Showing papers in "Social Work in 2000"

“Being” Native versus “Going Native”: Conducting Social Work Research as an Insider

Abstract: The increasing cultural diversity among professional social workers has resulted in the need to examine critically some of the earlier notions about the epistemology, ontology, and methodology of social work research and practice. One outcome of these analyses about how and by whom research projects are carried out is the emergence of "native," "indigenous," or "insider" research in which scholars conduct studies with populations and communities and identity groups of which they are also members. This article reports the work of a native social work researcher who conducted an ethnographic study with her social identity group. The complex and inherent challenges of being both an insider with intimate knowledge of one's study population and an outsider as researcher are explored. Implications for social work research and practice with regard to native social work perspectives and methods also are discussed.

Mental Health Services in Faith Communities: The Role of Clergy in Black Churches

Abstract: A small but growing literature recognizes the varied roles that clergy play in identifying and addressing mental health needs in their congregations. Although the role of the clergy in mental health services delivery has not been studied extensively, a few investigations have attempted a systematic examination of this area. This article examines the research, highlighting available information with regard to the process by which mental health needs are identified and addressed by faith communities. Areas and issues where additional information is needed also are discussed. Other topics addressed include client characteristics and factors associated with the use of ministers for personal problems, the role of ministers in mental health services delivery, factors related to the development of church-based programs and service delivery systems, and models that link churches and formal services agencies. A concluding section describes barriers to and constraints against effective partnerships between churches, formal services agencies, and the broader practice of social work.

Valuing Families: Social Work Practice with Families from a Strengths Perspective

Abstract: Social work and social workers have long been concerned with families. Historically, most approaches to social work with families have focused on individual pathology and problem solving or have considered problems of a family member to be symptoms of family dysfunction. In contrast, other approaches to social work have focused on growth, function, and healing. This article describes both problem-focused and growth-focused approaches to practice and presents a strengths approach to practice that values families and builds resilience. Assumptions of the strengths approach are discussed and applied to work with families through a case example.

Choice and Empowerment for Battered Women Who Stay: Toward a Constructivist Model

Abstract: This article examines the individual and social construction of empowerment for battered women who choose to stay with their abusers through a critical examination of the images of battered women who stay, constructed in the professional literature on various ecological levels, and a proposal of a constructivist model for empowering battered women who choose to stay that balances between their needs and rights. The model includes dimensions of physical and emotional distance as well as a time dimension. Key themes related to battered women's options along these dimensions are presented.

Ethical Decision Making: The Person in the Process

Abstract: Ethical decisions made by social workers are shaped by the decision maker and the process used to resolve ethical dilemmas. Although systematic guidelines for resolving ethical dilemmas offer social workers a logical approach to the decision-making sequence, it is inevitable that discretionary judgments will condition the ultimate choice of action. Social workers are influenced by professional roles, practice experiences, individualized perspectives, personal preferences, motivations, and attitudes. Through reflective self-awareness social workers can recognize their value preferences and be alert to the ways in which these values unknowingly influence the resolution of ethical dilemmas. Understanding which values or ethical principles were given priority from among competing alternatives can inform social workers about their value patterning. This article challenges social workers to view current ethical decisions as linked to other ethical decisions they have made in the past or will make in the future. An approach to developing keener insight into value patterning is presented.

The Inclusive Workplace: An Ecosystems Approach to Diversity Management

Abstract: This article's main argument is that organizations need to expand their notion of diversity to include not only the organization itself, but also the larger systems that constitute its environment. The concept of "the inclusive workplace," introduced here, refers to a work organization that is not only accepting and using the diversity of its own work force, but also is active in the community, participates in state and federal programs to include working poor people, and collaborates across cultural and national boundaries with a focus on global mutual interests. Using an ecosystems perspective, the article outlines a value-based model and a practice-based model of the inclusive workplace as they pertain to the different organizational levels, from the micro to the macro. Finally, implications for the social work profession are drawn with specific case examples for each system level.

Social Workers Employed in Substance Abuse Treatment Agencies: A Training Needs Assessment

Abstract: This article describes the results of an assessment of the substance abuse treatment training needs of social workers working in randomly selected substance abuse treatment facilities in New England. This assessment revealed that clinical supervision related to substance abuse treatment had not been available to a significant percentage of the respondents throughout their careers. Despite limited previous training experience and considerable barriers to current training, social workers surveyed in this study reported significantly higher levels of knowledge and skill than other substance abuse treatment providers in 10 of 12 substance abuse treatment areas investigated. Despite these high levels of knowledge and skill, respondents reported considerable need for and interest in additional substance abuse treatment training. This study identified the areas of assessment, advanced clinical techniques, and dual diagnosis as priorities for future training among social workers working in substance abuse treatment facilities.

Preventing Adolescent Pregnancy: A Review of Programs and Practices

Abstract: This article reviews literature on the programs and practices available for the primary prevention of adolescent pregnancy. Using the outcomes from research studies, the review defines some of the "best practices" available for the purpose of guiding practitioners in their selection of programs and interventions. Prevention programs, their major components, and curricula are discussed. Best practices discussed include community-based and school-based clinics, programs offering contraceptive knowledge-building along with comprehensive sex education and skills training, and sex education curricula based on social learning theory and skills training.

Women and human services giving.

