of individualism, pluralism, and tolerance that distinguish Western political culture. But not all secularisms are alike.1 They vary, just as their religious counterparts vary. Even those that idealize an attitude of state neutrality toward religious adherence may appear to some to be political expressions of a particular religious base. This objection is voiced equally by those who advocate closing the geographic and metaphoric borders of the West and by those who would forestall that closure. Representing the former position, Samuel Huntington and Fay Weldon caution that the introduction of alien religious practices into Euro-America will irreparably damage traditions of tolerance and secularism rooted in Western Christianity. Each draws on a version of the secularization thesis that attributes decline in the social significance of religion to modernity, while locating the seeds of that decline in the innovations of premodern Christianity.2 This simultaneous affirmation and disavowal of Christianity as the distinguishing characteristic of the West links conservative and liberal articulations of anti-immigrant xenophobia. Huntington, for instance, frames his analysis as a warning against an impending “clash of civilizations” between the Christian West and its adversaries, Islam and Confucianism. As “the single most important characteristic of Western civilization,” Western Christianity is responsible for the “political and intellectual” features that distinguish Huntington’s West, including the separation of church and state, the rule of law, social pluralism, civil society, representative government, and individualism.3 Although primarily defending the West, Huntington also advocates proRanu Samantrai Continuity or Rupture?

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors examine les difficultes d'integration des musulmans des communautes periurbaines francaises, and se penche sur un aspect des politiques dintegration : le sport and en particulier le football.
Abstract: Les affaires dites de foulard islamique ayant eu lieu en France au debut des annees 1990 interrogent sur le rapport entre la citoyennete francaise, fondee sur la laicite et une forme d'universalisme egalitariste, et les manifestations corporelles des identites minoritaires, notamment maghrebines. L'A. examine alors les difficultes d'integration des musulmans des communautes periurbaines francaises, et se penche sur un aspect des politiques d'integration : le sport et en particulier le football. Ce sport est en effet un enjeu d'identifications et de pratiques de consommation, a travers notamment le sponsoring de grandes marques. La reappropriation de certaines de ces grandes marques par la culture beur represente un bricolage entre culture hip-hop et culture consumeriste dominante. En effet, en depit de reussites brillantes comme celle de Z. Zidane, le sport n'a pas eu les effets integrateurs escomptes car le fosse separant les jeunes maghrebins de banlieue de la societe dominante reste trop important

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the consequences of l'anti-etatisme on la condition des femmes in Grande-Bretagne are penche sur les consequences of this attitude.
Abstract: Dans une perspective feministe, cet article se penche sur les consequences de l'anti-etatisme sur la condition des femmes en Grande-Bretagne. En effet, la remise en cause d'un certain nombre de dispositions de politique sociale aurait pour effet un retour a une vulnerabilite et une dependance accrues des femmes les plus defavorisees. Comme aux Etats-Unis, la recherche d'une troisieme voie en Grande-Bretagne n'aboutit qu'a un nouveau paternalisme. L'incitation au travail, detournant une aspiration legitime a l'egalite des sexes, ne tient aucun compte des realites du travail domestique et compromet l'equilibre de la famille

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors examine la place des femmes Indiennes par-dela l'Etat et les communautes religieuses, a l'occasion des debats intense ayant lieu autour du Code civil uniforme.
Abstract: Cet article examine la place des femmes Indiennes par-dela l'Etat et les communautes religieuses, a l'occasion des debats intenses ayant lieu autour du Code civil uniforme. Les positions feministes en matiere de droits individuels de la femme sont mises en avant

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors penche particulierement sur les strategies et tactiques de discipline qui accompagnent l'octroi d'emplois aux beneficiaires.
Abstract: La reforme du systeme d'assistance sociale americain, operee en 1996 sous le nom de Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) a ete suivie de dispositions particulieres aux niveau des Etats. Le Montana ne fait pas exception avec la mise en place du programme Families Achieving Independence in Montana (FAIM) qui se propose de remplacer la dependance a l'assistance sociale par l'autosuffisance. Cet article se penche particulierement sur les strategies et tactiques de discipline qui accompagnent l'octroi d'emplois aux beneficiaires. Les formes d'opposition a ce programme sont egalement examinees

