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Showing papers in "The American Historical Review in 2001"



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, this article pointed out that in the absence of slavery, blacks became anomalous, like Indians inside the frontier, why did white society not seek to eliminate blacks in the same way as Indians by assimilation? Indeed, in a passage removed from subsequent editions of the Jeffersoniad, Thomas Jefferson himself has been cited as suggesting just this solution to the problem posed by emancipation: "The course of events will likewise inevitably lead to a mixture of the whites and the blacks and as the former are about five times as numerous as the latter the blacks will ultimately be merged in
Abstract: logic, as in the case of Jeffersonian rhetoric, emancipation actually did let them in. Thus it was no accident that a concomitant response to the crisis provoked by emancipation should have been the colonization movement, which, in advocating the spatial externalization of blacks, proposed an alternative natural barrier with which to effect their separation.49 An objection may suggest itself. If, in the absence of slavery, blacks became anomalous, like Indians inside the frontier, why did white society not seek to eliminate blacks in the same way as Indians-by assimilation? Indeed, in a passage removed from subsequent editions of the Jeffersoniad, Thomas Jefferson himself has been cited as suggesting just this solution to the problem posed by emancipation: "The course of events will likewise inevitably lead to a mixture of the whites and the blacks and as the former are about five times as numerous as the latter the blacks will ultimately be merged in the whites."50 But five to one is not nearly as comfortable a disproportion as fifty or a hundred to one. Not that demography is an answer in itself. Nor is it simply a natural occurrence. Rather, demographic imbalance is a product of history.51 In this case, it represents the difference between one group of people who had survived a centuries-long genocidal catastrophe with correspondingly depleted numbers and another group who, as commodities, had been preserved, their reproduction constituting a singularly primitive form of accumulation for their owners. Moreover, these histories were ongoing. In large areas of the agricultural South, for instance, the ending of slavery did not mean that blacks became anomalous overnight. On the contrary, they continued to furnish a cheap source of labor.52 Even when unemployed, their mere presence as a hyperexploitable alternative depressed white workers' wages. Thus we need to be clear: in the wake of slavery, blacks did not become physically anomalous as labor; they became juridically anomalous as equals. In the case of Indians within, by contrast, their very presence was anomalous-as Gary Nash put it, whites "coveted Indian land but not land with Indians on it."53 Since the oppression of blacks outlived emancipation, we should not allow the discontinuation of slavery to distract us from the continuities that obtain. As Frederick Cooper, Thomas Holt, and Rebecca Scott (one of them, at least) observed of histories that fail to link the slave era to the present, "Slave labor could be analyzed in economic, social, and political terms, but free labor was often 49 P. J. Staudenraus, The African Colonization Movement, 1816-1865 (New York, 1961). In this connection, it should be acknowledged that the idea of colonization had black support, both at the time (Paul Cuffe, John B. Russworm) and later (Marcus Garvey, who also endorsed a form of segregation). 50 In J. A. Rogers, Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands, 3 vols. (New York, 1940-44), 2: 186. 51 And, as will be argued below, of culture. 52 For a recent account, see Rebecca J. Scott, "Fault Lines, Color Lines, and Party Lines: Race, Labor, and Collective Action in Louisiana and Cuba, 1816-1912," in Thomas C. Holt, Scott, and Frederick Cooper, eds., Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2000), 61-106. 53 Gary B. Nash, Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of Early North America, 3d edn. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1992), 297. This is not, of course, to suggest that whites have failed to exploit Indian labor. After all, it has been there for the exploiting. The point is that the continuing presence of Indian labor occurs in spite of rather than as a result of the primary tendency of settler-colonial policy. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2001 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.51 on Tue, 21 Jun 2016 06:35:24 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