Abstract: The first decades of the new century are expected to witness a dramatic increase in charitable giving. And women will be more influential than ever before in determining the beneficiaries of this giving. The purpose of the research reported in this article is to provide useful information for social workers involved in program fundraising by examining various factors that may influence women's future charitable giving to human services. Data for this study were taken from a representative national sample of 2,719 U.S. adults. The Gallup Organization conducted in-home face-to-face interviews in 1996 for the Independent Sector. The results of this secondary analysis indicate that people who give to human services, in contrast to those who do not, were more likely to be white women, have a higher income, and volunteer in human services. In addition, the analysis provides evidence that women are more committed to the role of charitable organizations in society and believe that they have the power to improve the welfare of others. Key words: charitable giving; funding; human services; philanthropy; women The first decades of the new century are expected to witness a dramatic increase in giving in the United States (Elder, 1997; Hamilton, 1994; Kaplan, 1994; Kaplan & Hayes, 1993; Shaw & Taylor, 1995). This projection is based on the coming together of three interrelated economic and demographic streams. First, partially as a result of the social policies of the Reagan and Bush administrations, the 1980s saw a significant buildup of wealth among upper-income groups in the United States. Second, older Americans, many of whom have done well financially over the past 40 years, are expected to make bequests of close to $10 trillion. And third, baby boomers are now reaching their peak giving years. Also important for the human services is the fact that women will be more influential than ever before in determining the beneficiaries of this giving (Kahn, 1997). Today, more wealth is produced jointly by working men and women and individually by working women. In fact, women own more than 60 percent of the wealth in the United States (Kahn; Lederer, 1991). According to the U.S. Census Bureau, of the 3.4 million Americans now classified as top wealth holders by the Internal Revenue Service, more than 40 percent are women (Conover, 1996). Women are expected to give large portions or this wealth to programs that benefit women. According to the American Association of Fund Raising Council (AAFRC) (Gray, 1997), individual donations in constant dollars (that is, adjusted for inflation) increased from $114.30 billion in 1989 to $119.92 billion in 1996. In 1996 individual donations represented 79.6 percent of all private giving, which included the contributions of corporations (5.6 percent), foundations (7.8 percent), and bequests (6.9 percent). The problem of concern for social workers is that human services have difficulty in attracting sufficient private donations. Since 1989 total private donations (again, in constant dollars) to all major recipients except human services have increased (Gray, 1997). For example, charitable giving to religion increased from $62.22 billion to $69.44 billion; giving to health services increased from $12.93 to 13.89 billion; donations to education grew from $14.26 to $18.81 billion; and giving to the arts went from $9.77 to 10.92 billion. In contrast, private donations to human services organizations decreased from $14.84 to $12.16 billion. By far, the largest percentage of charitable contributions (46.1 percent) goes to religious organizations, with human services receiving only 8.1 percent of charitable giving (Gray). This study, a secondary analysis of national survey data collected for the Independent Sector by the Gallup Organization in 1996, examines women's giving to human services. The purpose of the analysis is to provide useful information for social workers involved in program fundraising by examining various factors that may influence women's future charitable giving to human services. …

Confronting Stigma within the Services System

Abstract: Stigma is a major problem for many clients of social work services, particularly people who are labeled with mental retardation (Mackelprang & Salsgiver, 1996; Schwartz, 1992; Witkin, 1998). Stigma problems interfere with people's opportunities to succeed and hinder their efforts to become more normalized. Unfortunately, the delivery system that serves people with a mental retardation label is often an inadvertent perpetrator of stigma (Jaskulski, Metzler & Zierman, 1990; Wehmeyer & Metzler, 1995). This article offers three major tasks that social workers can take on to overcome the stigma that the system is fostering. The concept of stigma refers to negative social meanings or stereotypes assigned to a people when their attributes are considered both different from or inferior to societal norms (Goffman, 1963). A major characteristic of stigma is that it is instrumental in restricting a person's ability to develop his or her potential (Coleman, 1986). In the case of people labeled with mental retardation, negative social meanings or stereotypes are assigned to them on the basis of others' awareness of their cognitive challenges. Typical stereotypes assigned to them include being incapable of thinking or speaking for themselves, being unable to live independently, and being unable to become employed in the competitive work world. Historical Context of Stigma The national deinstitutionalization movement, beginning in the 1970s, has reawakened our society to the basic human rights that have been denied to people with a mental retardation label. Over time this movement has discharged tens of thousands of people from large institutions to the community. The movement has been a long overdue response to a previously forgotten segment of our population and has brought them unprecedented freedom, opportunity, and access to a more normalized life. The movement offers a radical departure from the previous institutional era that existed for more than a century and fostered isolation, regimentation, and dependency. This movement has had major success in many areas. Significantly, numerous formerly institutionalized people have been physically integrated into the community. For example, most of their living arrangements are now in apartments and houses in the community, and many travel to a work site in a commercial area for vocational or prevocational activities. Also, this community service system continues to be reasonably successful in preparing its clients with a broad array of basic skills needed for greater independence and self-sufficiency. Many have developed skills, for example, in hygiene and grooming, communication, maintaining a household, and using public transportation. Normalization theory, the predominant philosophy that has driven this movement, has helped establish the belief that all people with disabilities should have the opportunity to live normalized lives to the extent that their disabilities allow (Brown & Smith, 1992; Flynn & Nitsch, 1980; Wolfensberger, 1972). The ambiguities involved in defining a "normalized" environment and the challenges to implementing such an ideal have led to alternative goals as well. The "least-restrictive alternative" is one example (Turnbull, Ellis, Boggs, Brooks, & Biklen, 1981). This concept offers a less complicated set of criteria than normalization for designing residential services, habilitation plans, and support services. The least-restricted alternative also has been used in court decisions to clarify that people with mental disabilities have a constitutional right to protection from "undue restraint." Wolfensberger (1983) crafted another helpful concept, "social role valorization," for guiding the design and practice of service provisions. Creating and supporting socially valued roles for people in the community is highly desired in areas such as employment, family relationships, household management, and community activities. …

A Topography of Self-Help Groups: An Empirical Analysis

Abstract: The current managed health care system creates an environment in which social workers need to be knowledgeable about low-cost interventions. Self-help groups have the potential to be beneficial to social workers' clients. Surprisingly, little is known about the characteristics and activities of many groups and the extent to which groups receive guidance and support from professionals and established national and local organizations. Whereas many social workers are aware of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), there are thousands of other types of groups that could be helpful to their clients. This study examines the member and group characteristics, professional involvement, and local and national affiliations of 253 self-help groups. Results suggested that many groups have shared leadership, recruit group members, receive assistance from professionals, and receive guidance from national and local organizations. Results are discussed in terms of how social workers can assist and use self-help groups in the current managed health care system.

Effects of Court-Ordered Substance Abuse Treatment in Child Protective Services Cases

Abstract: Courts often play active roles in the lives of families supervised by child protective services (CPS). Judges adjudicate dependency, mandate services, determine placements of children, and order continued supervision or termination of parental rights or services. This study examined the effects of court orders in preventing recurrence of substance abuse in the cases of 447 children in kinship care while under CPS supervision. In addition, the effects of court orders on duration of service and on numbers of placements were studied. Results suggested that court interventions had mixed outcomes. Levels of compliance with mandated substance abuse and mental health treatment did not appear to influence rates of reabuse or duration of service. Court orders appeared to affect both the number of caretakers and placements the children experienced. Children adjudicated dependent were more likely to have multiple caretakers than those under voluntary supervision.

