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JournalISSN: 0018-1498

The High School Journal 

University of North Carolina Press
About: The High School Journal is an academic journal published by University of North Carolina Press. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Curriculum & Academic achievement. It has an ISSN identifier of 0018-1498. Over the lifetime, 955 publications have been published receiving 17564 citations.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hoy et al. as discussed by the authors developed and tested a parsimonious measure of organizational climate of high schools, which captures open and healthy dimensions of high school climates at the student, teacher, principal, and community levels.
Abstract: A parsimonious measure of organizational climate of high schools is developed and tested in this research. The Organizational Climate Index (OCI) captures open and healthy dimensions of high school climates at the student, teacher, principal, and community levels. Next the relationship between the climate of schools and faculty trust is examined in a large, diverse sample of high schools (N=97). Different dimensions of high school climate explain distinct aspects of faculty trust-faculty trust in colleagues, in principals, and in clients (students and parents). ********** The organizational climate of schools has been conceived and measured in a variety of ways. Halpin and Croft (1963) were early pioneers in the study of school climate; they developed the Organizational Climate Description Questionnaire (OCDQ), which provided a framework and measure of school climate for decades. School climate is a general concept that captures the atmosphere of a school: it is experienced by teachers and administrators, describes their collective perceptions of routine behavior, and affects their attitudes and behavior in the school (Hoy & Miskel, 2001). Halpin and Croft's (1963) work focused exclusively on the climate of elementary schools, but it remained to others to extend the concept to high schools (Hoy & Feldman, 1987, 1999; Hoy, Tarter, & Kottkamp, 1991). The purpose of this analysis is twofold: first to develop a parsimonious perspective and measure of high school climate that incorporates extant frameworks, and second, to explore the relationship between organizational climate and faculty trust in high schools. Two Perspectives on Organizational Climate: Openness and Health A number of instruments has been developed to view the organizational climate of schools (Pace & Stern, 1958; Halpin & Croft, 1963; Stern, 1970; Hoy, Tarter, & Kottkamp, 1991). Two contemporary frameworks for studying school climate use the metaphors of personality and health. Openness of Organizational Climate Perhaps the most well-known conceptualization of school climate emanates from the work of Halpin and Croft (1963). They described organizational climate as the "personality" of the school and conceptualized it along a continuum from open to closed, much the same way that Milton Rokeach (1960) depicted the open and closed belief systems of individual personalities. The open school climate is one in which behavior of both teachers and principals is authentic; teachers and principals respect one another and are "straight" with each other. Acts of leadership emerge easily and appropriately as needed from both groups. The open school is neither preoccupied with task achievement nor need gratification, but both emerge freely. Health of Organizational Climate Organizational health is another perspective for examining school climate. The idea of positive and healthy relations in organizations is not new. Miles (1969) was first to define a healthy organization as one that "not only survives in its environment, but continues to cope adequately over the long haul, and continuously develops and expands its coping abilities" (p. 378). It remained, however, to Hoy and Feldman (1987) to frame and measure the concept of organizational health. A healthy school climate is imbued with positive student, teacher, and administrator interrelationships. Teachers like their colleagues, their school, their job, and their students and they are driven by a quest for academic excellence. They believe in themselves and their students; and set high, but achievable goals. Students work hard and respect others who do well academically. Principal behavior is also positive; that is, it is friendly and supportive. Principals have high expectations for teachers and go out of their way to help teachers. Healthy schools have good relationships with the community. In brief, the interpersonal dynamics of the school are positive. …

359 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The so-called achievement gap in mathematics is reframed as a problem of unequal opportunities to learn experienced by many low-income students and many Latino and African American students.
Abstract: The so-called achievement gap in mathematics is reframed as a problem of unequal opportunities to learn experienced by many low-income students and many Latino and African American students. First, data are presented showing striking and persistent differences on standardized tests among students of different ethnic groups, and socioeconomic levels. Then evidence is presented demonstrating that opportunities to learn mathematics are not equally distributed among all students. Specifically, data show that African American, Latino, and low-income students are less likely to have access to experienced and qualified teachers, more likely to face low expectations, and less likely to receive equitable per student funding. The final section discusses how teachers and schools can provide more equitable opportunities to learn mathematics for all students.