237 citations



MonographDOI
TL;DR: Ayala et al. as mentioned in this paper analyzed and compared the explosive growth of sugar production in the three nations following the War of 1898, when the U.S. acquired Cuba and Puerto Rico.
Abstract: Engaging conventional arguments that the persistence of plantations is the cause of economic underdevelopment in the Caribbean, this book focuses on the discontinuities in the development of plantation economies in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic in the early twentieth century. Cesar Ayala analyzes and compares the explosive growth of sugar production in the three nations following the War of 1898--when the U.S. acquired Cuba and Puerto Rico--to show how closely the development of the Spanish Caribbean's modern economic and social class systems is linked to the history of the U.S. sugar industry during its greatest period of expansion and consolidation. Ayala examines patterns of investment and principal groups of investors, interactions between U.S. capitalists and native planters, contrasts between new and old regions of sugar monoculture, the historical formation of the working class on sugar plantations, and patterns of labor migration. In contrast to most studies of the Spanish Caribbean, which focus on only one country, his account places the history of U.S. colonialism in the region, and the history of plantation agriculture across the region, in comparative perspective. |This comparative study of the development of plantation economies in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic in the early 20th century shows how their economic and social class systems were shaped by the explosive growth of American sugar companies.

227 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the diverse, unexpected and controversial ways in which the idea of civil society has recently entered into populist politics and public debate throughout Africa, and make a strong case for the contribution of historical anthropology to contemporary discourses on the rise of a new world order.
Abstract: The essays in this collection explore the diverse, unexpected and controversial ways in which the idea of civil society has recently entered into populist politics and public debate throughout Africa. In the introduction, anthropologists Jean and John Comaroff offer a critical theoretical analysis of the nature and deployment of the concept - and the debates surrounding it. Building on this framework, the contributors investigate the "problem" of civil society across their regions of expertise, which cover the continent. Drawing on one another's work, they examine the impact of colonial ideology, postcoloniality and development practice on discourses of civility, the workings of everyday politics, the construction of new modes of selfhood, and the pursuit of moral community. The book shows how struggles over civil society in Africa reveal much about larger historical forces in the post-Cold War era. It also makes a strong case for the contribution of historical anthropology to contemporary discourses on the rise of a "new world order".

223 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, Mao et al. introduce the organization, cadres, and corruption in Mao's regime, and the transformation of cadres in the early years of the Great Leap Forward.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: organization, cadres, and corruption 2. Sugar-coated bullets from enemies: corruption in early years 3. The Great Leap Forward: the beginning of involution 4. Political mobilization and the cadres 5. The reforms and the transformation of cadres 6. The economic transition and cadre corruption 7. Conclusion Bibliography.

159 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Ferrer as discussed by the authors examines the role of black and mulatto Cubans in nationalist insurgency from 1868, when a slaveholder began the revolution by freeing his slaves, until the intervention of racially segregated American forces in 1898.
Abstract: In the late nineteenth century, in an age of ascendant racism and imperial expansion, there emerged in Cuba a movement that unified black, mulatto, and white men in an attack on Europe's oldest empire, with the goal of creating a nation explicitly defined as antiracist. This book tells the story of the thirty-year unfolding and undoing of that movement. Ada Ferrer examines the participation of black and mulatto Cubans in nationalist insurgency from 1868, when a slaveholder began the revolution by freeing his slaves, until the intervention of racially segregated American forces in 1898. In so doing, she uncovers the struggles over the boundaries of citizenship and nationality that their participation brought to the fore, and she shows that even as black participation helped sustain the movement ideologically and militarily, it simultaneously prompted accusations of race war and fed the forces of counterinsurgency. Carefully examining the tensions between racism and antiracism contained within Cuban nationalism, Ferrer paints a dynamic portrait of a movement built upon the coexistence of an ideology of racial fraternity and the persistence of presumptions of hierarchy. |Examines the tensions between racism and anti-racism in Cuba's struggle to become a nation between 1868 and 1898.