Understanding a Work-Family Fit for Single Parents Moving from Welfare to Work

Abstract: Teng and Pittman's model of "work-family fit" served as a theoretical base for exploring the experiences of families moving from welfare to work. Responding to open-ended telephone interview questions, 30 recently hired welfare recipients described factors that were needed for them to make a smooth transition into work, be successful at their jobs, and balance work and family. The individuals appeared to experience greater success when their own needs and the needs of their families were being met and when they were able to meet the demands of work, leading to greater work-family fit. Support from the workplace and other community sources, as well as participants' personal attributes contributed to this work-family fit. Specific strategies based on these findings are offered for employers, social workers, and community organizations. Key words: community response; employment; poverty; single working mothers; welfare reform; work-family fit Federal legislation (Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, P.L. 104-193) has altered drastically the United States' welfare system, ending the guarantee of cash assistance to eligible families in poverty and setting both work requirements and time limits for all welfare recipients. These far-reaching changes in the welfare system raise questions about the futures of families living in poverty, who must meet these new requirements while facing many obstacles to finding and keeping good jobs. With most welfare recipients being young single mothers with young children and well-below-average education levels, (Burtless, 1997), obtaining employment raises questions about their abilities to handle new work demands along with their family responsibilities. The overriding question is What factors will help participants in welfare reform programs transition successfully into work while maintaining the well-being of their families? Most of the research on the work and family interface has been framed by one of three perspectives: multiple roles, job demands, or spillover and crossover (Pleck, 1995). Although these perspectives are helpful in understanding the experiences of some families, they were developed primarily using studies with middle-or upper-middle-income white, often married, participants. This fact may limit their relevance for understanding the processes involved as single, poor mothers, many who are African American, move from welfare to work. A new perspective of "work-family fit" shows promise for addressing not only a much broader range of families and contexts, but also the complex interactions between work and family (Teng & Pittman, 1996). The work-family fit approach views work and family as interconnected systems, where connections between these two systems are conceived of as the "fit" between the demands of work and the family's abilities to meet those demands and the fit between the family's needs and the supplies available from work to meet those needs. Both work and family are seen as active contributors to this exchange process, and bidirectional influences are assumed to exist between the two dimensions of fit. Although the work--family fit model attends to the diverse complexities of family and work contexts, for families in poverty the workplace frequently is unable to meet their multiple needs. Other sources of needed supplies must be considered, such as help from friends or relatives, support from social services, child care resources, and various other community services (Chilman, 1991; McLanahan & Booth, 1989; Parish, Hao, & Hogan, 1991). In addition to providing assistance, these community supports can place demands on welfare recipients, such as obligations to extended relatives (Parish et al., 1991). Therefore, to explore the full experience of families moving from welfare into work, our conceptual framework extends Teng and Pittman's (1996) model and includes both community supplies and community demands, in addition to the previously discussed components of the work-family fit model (see Figure 1). …

Understanding Suicide Attempts by Adolescent Hispanic Females

Abstract: This article presents integrative model to aid clinicians in understanding suicide attempts by adolescent Hispanic females. On the basis of knowledge accumulated through clinical and research experience, the model describes a convergence of sociocultural, familial, developmental, and psychological factors that include considerations of family and parental functioning; adolescent female development; and the relationships of fathers, mothers, and daughters.

Reflections on Empowerment-Based Practice

Abstract: Social work education presents students with theories for understanding human beings and the social-historical contexts they share. These assumptions are supposed to make social workers' roles, practices, and agencies make sense. But where do they come from? How are the theories selected--and from among what alternatives? The people or licensing bodies choosing or approving these options control knowledge and inhibit knowing beyond the parameters of what they have designated for social work's knowledge base. What were the knowledge requirements or factors used to select prevailing theories about human behavior and the social environment or about social work practice? What happens to practitioners when feelings about their work contradicts what they were taught they should be thinking? This article is a reflection of formal social work learning interacting with the author's own social work experience. The article discusses what receiving knowledge (as opposed to sharing in producing or generating it) means for a practice supposedly committed to the social work values of human dignity and social justice. The experiences that led to the author's work on empowerment-based practice are presented and discussed. These experiences precipitated critical questioning that continues today. Key words: clinical social work; empowerment; epistemology; knowledge building; social justice A cross the protective, large desk sat Michael, a very angry black teenager. One of 25 kids assigned to me, Michael was very bright, articulate, and streetwise. He was 17 and an involuntary participant in our agency's joint project with the country juvenile court. I was 24, white, recently married, middle class, and the proud possesor of a quite new MSW. Like all the other kids I saw while working on this project, Michael was identified as a habitual juvenile offender. He was a mandatory referral to the agency where I was a caseworker. I had seen Michael in weekly court-ordered appointments over several months, with my major contribution being the routine attribution of anger to him-between numerous "hmms" and near obsessive loading, smoking, and reloading of a pipe (it was 1964, and some of us smoked in those days). On this particular day, after another of my seemingly incessant "insightful" (or inciteful?) references to his barely repressed anger (which I had learned was directly and unilaterally related to his early childhood and associated with his unrepressed delinquent behavior patterns), he emphatically said (in edited form), "You know the worst part of you? You really think you care about me!" For some reason I still cannot fully understand, Michael's statement contained a truth and a power that startled me. Michael's anger did not startle me; I was used to it. I had learned that such expressions were not personal, and to distance myself from them. Furthermore, I believed I had some control over this anger because I could interpret its meaning. This power to name another person's experience was built into my recently acquired role, status, and practice model. I did not realize at the time how central these "facts" of professional life were to my identity. Simply put, an epiphany occurred in that moment. In some noncognitive way of "knowing," I knew that Michael was right. I also knew, in the same elusive epistemology, that Michael's truth was not discrete, not separated from mine. In his truth there was a terse, cryptic, yet valid critique of my newly chosen profession, my graduate education, its practice models and its supporting theories--the whole thing. (The italicized words are meant to indicate that the typical cognitive or conceptual meanings associated with them were not what I experienced.) Yet, I knew this truth in the moment, without any cognitive, emotional, or professional support for my knowing it. I knew a truth without a method of knowing that could not be perceived by legitimated ways of perceiving it within my role and identity. …