356 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Constructivism is a concept that has been embraced by many teachers over the past 15 years, but the meanings that are attached to this term are varied and often inadequately understood as discussed by the authors, and teachers need to have a sound understanding of what constructivism means to evaluate its promise and to use it knowledgeably and effectively.
Abstract: Although constructivism is a concept that has been embraced my many teachers over the past 15 years, the meanings that are attached to this term are varied and often inadequately understood. Teachers need to have a sound understanding of what constructivism means to evaluate its promise and to use it knowledgeably and effectively. This paper explicates some of the theoretical background of constructivism and then presents a detailed example in which a traditional classroom lesson and a constructivist version of the same lesson are described and analyzed. Also discussed are pervasive myths and important instructional issues of this widely advocated and increasingly popular philosophical framework for teaching across the entire K-12 curriculum. Introduction Teachers' personal theories of learning have long been viewed as having considerable influence on virtually all aspects of teachers' decisions about instruction. Not only one's expectations for what learning outcomes are to be valued and sought, but also how one plans (i.e., organizes, structures and sequences) instruction is directly impacted by one's beliefs about learning. In addition, teachers' views of learning guide them as they make decisions about desirable means of implementing and assessing instruction. It is popular today to speak of paradigm shifts, and certainly major conceptual changes do occur in virtually all fields of study. Paradigm shifts bring new perspectives, new conceptualizations and new ways of thinking about a topic, large or small. An important area of study in the philosophy of science is what is referred to as scientific revolutions. Two examples from the natural sciences are the dramatic scientific revolution ushered in by Copernicus' conception of the relationship between the sun and earth, and the revolutionary propositions of Darwin's (though less universally accepted, even today) theory of evolution. When a novel conception is introduced it always elicits great resistance. Even as a transformation in general thinking and attitudes develops more support and adherents, there will continue to be resistance to the challenge to the existing order, the comfortable, existing ways of viewing the world. For example, the ideas of Galileo and Copernicus were met with disdain, anger and rejection. But, of course, with time, the established physical order of the universe did become accepted and the earlier views came to be seen as the quaint notions of an earlier uninformed era. Ultimately most if not all the ideas of the older paradigm will be discarded; and this is as it should be when the scientific evidence unequivocally points to a more adequate explanation of certain phenomena. As a new paradigm gains respect and acceptance, a gradual and sometimes relatively rapid process of intellectual disassociation occurs. People take flight from the earlier, now prosaic and apparently inadequate ways of viewing the world with a lens that is no longer capable of clearly capturing "truth." A new, fresh conceptual rendering of a topic, phenomenon or means of investigation is promoted. A new theory is offered to supplant an older theory (Kuhn, 1970). Conceptual change in the social sciences differs somewhat from that in the natural sciences (Thagard, 1992) in large part because the social sciences do not yet have a coherent unifying theory. Thus major conceptual change within a field may better typify significant shifts in the disciplines of the social sciences and education. Nonetheless, the adoption of different theoretical models and application of different assumptions about the nature of human learning has resulted in raging controversies and paradigm shifts within psychology this century (the ascendancy of and subsequent decline of behaviorism; the rise of cognitivism) and in substantial reconceptualizations of philosophy and pedagogy in education. The field of education has undergone a significant shift in thinking about the nature of human learning and the conditions that best promote the varied dimensions of human learning. …

315 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: McCrory-Cole et al. as discussed by the authors found that teachers who reported higher levels of special education training or experience in teaching students with disabilities were found to hold more positive attitudes toward inclusion.
Abstract: This article reports the general findings of a survey study designed to extend knowledge about high school teacher attitudes toward the inclusion of students with disabilities in general education classrooms. Specifically, the study examined the extent to which high school teacher attitudes toward inclusion are affected by classroom experience level, gender, amount of special education training, and content or subject area taught. The participants, included 125 teachers from a large suburban high school in San Antonio, Texas, voluntarily completed an Inclusion Survey that measured teacher attitudes using a twenty-item, four-point, forced-choice Likert scale. The Inclusion Survey measured teacher attitudes in four domains: Teacher Training, Academic Climate, Academic Content/Teacher Effectiveness, and Social Adjustment (students). The data was analyzed using analysis of variance factorial techniques (ANO VA). Analyses revealed a significant difference between the amount of training or experience the teachers had in teaching students with disabilities and the presence of positive or negative attitudes toward inclusion. Teachers who reported higher levels of special education training or experience in teaching students with disabilities were found to hold more positive attitudes toward inclusion. This result suggests that teachers with special education background or training and those who already have positive attitudes towards students with disabilities may be predisposed to seek out additional inclusive education practices and be more willing to be assigned to general education classrooms in which students with special needs are included. Today's high school teachers and administrators, like their elementary counterparts, are increasingly being called upon to provide inclusive education programs to better meet the educational needs of students with disabilities and others at risk for school failure. However, efforts to restructure or transform high schools into inclusive environments can be exacerbated by a number of structural, curricular, instructional, and expectancy factors, and conditions that are not found in elementary schools and need to be considered and addressed (Scanlon, Deshler, & Schumaker, 1996; McCory-Cole & McLesky, 1997). Central among these factors and conditions are the teachers who are being asked to teach academically diverse groups of students in their classrooms. For example, compared to their elementary counterparts, most high school teachers commonly work with more than 125 students on a daily basis in settings where instruction is often didactic, directed to large groups, and limited by the amount of individual instructional contact time (Schumaker & Deshler, 1994; Zigmond, 1990). Furthermore, the majority of high school teachers are prepared as content specialists, and many are not inclined to make adaptations for individual students, e.g., use of alternative curricula, adapted scoring/ grading, alternative plans (Bacon & Schultz, 1991; Houck & Rogers, 1994; Schumm & Vaughn, 1991). Moreover, many of today's high school teachers plan and direct their instruction toward the above average student with evaluation based on a norm or average level of performance (JCTPSD, 1995). Contemporary high school programs are expected to prepare students to meet the complex demands of society. One common expectation is that high school teachers provide quality learning opportunities and instruction sufficient to enable all students to learn advanced or complex curricula as well as to demonstrate "academic excellence" as delineated in national, state, and district goals measured by student performance on standardized tests. Another expectation is that high school teachers and programs prepare all students to meet graduation requirements and to acquire the necessary academic, cognitive, social, and technological skills required for successful and productive independent living along with entry into colleges, universities, or the work force (McCrory-Cole & McLesky, 1997). …