149 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the Lud, the Narod and Historical Time 6. Organization 7. The National Struggle 8. National Egoism Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index and Appendix A.
Abstract: Introduction 1. The Nation as Action 2. The Social Nation 3. The Struggle for Survival 4. The Return to Action 5. The Lud, the Narod, and Historical Time 6. Organization 7. The National Struggle 8. National Egoism Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a survey of male-male sexuality in Edo-Period Popular Discourse and Medical Discourse from the Edo Period Through the Early Twentieth Century.
Abstract: Acknowledgments Note Introduction 1. Authorizing Pleasure: Male-Male Sexuality In Edo-Period Popular Discourse 2. Policing the Perisexual: Male-Male Sexuality In Edo-Period Legal Discourse 3. The Forbidden Chrysanthemum: Male-Male Sexuality In Meiji Legal Discourse 4. Toward the Margins: Male-Male Sexuality in Meiji Popular Discourse 5. Doctoring Love: Male-Male Sexuality In Medical Discourse From the Edo Period Through the Early Twentieth Century 6. Pleasures of the Perverse: Male-Male Sexuality In Early Twentieth-Century Popular Discourse Bibliography Index


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The past, present, and future of the scientific book are discussed in detail in this article, where the authors present a survey of books and sciences before and after print, including the Triumphs of the Book and the Making of Knowledge.
Abstract: Acknowledgments Introduction: books and sciences Marina Frasca-Spada and Nick Jardine Part I. Triumphs of the Book: 1. Books and sciences before print Rosamond McKitterick 2. Printing the world Jerry Brotton 3. Geniture collections, origins and uses of a genre Anthony Grafton 4. Annotating and indexing natural philosophy Ann Blair 5. Illustrating nature Sachiko Kusukawa 6. Astronomical books and courtly communication Adam Mosley 7. Reading for the philosophers' stone Lauren Kassell 8. Writing and talking of exotic animals Silvia De Renzi Part II. Learned and Conversable Reading: 9. Compendious footnotes Marina Frasca-Spada 10. On the bureaucratic plots of the research library William Clark 11. Encyclopaedic knowledge Richard Yeo 12. Periodical literature Thomas Broman 13. Natural philosophy for fashionable readers Mary Terrall 14. Rococo readings of the book of nature Emma Spary 15. Young readers and the sciences Aileen Fyfe 16. The physiology of reading Adrian Johns Part III. Publication in the Age of Science: 17. A textbook revolution Jonathan Topham 18. Useful knowledge for export Eugenia Rold...n Vera 19. Editing a hero of modern science Lisa Jardine and Alan Stewart 20. Progress in print James Secord Afterwords: Books, texts, and the making of knowledge Nick Jardine The past, present, and future of the scientific book Adrian Johns Notes on contributors.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: "Archive Fever" raised the puzzling question of what on earth an archive was doing there in the first place, at the beginning of a long description of another text (someone else's text, not Derrida's), which dealt, as he himself would go on to do at length, with Sigmund Freud and the topic of psychoanalysis.
Abstract: IN THE SUMMER OF 1994, Jacques Derrida presented a paper to a conference in London, delivering the English-language version of what was to become Mal d'archive: Une impression freudienne in the North London Freud House, in Maresfield Gardens.1 In the opening passages of "Archive Fever," Derrida presented his audience with the image of the arkhe, as a place where things begin, where power originates, its workings inextricably bound up with the authority of beginnings. In the brief account of the operation of the Greek city-state that he gave on that occasion (and in the various printed versions that followed), he pointed to its official documents, stored in the arkheion, the superior magistrate's residence. There, the archon himself, the magistrate, exercised the power of procedure and precedent, in his right to interpret them for the operation of a system of law. In Derrida's description, the arkhe-the archive-appears to represent the now of whatever kind of power is being exercised, anywhere, in any place or time. It represents a principle that, in Derrida's words, is "in the order of commencement as well as in the order of commandment." The mal (the fever, the sickness) of the archive is to do with its very establishment, which is the establishment of state power and authority.2 And then there is the feverish desire-a kind of sickness unto death-that Derrida indicatedfor the archive: the fever not so much to enter it and use it as to have it. For those historians who heard or read "Archive Fever," it raised the puzzling question of what on earth an archive was doing there in the first place, at the beginning of a long description of another text (someone else's text, not Derrida's), which dealt, as he himself would go on to do at length, with Sigmund Freud and the topic of psychoanalysis.3 For the main part, "Archive Fever" is a sustained