Ensuring Ethical Practice: An Examination of NASW Code Violations, 1986–97

Abstract: The NASW Code of Ethics is intended to serve as a guide for practice and as a statement of professional standards that the public may use to hold social workers accountable for their actions At times, however, the Code's proscriptions may seem overly general, difficult to apply, or unrealistic in light of the challenges workers face daily How then is the Code interpreted? What actions by social workers may result in findings of ethics violations? This article reviews earlier research on violations of the NASW Code and reports on a recent study reviewing allegations made against NASW members from 1986 to 1997 The article describes the frequency and types of behaviors that resulted in findings of ethical misconduct and offers suggestions for enhancing practice and reducing exposure to ethics complaints Key words: adjudication; ethics; ethics violations; social workers Ethical social work practice has received increased attention during the past 10 years because of concerns about managing malpractice risk, ensuring quality services delivery, and demonstrating professional competence to the satisfaction of funding agencies and regulatory bodies Paralleling this sensitivity to ethical practice is the perception that vulnerability to ethics charges has increased-client cases are increasingly complex and multidimensional, there is high risk in bad decisions, and the available resources to address client needs are decreasing while pressures for efficiency are rising Against this backdrop, the National Association of Social Workers adopted a revised Code of Ethics (NASW, 1997), which more thoroughly explicates the obligations of social workers to their clients, colleagues, and employing organizations NASW offers the Code as a guide for practice, as a protection for the public, and as a tool for adjudicating complaints made against the organization's members This increased attention to ethics is reflected in the literature of social work and related professions Authors have described a range of ethics challenges, such as dual relationships (Kagle & Giebelhausen, 1994), threats to privacy (Corcoran & Winslade, 1994; Davidson & Davidson, 1996), client abandonment (Reamer, 1997), and the duty to warn (Abramson, 1990; Kopels & Kagle, 1993) Elsewhere in the literature, authors have focused on the strategies for managing ethical and malpractice risks (Houston-Vega & Nuehring, 1997; Kurzman, 1995), and still others have examined professional perspectives on ethical practice (Jayaratne, Croxton, & Mattison, 1997; Kugelman, 1992; Smith, McGuire, Abbott, & Blau, 1991) With regard to the incidence of unethical behavior by social workers, Reamer (1995a) reported on malpractice claims filed against NASW members for the years 1961 through 1990 Reamer noted that during that period, 634 claims were filed, and although not all were substantiated, the two most common categories, constituting almost 40 percent of the claims, involved incorrect treatment and sexual improprieties The latter category, however, was the most costly, resulting in 41 percent of the total damages awarded Although these are less common, claims regarding the suicide of a patient and failure to warn a third party to protect them from imminent harm also had a high cost, relative to other forms of malpractice Three studies used NASW-adjudicated cases as a basis for examination McCann and Cutler (1979) reviewed the ethics complaints (N= 154) filed with NASW between 1955 and 1977 and found that, most frequently, the central issues had to do with the firing of employees, personnel practice violations, and breaches of contracts Because 25 percent of the complaints were held as having been in violation of the Code, the authors suggested the need for less abstract standards, so that behaviors and professional expectations could be more clearly linked Berliner's study (1989) examined individual ethics cases filed between 1979 and 1985 and found that of the substantiated complaints (N = 96), the greatest number (n = 27 or 28 percent) were in the category of the social worker's ethical responsibility to organizations, the profession, and society, followed by the category of responsibility to colleagues (n = 26 or 27 percent of violations) and conduct as a social worker (n 24 or 25 percent of violations) …

The Social Work Ethics Audit: A Risk-Management Strategy

Abstract: In recent years, social work's knowledge base related to professional ethics has expanded significantly. However, most practicing social workers concluded their formal professional education at a time when comprehensive ethics education was not a critical or mandated component of the curriculum. This article integrates current knowledge on social work ethics and introduces the concept of a social work ethics audit to aid social workers in their efforts to identify pertinent ethical issues; review and assess the adequacy of their current ethics-related practices; modify their practices as needed; and monitor the implementation of these changes.

Constructing the future.

Abstract: Any books that you read, no matter how you got the sentences that have been read from the books, surely they will give you goodness. But, we will show you one of recommendation of the book that you need to read. This constructing the future is what we surely mean. We will show you the reasonable reasons why you need to read this book. This book is a kind of precious book written by an experienced author.

Gandhian Principles in Social Work Practice: Ethics Revisited

Abstract: Social work as an expression of culture is a highly value-laden activity. The emergence of many new ethical issues resulting from technological and scientific advancements suggests a need for greater attention to values and ethics. In this article the authors argue that the thought of Mahatma Gandhi, as revealed in his social activism, is relevant to social work ethics and a resource for its ethical enrichment. Principles such as seeking truth through service to others, individual self-development, nonviolent social action, and material simplicity could enhance the current NASW Code of Ethics. Key words: ethics; Gandhi; nonviolence; social justice; spirituality Social work scholars and practitioners have given limited attention to the principles of Mahatma Gandhi as a source of theory building. When one considers the overlap of social work values with Gandhian principles, this omission is surprising. This article presents Gandhian thought as a source of ethical theory building for the profession and as a complement to the current knowledge that informs social work practice. Volumes have been written on Gandhi's theory of nonviolent social change. On the subject of social work and Gandhian thought, the scant literature available has focused on social development, community organizing, conflict resolution (Bonnee & Sharma, 1991; Dasgupta, 1982; Sharma, 1989; Sharma & Ormsby, 1982), and, on rare occasions, social services activities (Dayal, 1986). Shachter and Seinfeld (1994) have entreated the profession to "rediscover the transcending wisdom of such passionate philosophers of nonviolence as Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Erik Erikson" (p. 349) in explo ring the connection between personal violence and cultural violence. A few scholars (Walz, Sharma, & Birnbaum, 1990), however, have addressed how Gandhian thought could enhance social work ethics. Ethical Paradigm The enrichment of the ethical foundation of a profession is as critical as the expansion of its knowledge base. Ethical research and theory building in social work practice has long been overshadowed by the belief that knowledge and theory are more critical variables in the profession's development (Holland & Kilpatrick, 1991; Reamer, 1982). Gandhi's thought as a guide for service to others and the pursuit of social justice is complementary to social work practice theory. His method, based on an integration of social service and social action, combined both micro and macro interventions, something social work has struggled to synthesize. Gandhi achieved this integration by reducing his ethical theory to two primary foci: service to others and social justice. Gandhi's ethical system rejected the Western model of utilitarianism, with its focus on the greatest good for the greatest number in society. In contrast, Gandhian theory emphasized social justice as fairness to the individual, with priority to disadvantaged people. In their writings Rawls (1973) and Gewirth (1978) closely followed Gandhian ethical principles. Rawls defined justice in terms of an equality principle that gives each individual equal rights to basic liberty and modifies this with a "difference principle" in which inequality may be justified if the least-advantaged individuals in society are better off than if there were total equality. Gewirth, similarly, advanced distributive justice in his "principle of generic consistency," which is defined as "distributing freedom and wellbeing for each person, rather than pursuit of the greatest possible aggregation of some good" (cited in Reamer, 1982, p. 73). Gandhi (1926), Rawls, and Gewirth addressed distributive justice from a poorest-of-the-poor phil osophy, justice to the most vulnerable first. Gewirth relied solely on reason as the mechanism for determining justice, but Rawls and Gandhi believed that an appeal to intuition or "the heart" should settle questions of priority. …

Infants and toddlers with disabilities: relationship-based approaches.