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, this article argued that the people lie in the center, in some amalgamation of an economic and political middle, and that the center offers an impoverished political map, while the middle is expanding.
Abstract: from the present, to give voice to hard times. This does, however, pose a problem for the Left’s own self-concept, namely, what to do when times improve. It is important to point out that such improvements are not for everyone, all the more so for those who live outside the borders of the United States, where four-fifths of the world’s population has seen their standard of living decline in the past decade.1 But for a leftist critique directed to those living inside the United States, economic expansion can prove disorienting to standard approaches for popular appeal. At issue is not whether things seen as sweet might sour again, but whether these ways of waiting and weighting are fruitful to begin with. Common wisdom has it that the people lie in the center, in some amalgamation of an economic and political middle. A Left might try to realign this center as a progressive majority whose political disaffection was fueled by economic disappointment. This diminished horizon of opportunity, a punctured bubble of the American Dream, was supported by decades of middle-class decline. After years of decline the middle has now, by many standard reckonings, undergone expansion. An expansiveness of political vision, which characterized earlier growth spurts, has hardly been in the offering. Instead, I would suggest, we are faced with the paradox of an expanding middle that lacks the ability to orient progressive politics in general and a Left in particular. It is important not to succumb to a centrist realpolitik that insists on the limits of the possible and thereby undermines a more ambitious self-conception. While the middle is expanding, the center it suggests offers an impoverished political map. How then to rethink the middle for a different Left? In its most recent incarnation, the study of middle-class decline has already produced a substantial literature.2 Part of what is at issue in this work is what counts as an indicator of the middle class itself. Some of this material will be reviewed here, but my interest is less in the validity and robustness of the measure than in the operation of the middle class as a means of orienting population to an emerging societal project. In the few years since the bulk of the literature on middle-class decline has appeared, some of the indicators, home ownership especially, have recouped what had apparently been lost to reach historic highs, and the midlife crisis of a Randy Martin Dead Center?

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A travers l'analyse du film noir du milieu des annees 1940 the Blue Dahlia, l'A. examine l'evolution de la politique sociale des Etats-Unis.
Abstract: A travers l'analyse du film noir du milieu des annees 1940 the Blue Dahlia qui montre la difficile reinsertion des veterans de la Seconde geurre mondiale, l'A. examine l'evolution de la politique sociale des Etats-Unis. Elle montre comment sa feminisation l'a eloigne du statut de cause nationale pour etre associee a une dependance et une faiblesse sociales. Les paroles prononcees en 1996 par Bill Clinton mettre un terme a l'assistance sociale telle que nous la connaissons prennent un relief particulier quand on sait l'incidence qu'a eu la reforme de 1996 (PRWORA) sur l'Aide aux familles avec enfants a charge (AFDC) dont les principales beneficiaires etaient des femmes elevant seules leurs enfants

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors examine les conditions du declin actuel de la classe moyenne americaine in termses statistiques d'acces a la consommation and a la propriete privee and quant aux nouvelles orientations en matiere d'accumulation du capital.
Abstract: L'A. examine les conditions du declin actuel de la classe moyenne americaine en termes statistiques d'acces a la consommation et a la propriete privee et en termes politiques quant aux nouvelles orientations en matiere d'accumulation du capital

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TL;DR: The last two decades have seen a flowering of Scottish historiographical, sociological, and literary scholarship, which has allowed us to interpret Scotland in what might be called a "normal" light.
Abstract: modern Scotland. The last two decades have seen a flowering of Scottish historiographical, sociological, and literary scholarship, which has allowed us to interpret Scotland in what might be called a “normal” light; this is exemplified in Ross’s article. There was nothing paradoxical or craven about the eschewing of political nationalism in nineteenth-century Scotland. As Ross explains, the bourgeoisie of that period were supremely self-confident about their achievements as partners (with England) in running the British Empire and would have seen no point in following the secessionary enthusiasms of their class counterparts in places such as Bohemia, Catalonia, Poland, or (earlier) the United States. Likewise, the working class and the new professional middle classes of mid-twentieth-century Scotland believed they had solved the problem of balancing “big government” against local choice and cultural diversity. They could get the resource advantages of being part of the economically powerful U.K. state—the capacity to redistribute tax revenues between the rich, southeastern English core and not only the decaying industrial lands of northern England, Wales, and central Scotland but also the massively underdeveloped rural regions of northern Wales and northern Scotland, still suffering poverty that would now be recognized as belonging to the developing world. (Like Andrew Ross, I grew up in Scotland in the 1950s and 1960s, but in the northern Highlands, where I can remember several children in my primary-school class who came from homes with no electricity, no running water, and the barest of clothing even in the harsh northern winters; by the late 1960s, the new welfare state had ended all that.) At the same time, the channeling of this redistribution through a distinctive arm of the central state bureaucracy—the Scottish Office— ensured that local professionals had a great deal of say in how the money was spent. As in all developed countries at the time, the spending of public money became the responsibility of committees of “experts,” doctors, teachers, social workers, planners, and so on who could adapt statewide mandates to local conditions. Dealing with Scottish peculiarities in that way seemed to be ideal: it avoided the messiness of local politics that Lindsay Paterson Civil Society