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the slave trader Isaac Franklin wrote from New Orleans to his Richmond partner and slave buyer, Rice Ballard: "The fancy girl, from Charlattsvilla [Charlottesville], will you send her out or shall I charge you $1100 for her?"
Abstract: IN JANUARY 1834, THE SLAVE TRADER Isaac Franklin wrote from New Orleans to his Richmond partner and slave buyer, Rice Ballard: "The fancy girl, from Charlattsvilla [Charlottesville], will you send her out or shall I charge you $1100 for her. Say quick, I wanted to see her ... I thought that an old Robber might be satisfied with two or three maids." Franklin implied that his partner was holding the young woman, one of many "fancy maids" handled by the firm of Franklin, Armfield, and Ballard, for his own sexual use. Unwilling, the jest implied, to share his enslaved sex objects, Ballard was keeping the desirable Charlottesville maid in Richmond instead of passing her on to his partners so that they might take their turn of pleasure. The joke, and the desire it did not seek to disguise, was business as usual. In this case, the business was a slave-trading partnership, and systematic rape and sexual abuse of slave women were part of the normal practice of the men who ran the firm-and the normal practice of many of their planter customers as well. Franklin, Armfield, and Ballard supplied field hands and carpenters to the raw new plantations of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas in the 1830s, but they also supplied planters with many a "fancy maid." In fact, the letter quoted went on to suggest, tongue in cheek, that such women were in such heavy demand that the firm might do better selling coerced sex retail rather than wholesale. Referring to two enslaved women, Franklin mused self-indulgently on the conversion of female labor into slavers' money: "The old Lady and Susan could soon pay for themselves by keeping a whore house." Yet what did Franklin indulge most? Was sexual or monetary greed the trump suit in his own decision-making? Perhaps, he continued, in the vein of aggressive sexual banter that pervades the traders' letters, the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a conceptual signpost for the Russian Revolution: "Time of Troubles": Terror in Russia, 1917-21 227 and "Reign of Vengeance": 1789-95 171.
Abstract: Preface xiii Introduction 3 PART ONE CONCEPTUAL SIGNPOSTS 1. Revolution 23 2. Counterrevolution 45 3. Violence 71 4. Terror 93 5. Vengeance 126 6. Religion 141 PART TWO CRESCENDO OF VIOLENCE 7. The Return of Vengeance: Terror in France, 1789-95 171 8. In the Eye of a \"Time of Troubles\": Terror in Russia, 1917-21 227 PART THREE METROPOLITAN CONDESCENSION AND RURAL DISTRUST 9. Peasant War in France: The Vendee 323 10. Peasant War in Russia: Ukraine and Tambov 371 PART FOUR THE SACRED CONTESTED 11. Engaging the Gallican Church and the Vatican 413 12. Engaging the Russian Orthodox Church 449 13. Perils of Emancipation: Protestants and Jews in the Revolutionary Whirlwind 483 PART FIVE A WORLD UNHINGED 14. Externalization of the French Revolution: The Napoleonic Wars 533 15. Internalization of the Russian Revolution: Terror in One Country 607 Index 703