295 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the access and availability of Advanced Placement courses and how they impact educational outcomes for Latina/o and African American students and found that Latina and African Americans are disproportionately underrepresented in AP enrollment.
Abstract: Using critical race theory as a framework, this article examines the access and availability of Advanced 'Placement (AP) (1) courses and how they impact educational outcomes for Latina/o (2) and African American students. To begin thinking critically about enrollment patterns of AP courses we ask the following questions: How do school structures, practices, and discourses help maintain racial and ethnic discrimination in access to AP courses? How do Latina/o and African American students and parents respond to the educational structures, practices, and discourses that help maintain racial and ethnic discrimination in access to AP courses? Finally, how can school reforms help end racial and ethnic discrimination in access to AP courses? In order to answer these questions, we examined a school district in California that serves a large population of Latina/o and African American students. Three different patterns emerged around access and availability of AP courses: Latina/o students are disproportionately underrepresented in AP enrollment district-wide; schools that serve urban, low-income Latina/o and African American communities have low student enrollment in AP courses; and even when Latina/o and African American students attend high schools with high numbers of students enrolled in AP courses, they are not equally represented in AP enrollment. We call this structure and process "Schools Within Schools." Key Words: Chicana/o, Latina/o, and African American education, Advanced Placement classes, critical race theory, educational inequality, access and enrollment. Introduction Issues of access and inequality have long overwhelmed the educational experience of Latina/o and African American students. If one examines the educational pipeline--irrespective of how educational outcomes are measured--Latina/o and African American students do not perform as well as Whites (Chapa & Valencia, 1993; Garcia, 2001; Moreno, 1999; Rumberger, 1991; Solorzano, 1994, 1995; Solorzano & Yosso, 2000; Valencia, 2002). Although many factors shape this educational reality for Latina/o and African American students, this study will consider one critical point in the educational pipeline--the role of Advanced Placement (AP) courses as one of the curricular options that impact college admissions. We begin with an overview of the current legal status of using race in the college admissions process and the role of AP courses in determining college admission eligibility. Next, we introduce critical race theory as a framework to help understand the educational experiences of Latina/o and African American students. Finally, we examine one point in the educational pipeline that impacts Latina/o and African American participation in college-access to Advanced Placement (AP) courses. The University of Michigan Affirmative Action Cases On June 23, 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed in the Grutter v. Bollinger Case (539 U.S. 1, 2003) that the University of Michigan Law School could use race in its admissions. The Supreme Court reaffirmed the 1978 Bakke v. Regents of the University of California Case (438 U.S. 265, 1978) by finding that having a racially diverse student body is a compelling state interest and the University of Michigan Law School's use of race in the admissions process is narrowly tailored to meet those interests. As the Court's opinion indicated, "More important, for reasons set out below, today we endorse Justice Powell's view that a student body diversity is a compelling state interest that can justify the use of race in university admissions" (539 U.S. 13, 2003). However, in a companion case--Gratz v. Bollinger (539 U.S. 1, 2003)--the undergraduate admissions policy at the University of Michigan's College of Literature, Science, and the Arts (LSA) was shown to be unconstitutional because its use of race in the admissions process was not narrowly tailored. Indeed, the Court found that the university's allocation of 20 points (in a 150 point undergraduate admissions system) for African American, Latina/o, or Native American students was too "mechanistic" and did not provide for "individualized consideration" in the admissions process--a practice outlawed in university admissions in the 1978 Bakke v. …

248 citations

Performance
Metrics
No. of papers from the Journal in previous years
YearPapers
202214
20208
201913
201821
201717
201644