Abstract: The passage of the Education of the Handicapped Act Amendments of 1986 (P.L. 99-457) heralded a new era for early intervention for children with disabilities (De Gangi, Royeen, & Wietlisbach, 1992; Hepp, 1991; Roberts, 1991; Rossetti, 1990; Shonkoff & Meisels, 1990; Trivette, Dunst, Deal, Hamer, & Propst, 1990). This act, renamed the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) (P.L. 101-476) in 1990, was amended again in 1997. The section in the legislation that addresses programs and services offered to infants and toddlers (Part C in the newest reauthorization, P. L. 105-17), emphasizes the importance of the family in the intervention process and requires the involvement and collaboration of multiple disciplines and agencies in meeting the needs of families with young children. The way in which services are delivered and the philosophical and theoretical approaches that underlie service delivery have continued to evolve during the past 15 years. This article discusses current and emerging early inter vention practice in the light of its evolution during the past decade. For many of the disciplines, a change to a radically new approach to service delivery challenges the training that they received. Understanding the evolution of the approach to services to young children will help as social workers collaborate with professionals whose training may have emphasized a different understanding of service delivery. For the past 15 years, the majority of the intervention approaches used by programs serving young children focused on provision of developmental activities and therapies and services requested by the parents. Traditional approaches to early intervention used a discipline-based, normative perspective in assessment and intervention with a heavy focus on developmental milestones. Special education and therapeutic approaches grew from a medical model that was prescriptive, focusing on "deficits" and disability of the child. The desired outcome of these approaches was an increase in the number of developmental skills and milestones represented on norm-referenced and criterion-referenced instruments. Service providers each focused on their own discipline, acting as experts who assessed, developed, and prescribed interventions for children. Parents and families functioned as recipients of expert information and services. They might be involved in carrying out some recommendations--and indeed would be considered "non compliant" if they did not follow through on recommendations--but theirs was a more passive role in the traditional model. With the advent of family-centered care, the role of the family in children's development received more attention. Family goals and needs are solicited more actively in assessment and in the development of the individual family service plan mandated for infants and toddlers. The developmental perspective continues to be organized around developmental milestones with more emphasis on social--emotional development and the addition of consideration of cultural influences on development. Child deficits with some consideration for child and family strengths continue to be a central focus of many professional recommendations. Often, provision of services has been cross-disciplinary, meaning that there has been some sharing of perspectives across disciplines. Although parental involvement in the assessment and intervention process is mandated by IDEA, parental input on assessment continues to be viewed skeptically by many professionals (Sexton, Thompson, Perez, & Rheams, 1990), and as yet parents are not widely acce pted as the experts on their child and collaborators in the development of programs. Outcomes for service have expanded to include parental satisfaction, decreases in family stressors, and increases in family resources and supports. The parental role involves more participation in problem solving and in program development within controlled choices (that is, parents may choose from among the options offered by the agencies involved). …

Writing Social Work

Abstract: I am sitting on a hard wooden chair with a small round seat. My laptop computer sits stoically in front of me on a smooth wooden table scattered with papers and diskettes. Although it is June the temperature gauge just outside my large window reads 8 degrees centigrade (about 45 degrees Fahrenheit). I watch a large black and white magpie hop around in front of a red wooden building with a metal roof that faces the window. The building is the "sauna house" of the University of Lapland. I have returned to Finland to participate in another international summer school (see Witkin, 1999). I am feeling restless, fighting with myself to stay at the computer and continue working on this editorial. It is due soon after I return to the United States, and I would like to have it mostly completed while I am here. I remind myself that I love to write, at least some of the time. Like when I have just finished a writing project and the exquisite pain of searching for the "right" words and the talking-to-myself struggle to stay focused are memories. I am also thinking about whether what I am writing now -- these words--can be part of the editorial. After all, I say to myself, part of this issue of Social Work is about writing, and I am writing about writing. Maybe I am just trying to write my way into this editorial. It is not that I lack ideas; in fact, the opposite is true. My struggle is how to express and organize them, to make them coherent and interesting--within a small number of pages. There are infinite ways to write about writing. Yet each beginning, each formulation, points me in a different direction--toward certain conceptions and understandings and away from others. Which ones will be enacted through my writing? Which will be given form, and which will remain in the ethereal world of thought? Can I even know what these ideas are until I write them down? (I am reminded of Lamott's [1994] comment that "Very few writers know what they are doing until they've done it" [p. 22]). These are big questions for a little essay. At the same time, I am excited about introducing alternative writing formats into Social Work. For a profession that depends so heavily on writing, this topic gets little attention. The stylistic and structural requirements of our journals are rarely questioned or examined in relation to our professional goals. But the way we write is important, very important to how we learn and what we know. What follows are some of my thoughts on this subject. * * * Writing Science [1] By the 17th century there came to be a distinction between literary and scientific forms of writing. [2] The former, associated with the arts, culture, and humanities, was concerned with language itself, how it might be used to express, explore, analyze, and create. For science, however, language simply was a vehicle for recording the regularities of nature and the methods for producing those regularities. By and large, academic and professional journals, including Social Work, have adopted the writing format developed for scientific writing. [3] Writing science (or research) requires adherence to a prescribed structure that looks something like the following: statement of the problem, literature review, method, results, and discussion. This structure both reflects various assumptions about knowledge and serves the needs of certain segments of the scientific community. For example, following this structure gives texts an aura of authority, equating particular accounts of the world as "reality." It also keeps contributors in line. "One gets published by conforming to the literary style of a discipline-presenting argument in a way that adheres to literary canons (e.g., paying obeisance to those given high status, using its referencing style, and methodologies, presenting findings, beginnings." [4] Science writing assumes that language reflects the world as observed by the researcher. …

Use and Support of Multicultural and Antiracist Education: Research-Informed Interdisciplinary Social Work Practice

Abstract: Multicultural education (MCE) and antiracist education (ARE) are the primary curricula through which school educators are combating the effects of racism and bigotry. To assist in the efforts of the educators, social workers need an understanding of MCE and ARE objectives, assumptions, and current research to guide their practice. This article discusses the differences between MCE and ARE and presents the findings of a study conducted in five northwestern United States school districts. It examines curricula, policies, and practices used to address racism and bigotry among elementary, middle, and high school students; attempts to discover underlying barriers to implementing antiracist and antibigotry curricula; and reveals the perspectives of teachers, administrators, counselors, and social workers. Implications for social work practice, policy development, and research are discussed.