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Chateaubriand, the nineteenth-century French diplomat and celebrated memoirist, reflected on his return as a young man many decades earlier, in the 1780s, to Saint-Malo, the place of his birth: "He has several laid end to end, and that is his misfortune" as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: "MAN DOES NOT HAVE A SINGLE, CONSISTENT LIFE," explained Fran?ois-Auguste-Rene de Chateaubriand, the nineteenth-century French diplomat and celebrated memoirist, as he reflected on his return as a young man many decades earlier, in the 1780s, to Saint-Malo, the place of his birth: "He has several laid end to end, and that is his misfortune." "Friends leave us, others take their place," Chateaubriand added, "there is always a time when we possessed nothing of what we now possess, and a time when we have nothing of what we once had."1 This is an eloquent if gloomy apprehension of discontinuity. Chateaubriand did not feel able to repossess the past, which repeatedly evaded his efforts at recollection. The felt absence of a firsthand connection and resulting apprehension of loss at the moment of secondhand reflection prompted feelings of "misfortune." These are recognizable as the melancholy of nostalgia. Phrasing his observations in a sonorous universal ("Man does not have"), Chateaubriand clearly indicated that his nostalgia was not merely the hurt of a single individual but was sensible as shared experience. At the same time, the declaration is something of a revelation: Chateaubriand found the knowledge of corpses sufficiently revealing to account for it by writing his memoirs. The studied terms of his examination-lives "laid end to end" in longhanded reconsideration and "laid end to end" again before readerssuggest a perplexity generated by specific circumstances of unsettlement. Although the graveyard he has stumbled upon is his own, it is a newly configured place in which the remains of past lives are registered as ghostly presences that arouse mourning and nostalgia. Chateaubriand's self-reflection exposes the nineteenthcentury context of revolution and war in which a modern history of remembrance and nostalgia can be conceived. Chateaubriand's graveyard is not the sanctuary of an eccentric old man. Exhuming his bygone lives, Chateaubriand participated in a fundamental reconsideration of history from one based on correspondence and fulfillment to one alert to rupture and difference. His alienation was not personal, an accident of bad luck, or a question of temperament, nor was it a universal, like death. The broken pieces



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Winthrop's metaphor of "a city upon the hill" captured the Puritans' sense of the exceptional nature of their undertaking, which they believed both divinely ordained and without precedent, at least since biblical times as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: THE PARADOX HAS BEEN THERE from the early years of settlement along the North Atlantic coast. The Pilgrims, and the Puritans soon after them, had migrated to the "howling wilderness" of New England out of a determination to build a utopian community that transcended history, a New Zion that was free of the corruption and oppression they sought to leave behind in Europe. In his metaphor of "a city upon the hill," John Winthrop captured the Puritans' sense of the exceptional nature of their undertaking, which they believed both divinely ordained and without precedent, at least since biblical times. But while Winthrop underscored the exceptional nature of the Puritan experiment in political, social, and religious development, he also stressed its lessons for the rest of humanity, lessons that he believed would be regarded as "a story and by-word through the world." The city, after all, was on high ground with the "eyes of all people" upon it.1 Winthrop's metaphor proved to be foundational for the American nation that emerged in the following centuries from a scattering of tiny settler enclaves in New England and along the shores of Chesapeake Bay. Additional images and beliefssuch as the rugged individualism exemplified by the frontiersman, the rags-to-riches ascent of the hardworking entrepreneur, and the non-imperialist nature of American expansion-subsequently reinforced exceptionalist formulations of the American experience and national identity on the part of historians and politicians alike. But Winthrop's city on the heights has been among the most enduring and frequently evoked symbols of a national experience that has been seen to be so distinctive that it defies comparison with or incorporation into the history of the rest