Adoption Policy in the United States: A Word of Caution

Abstract: Recent public policies on adoption are aimed at expediting the termination of the rights of parents charged with child maltreatment, while making it easier for those who desire to adopt to do so. These policies are intended to protect the health and safety of children. This is an important goal, but this Commentary calls attention to the potential of the legislation for further disadvantaging poor children and families who are already disenfranchised and disadvantaged politically and economically. Recommendations are made for addressing these issues. Adoption Legislation and Initiatives Section 1807 (Adoption Assistance) of the Small Business Job Protection Act (1996) provided a tax credit of $5,000 to $6,000 for adoptive parents. The one-time credit was in addition to subsidies for adopting children with special needs. Also in 1996, President Clinton set forth his "Adoption 2002" initiative, the goal of which was to at least double the number of adoptions by the year 2002. Subsequently, the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 (P.L. 105-89) became law. Among other elements, this legislation expands provision for the termination of the parental rights of biological parents, modifies provision for the involvement of relatives, and strengthens opportunity and support for adoption. The Adoption 2002 initiative and the related legislation sought to make adoption easier and to get children adopted at younger ages so they are not damaged by further maltreatment or by long waits in the child welfare system. These are important aims. Three reasons for caution, however, are (1) that systemic factors, such as poverty and single female parenthood, are ignored; (2) that poor and single-parent families may be disadvantaged, whereas people desiring to adopt may be advantaged; and (3) that the comparative effects of terminating parental rights on children and their biological families are not addressed. Elements of the law that give rise to these concerns and contextual considerations related to them are discussed below. Reasonable Efforts Requirement Some amendments of P.L. 105-89 dilute the requirement of reasonable efforts to avoid a child's removal from or reunification with his or her biological parent(s). For example, these efforts are not required if they conflict with a permanency plan for the child, in which case reasonable efforts are to be directed to finalizing the child's permanent placement (Sec. 101). The requirement also may be eliminated when parental rights to a sibling previously were terminated. Moreover, adoption professionals may seek simultaneously to place a child for adoption or with a legal guardian and to prevent the child's removal or facilitate the child's return. Several problems emerge here. First, these exceptions may be invoked even if the health and safety of the current child is not at risk. Second, because there are strong financial incentives to increase adoptions, practitioners may be compromised ethically if required to work for reunification and adoptive placement simultaneously. Finally, only adoption and legal guardianship, but not placements with relatives, require reasonable efforts at permanent placement. Although relatives who become legal guardians generally are not eligible for foster care payments, the Department of Health and Human Services chose not to recommend subsidizing guardianship as an alternative to adoption. Because many relatives want to avoid the adversarial relationship with birth parent(s) that legally adopting the children of kin may bring, non-relative adopters become favored in their eligibility for adoption tax credits and subsidies. Relatives' Rights This legislation adds the requirement that relatives who are providing care be given notice of and opportunity to be heard at any review regarding the child. However, they are not guaranteed the right to be a party in such a review. A relative who requests an opportunity to offer permanent (but not adoptive) care to the child would not have rights in the process (Sec. …

Teenage Parents and Welfare Reform: Findings from a Survey of Teenagers Affected by Living Requirements

Abstract: An important component of welfare reform aimed at minor teenage parents is a requirement that the teenager live in an appropriate living situation, typically with a parent or guardian The State of Massachusetts developed Teen Living Programs as an alternate living arrangement for minor teenage parents receiving welfare who are unable to live with family members This article reports on a survey of 199 teenage parents who lived in the Teen Living Programs Three research questions were asked: Who are the teenagers served by these programs? What services were provided? To what extent have teenagers attained key outcomes? Outcomes measured included educational attainment, employment, welfare status, homelessness, and subsequent pregnancy Implications for social policy, further program development, and clinical intervention are discussed Key words: evaluation; teenage parents; welfare reform Recent welfare reforms have resulted in substantial and fundamental changes at the federal and state levels At the federal level the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PL 104-193) went into effect October 1, 1996, replacing Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) Because of growing concerns about the prolonged use of welfare by teenage mothers, several provisions of the legislation targeted teenage parents Specifically, to receive assistance a minor teenage parent is now required to live in the home of a parent, adult relative, or guardian and to pursue a high school diploma or GED Although the new legislation allows states greater flexibility in designing programs, through the use of federal waivers several states had begun to experiment with welfare changes before the passage of the federal legislation In Massachusetts, welfare reform was signed into law in February 1995 Compared with federal policy, Massachusetts state policy included a shorter time limit on benefits (two years rather than five) but less demanding work requirements (including exemptions for most parents of preschool children or those caring for a disabled family member) With regard to teenage parents, Massachusetts implemented living arrangement and school requirements consistent with the federal legislation Unique among states, Massachusetts developed, funded, and implemented Teen Living Programs (TLPs) for teenage parent welfare recipients who are unable to meet the living requirement because of parental "abuse, neglect, addiction, or other extraordinary circumstances" (Massachusetts Department of Social Servi ces [MDSS], 1996, p II-2) The TLPs are designed to "enable teen parents to develop, in a safe and supportive setting, the requisite skills and knowledge to be competent parents and to lead independent and productive lives after the completion of the program" (MDSS, 1996, p II-2) There are several reasons for this special intervention for teenage parents Like most reforms, the living requirement may reduce program costs either by removing an incentive for teenagers to enroll on welfare or by sanctioning teenagers who do not comply with the requirement In addition to cost savings, however, the living requirement might benefit young mothers and their children if they gain needed support in either a parents' or guardians' home or in a TLP Furthermore, the provision of the TLP alternative recognized that not all young mothers have a safe home environment As an intervention, the TLPs demonstrate a recognition of the complexity of young lives and the often substantial needs of young mothers Thus, the program is designed to be comprehensive in terms of programming and length Administered by the Department of Transitional Assistance (DTA) and MDSS, the program emphasizes the development of parenting skills and the protection of young parent and child from maltreatment in addition to th e goal of self-sufficiency Because of concern that some teenagers would not abide by the living requirement, MDSS also implemented an Outreach Program to locate, assess, and provide services to teenage parents whose TAFDC [Temporary Assistance to Families with Dependent Children] cases have been closed or denied …

Sexual Contact with Clients: Assessment of Social Workers' Attitudes and Educational Preparation

Abstract: The purpose of this study was to assess social work students' attitudes about sexual contact with clients and their perceptions about their training and education in this area. The sample included 349 social work students in their final semester of an MSW program. There were relatively high levels of approval for sexual contact between social workers and clients in certain circumstances. Approval was not limited to circumstances in which professional relationships were terminated, were brief, or had involved only concrete services. Students with less social work experience and who thought class content on sexual ethics was inadequate were more likely to approve of sexual contact between social worker and client. Students did not feel that they had received adequate education or training on sexual ethics, and many felt unprepared to handle sexual feelings from or toward a client. Implications for education, training, and practice, and suggestions for future research are discussed.