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The impact of the Lieux de memoire project on the field of memory studies outside France has been evaluated in this article, where a three-volume English-language edition under the title Realms of Memory makes accessible to American readers 46 of the original 132 articles that were published between 1981 and 1992.
Abstract: THE IMPACT IN FRANCE of Lieux de memoire, the magisterial seven-volume collaborative project led by Pierre Nora, was consecrated in 1993 when the phrase "site of memory" entered the Grand dictionnaire Robert de la langue fran9aise. The publication of a three-volume English-language edition under the title Realms of Memory makes accessible to American readers 46 of the original 132 articles that were published in Lieux de memoire between 1981 and 1992.1 They have been superbly translated by Arthur Goldhammer and come with a useful foreword by Lawrence Kritzmari and a new preface by Nora. The gap of nearly two decades between the publication of the first volume of Lieux de memoire in 1981 and the third volume of Realms of Memory in 1998 makes the task of evaluating the impact of Nora's project on scholarship outside France difficult. During that time span, the field of memory studies exploded, with works by David Lowenthal, John Bodnar, John R. Gillis, Raphael Samuel, and Simon Schama, to name but a few.2 Nor has the field been confined to analyses of representations of the past in North America and Europe, as the growing body of scholarship on memory work in Asia suggests.3 Nonetheless, it is useful to review Realms of Memory separately because of the currency the phrase "memory site" has gained as well as the differences between the English version and the French original.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This book discusses the " Eclipse of Maternalist Medicine" and the "Feminine Mystique," 1938-1968 Medicine and the New Women's Movement, and the need to Reconciling Equality and Difference.
Abstract: Acknowledgments Introduction: Restoring the Balance? The Professionalism of Sarah Dolley, M.D. Gendered Practices: Late Victorian Medicine in the Women's Sphere Maternalist Medicine: Women Physicians in the Progressive Era Redefining the Margins: Women Physicians and American Hospitals,1900-1939 Getting Organized:The Medical Women's National Association and World War I New Directions: The Eclipse of Maternalist Medicine Resisting the "Feminine Mystique," 1938-1968 Medicine and the New Women's Movement Conclusion: Reconciling Equality and Difference Notes Index

BookDOI
TL;DR: A comprehensive survey of the Irish Diaspora from a global perspective is provided in this paper, which contains a collection of articles by historians, demographers, economists, sociologists and geographers.
Abstract: Providing a comprehensive survey of the Irish Diaspora from a global perspective, this text contains a collection of articles by historians, demographers, economists, sociologists and geographers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The problematic of citizenship has also informed studies of the past and has been particularly productive in the field of political history as mentioned in this paper, where scholars are using this new lens to revisit the nineteenth century, when the definition of citizenship and the constitution of a citizenry became key aspects of the nation-building process triggered after independence.
Abstract: IN THE LAST TEN TO FIFTEEN YEARS, citizenship has become a crucial term in political and academic debates. Not least in Latin America. While in the turbulent decades of the 1960s and 1970s, that term was absent from the mainstream political and ideological discourses of most Latin American countries, in the 1980s it became a key word in the language of the transition to democracy, and in the 1990s, a major topic of public debate. This classic theoretical concept has expanded and diversified its meaning in controversial ways. The most interesting recent attempts to define (or redefine) citizenship are those that delve into the two great intellectual traditions where the concept originated and flourished, civic republicanism and liberalism, and connect to the old dilemma of how to reconcile "la liberte des anciennes" and "la liberte des modernes.''1 The problematic of citizenship has also informed studies of the past and has been particularly productive in the field of political history. In the case of Latin America, scholars are using this new lens to revisit the nineteenth century, when the definition of citizenship and the constitution of a citizenry became key aspects of the nation-building process triggered after independence. Most of the previous historiography had interpreted that process in terms of the transition of the Western world from the ancien regime societies to the modern states, and of the advancements made, and the obstacles encountered, in the linear and progressive path that presumably led from the former to the latter. The new literature has questioned this linear view, and by introducing the problematic of citizenship, it has


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: This article explored the history of gridded spaces in the United States and the former Soviet Union and concluded that the grid evolved just as the territories of the U.S. and Soviet Union were being swept into larger industrial and agricultural economies.
Abstract: While the United States and the Soviet Union are normally conceptualized as polar opposites, by comparing Karaganda (Kazakhstan) and Billings (Montana), this chapter draws significant parallels between the use of the grid in these contrasting political contexts. Using a comparative approach, the author addresses the following questions: Is it possible to write the history of gridded spaces? If so, do the gridded spaces of Kazakhstan and Montana constitute the end-point of larger processes that the United States and the Soviet Union shared? The present chapter explores these questions through comparative urban history to illustrate how the grid evolved just as the territories of the U.S. and Soviet Union were being swept into larger industrial and agricultural economies. The author concludes that, in both cases, political powers produced gridded spaces, often violently, to serve economic and political goals.