Social Workers and Politics in the New Century

Abstract: For the past generation, social workers have spent most of their political energies defending the nation's fragile safety net and legal protections for women and people of color against those who would denigrate, devolve, "defund," dismantle, and destroy them Despite these efforts, "welfare reform" and managed care appear to be political "givens" Attacks on affirmative action, reproductive choice, and civil rights for gay men and lesbians are increasing The movement to privatize everything from prisons to schools to social security and Medicare gathers momentum and legitimacy During the 1990s, social workers had little influence on debates over health insurance and welfare reform At present, we seem to be having little impact on shaping the agenda of this year's election campaign Clearly, we are not doing something right Some social workers probably will get defensive about such criticisms They will point to our modest legislative "victories" and the progress we have made in a variety of service areas More activist social workers might dismiss electoral politics as corrupt and a diversion from grassroots efforts to empower people and promote structural change Others may reject politics entirely as unprofessional and focus instead on the refinement of their methods of intervention and research Although all of these objections to electoral politics are understandable, they obscure the wider context of policy and practice and overlook the history of our profession For over a century, our profession's efforts to promote social justice, address what Charlotte Towle called "common human needs," and ensure the dignity of all people did not, indeed could not, have occurred outside of politics Whatever social progress we have helped achieve emerged through political debate, the transformation of the nation's political agenda and, above all, political struggle At various times, social workers--individually and collectively--have been at the center of those struggles, important participants in those debates or, more recently, on the margins of political discourse We have been most effective, not when we have disdained politics but when we have entered it with purpose, conviction, perseverance, and even with relish In Kathryn Skiar's (1992) words, "everyone was brave" when Florence Kelley entered the room because she embodied these qualities If we continue to regard electoral politics as choosing between the "lesser of two evils," if we continue to see electoral participation as an either/or" strategic decision, it is inevitable that we will become disheartened and drop out of the dialogue over the future of our society If, however, we continue to embrace politics as usual, we probably will continue to elect political leaders who acknowledge our values "more in the breach than in the observance" Yet there are choices today even in the muddle of US electoral politics Making effective choices, however, requires us to assess the current political climate carefully, affirm our commitment to the values we profess, and ally ourselves with other forces, locally and globally, that share our vision and goals Major Political Trends Four major trends in the nation's political landscape are worth noting because of their potential influence on the development of social policies in the years ahead First, economic globalization has dramatically altered the ability of governments to ameliorate the social costs of a basically unfettered market It affects what might constitute a publicly funded social safety net and who will create it in the future It raises the following critical questions: * What combination of political strategies can effect change in an era of globalization? * How can politics help end the isolation of urban communities and the marginalization of their populations? * What will be the relative roles of public, private, and nonprofit sectors in the provision of income maintenance and social services? …

Social Work and Speciesism

Abstract: Jane Addams (1940) perhaps the most prominent of the founders of modern social work, describing the impetus to dedicate herself to the welfare of others and develop Hull House, wrote, "We had been to see a bull fight rendered in the most magnificent Spanish style, where greatly to my surprise and horror, I found that I had seen, with comparative indifference, five bulls and many more horses killed" (p. 85). Jane's companions were horrified immediately by the needless killing, although Jane "had not thought much about the bloodshed." Later in the day, however, "the natural and inevitable reaction came and in deep chagrin I felt myself tried and condemned, not only by this disgusting experience, but by the entire moral situation which it revealed... Nothing less than the moral reaction following the experience at a bull fight had been able to reveal to me that so far from following in the wake of a chariot of philanthropic fire, I had been tied to the tail of the veriest ox-cart of self-seeking" (p. 86). Perhaps Jane Addams was a sentimentalist. After all, the NASW Code of Ethics (NASW, 1996) describes the primary mission of the social work profession as being "to enhance human well-being and help meet the basic human needs of all people" (p. 1). There's no mention of bulls, horses, or any other animal species. Maybe Jane Addams's feeling for the pain of animals was misguided emotion. Or it may be that Jane Addams, with her concern for these animals, can serve as an important role model for today's social workers. Social Work, the Environment, and Oppressed Populations Meyer (1981) discussed noxious "-isms," such as racism, sexism, ageism, jingoism, and militarism, that are woven into the fabric of American society. These "-isms" by their nature tend to marginalize those who do not fit under the rubric of one's group. Witkin (1998) identified attention to marginalized groups as a defining attribute of the social work profession and stated that we must consider which groups the profession is not serving. It is suggested here that the profession should at least consider the issue of speciesism. Speciesism is discrimination based on species, and social workers are urged to reflect on and discuss the issue of whether differential treatment based on species is justified. Furthermore, a core value of social work is appreciation and respect for the inherent dignity and worth of all persons (NASW, 1996). It is worth deliberating over whether our treatment of other species, in places such as slaughterhouses, is associated with our own sense of dignity and self-respect. Many authors (Berger, 1995; Berger & Kelly, 1993; Hoff & Polack, 1993; McMain-Park, 1996) have emphasized the importance of social workers becoming aware of and involved in environmental issues. Berger described environmental decay as "the gravest threat to our social welfare" (p. 443). Animals are an essential component of our environment and a key element in maintaining ecological balance. Thus, a person-in-environment orientation warrants concern for our treatment of animals. There are many connections between our treatment of animals and environmental integrity; these touch on issues such as hunger, poverty, and war. Toffler (1975) suggested that the most practical hope for resolving the world's food crisis is a restriction of beef eating that will save billions of tons of grain. Ehrlich and Ehrlich (1972) reported that production of a pound of meat requires 40 to 100 times as much water as the production of a pound of wheat. Altschul (1964) noted that in terms of calorie units per acre, a diet of grains, vegetables, and beans will support 20 times as many people as a diet of meat. Singer (1990) wrote that the reduction of U.S. meat consumption by only 10 percent for one year would free about 12 million tons of grain for human consumption and added that the amount of food wasted by the slaughter of animals in the affluent nations would be sufficient, if properly distributed, to end both hunger and malnutrition throughout the world. …

Life after death with dignity: the Oregon experience.

Abstract: This article offers a framework for examination and overview of Oregon's Death with Dignity Act after its first year of implementation. This law became public policy on October 27, 1997, when all legal barriers were lifted. The law allows a terminally ill person to request a prescription to end life if she or he qualifies under the law's requirements. According to records, 23 Oregonians have received such a prescription, and 15 have used it. The effect of physician-assisted suicide (PAS) on clients and families, professional health care providers and agencies, and society and culture is explored through two questions: (1) What is known about PAS? and (2) What needs discovery and exploration? The reality of this end-of-life option has forever changed care of terminally ill individuals, and social workers may benefit from the Oregon experience.

Ethics-R-Us

Abstract: It is hard to think about social work without also thinking about ethics. Our history, professional identity, and mission are grounded in moral principles. The people we serve, the issues we care about, and our own actions, are subject to and constituted by judgments about right and wrong. Even the stereotypical notion of social workers as "do-gooders" suggests the centrality of ethics to the public's perception of our profession. This issue of Social Work addresses ethical issues relevant to our profession: how we prepare students for the complex task of ethical decision-making, attitudes about sexual contact with clients, legal concerns regarding sexual harassment and confidentiality, the nature of ethics violations, approaches to new and complex ethical issues, and the implications of alternative ethical systems. Several other manuscripts on ethics remain in the publication queue. I do not know whether this abundance reflects increased concern with ethics, the perception that Social Work is seeking such articles, or some other reason; however, I do believe that ethics is a topic of currency and interest to all social workers. What follows are some loosely connected musings about ethical issues that were stimulated by my reading of these articles. I do not pretend to have the answers to the complex, difficult issues raised. Rather, I offer these thoughts in a spirit of invitation to join and perhaps broaden our discourse on this topic. Ethics Violations The literature on social work ethics is concerned more with ethics violations than with ethical conduct. This focus is understandable; the consequences of unethical conduct for clients and the profession can be substantial. Emphasizing ethics violations and the negative sanctions they evoke helps the profession regulate the conduct of its members. However, there may be costs attached to this emphasis: over-conformity, the discouragement of alternative perspectives, and lack of attention to more positive strategies. The complexities and ambiguities of ethical situations contrast with the prescriptions of ethical codes. Rather than risk the consequences of engaging in conduct that could be interpreted as unethical, some social workers may adopt a cautious, formal relational style with certain clients. Although this may protect them from unwarranted ethical accusations, it also may diminish the quality of those relationships. This same cautiousness may discourage social workers from considering alternative ethical perspectives. The formal authority ascribed to written codes of ethics overwhelms (and overlooks) different ethical systems such as those emphasizing collective rather than individual responsibilities. It would be risky to justify one's actions using ethical reasoning not articulated in the code, because such reasoning has no authority and may itself be considered unethical. These possibilities generate their own ethical conundrum: How do we regulate our own ethical conduct while not overly restricting our ability to develop positive relationships and enabling us to remain receptive to a diversity of ethical positions? One modest counterbalance to our codes and sanctions might be to approach ethics from a strengths perspective and focus more on practices and situations that encourage ethical relationships. Perhaps in addition to the list of ethics violators that appear in each issue of the NASW News, we could have a list of people who displayed laudatory ethical conduct. A second strategy might be to generate narratives of actual ethical situations that practitioners encounter. These reports could describe the complexities of ethical situations more richly and realistically, encouraging tolerance and openness. I invite letters from readers on this topic. Professional and Client Ethics The articles in this issue focus on professional ethics--the appropriate or inappropriate conduct of social workers or issues related to such conduct. …

Child support policy: some critical issues and the implications for social work.

Abstract: The growth of female-headed households and the concurrent likelihood of poverty in such families have increased interest by the public and policymakers in examining policies affecting this group. Particularly since 1975, policymakers have focused on the child support system as a way to reduce high poverty rates among children in single-parent families and the public cost of supporting those families (Seavey, 1996; Wong, 1993). As a result of this focus, child support collections reached $12.0 billion in fiscal year 1996, an 11 percent increase over fiscal year 1995. Aid to Families of Dependent Children (AFDC) collections amounted to $2.9 billion of that total with AFDC families receiving over $480 million in pass-through payments (Office of Child Support Enforcement, 1998). Although there has been steady improvement in the amount of child support collected--that is, money paid by the absent parent to the custodial parent for the support of their children--the amount that is due continues to be much greater than the amount received. It is estimated that nationwide, parents are owed $35.4 billion in overdue child support (Meckler, 1997). However, if full payment had been made to the 1.26 million families who were living in poverty in 1991 and were scheduled to receive child support payments, only 140,000 of them would have received enough income from these payments to put them above the poverty level (U.S. House of Representatives, 1998). Although it may not bring a single-parent family out of poverty, child support is a significant source of income for these families, because single mothers, even if they work, are likely to be in poverty (Edin & Lein, 1997; Garfinkel, McLanahan, & Robins, 1994; Seavey, 1996). In 1995, 41.5 percent of the nearly 8.8 million families headed by mot hers with children under 18 had incomes below the poverty level. Slightly more than 13 percent of these families were poor even though the mother worked year round, full time. At the same time, child support collections resulted in 294,000 families being removed from AFDC (U.S. House of Representatives). Most child support legislation has focused on fostering responsible behavior toward children by parents, contributing to the well-being of families, and reducing welfare costs. This latter goal, reduction of the costs of the Title IV-A program, has taken precedence. By requiring that most of the child support collected for welfare families be given back to the state rather than going directly to the families and by strengthening the penalties for parents who do not pay child support, unintended effects may have resulted. About one-third of the 4.6 million custodial mothers without awards chose not to pursue a child support award (U.S. House of Representatives, 1998). The question remains whether increasing punitive policies results in some mothers' reluctance to participate in the formal system, particularly because applicants for child support do not have the right to select what enforcement actions are taken. Rather than improving compliance and enforcement, as these policies intend, they may have an oppos ite result of reducing the number of child support awards made. Although it is clear that current policies have increased the amount of child support collected, it is unclear what effect the emphasis on debt collection and penalties for nonpayment has had on parents' decisions regarding child support. Debt Collection or Best Interest of the Child Until recently, federal law required that payments from the absent parent be used to increase the income of families on welfare by only $50 a month, with the balance going back to the state. In fiscal year 1996 this policy resulted in the recovery of 15.5 percent of AFDC payments (U.S. House of Representatives, 1998). Not only does this policy put debt collection above the wellbeing of families, there is increasing evidence that it sabotages the goal of increasing paternity establishment and collection of child support. …