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Showing papers in "The Journal of Politics in 1989"


Journal ArticleDOI
Robert M. Entman1
TL;DR: This article found that the political messages of newspapers are significantly associated with the substantive political attitudes of a national sample of their readers and that diversity of news perspectives and editorial liberalism show significant relationships to readers' support of interest groups, public policies, and politicians.
Abstract: The political messages of newspapers are significantly associated with the substantive political attitudes of a national sample of their readers. Diversity of news perspectives and editorial liberalism show significant relationships to readers' support of interest groups, public policies, and politicians. The relationships vary among self-identified liberals, conservatives, and moderates in accordance with the predictions of information-processing theory. The standard assertion in most recent empirical studies is that "media affect what people think about, not what they think." The findings here indicate the media make a significant contribution to what people think--to their political preferences and evaluations--precisely by affecting what they think about.

257 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper used data from an exit poll to test three models of voter decision making in a presidential primary: a simple candidate preference model, a bandwagon model, and an expected utility model.
Abstract: Using data from an exit poll, this paper tests three models of voter decision making in a presidential primary: a simple candidate preference model, a bandwagon model, and an expected utility model. For both Republican and white Democratic primary voters, the data support the expected utility model. In choosing a candidate for their party's nomination, Republican and Democratic primary voters weighed electability in addition to their general evaluations of the candidates. Opinions about electability were, in turn, strongly influenced by perceptions of candidates' nomination prospects. Thus, viability had an important, but indirect, influence on voter decision making.

143 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of black mayors on police department policies of interest to black citizens in 105 municipal governments in the United States was examined, and the presence of a black mayor during the time frame in question was found to be associated with both black representation among sworn officers and adoption of citizen controls over the department.
Abstract: This study examines the impact of black mayors on police department policies of interest to black citizens in 105 municipal governments in the United States. The correlates of community-oriented policing, minority recruitment, black representation among sworn officers, citizen controls over department policies, and departmental responses to public disorder incidents are examined, and the presence of a black mayor during the time frame in question is found to be associated with both black representation among sworn officers and adoption of citizen controls over the department. The implications of these findings for the study of black mayoral influence are explored.

123 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined survey data on individual political behavior under two polar cases of institutional arrangement within metropolitan areas, comparing the responses of five Louisville-area cities with those of their matched Lexington neighborhoods, directly assessing the impacts of jurisdictional arrangements on a number of attitudes and behaviors that underlie the Tiebout model.
Abstract: Despite the considerable research attention accorded the Tiebout model, its empirical foundations are not especially well developed. That is, existing empirical investigations of the Tiebout model only indirectly address many of its central assumptions, given their nearly exclusive focus on aggregate-level analyses when the model evaluates institutional arrangements on the basis of a number of assumptions about individual attitudes and behaviors. This paper takes one step toward improving this situation by examining survey data on individual political behavior under two polar cases of institutional arrangement within metropolitan areas. By comparing the responses of five Louisville-area cities with those of their matched Lexington neighborhoods, we directly assess the impacts of jurisdictional arrangements on a number of attitudes and behaviors that underlie the Tiebout model.

112 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the extent to which groups' campaign contributions and lobbying efforts are directed to representatives from districts where groups have little or no organizational presence, and found that organized interests seldom contribute to and lobby members of the U.S. House of Representatives in the absence of geographic...
Abstract: It is often believed that organized interests purchase access--and, consequently, representation--to members of Congress through PAC contributions. By contributing to representatives from districts where they have little or no organizational strength, groups may shift the representational focus of elected officials away from geographic constituencies to broader, functional constituencies based on occupational, industrial, and professional groupings. This paper examines this possibility by assessing the extent to which groups' campaign contributions and lobbying efforts are directed to representatives from districts where groups have little or no organizational presence. The empirical analysis is based on data from a survey of professional lobbyists with organizations that sponsored political action committees during the 1983-1984 election cycle. Results of the analysis indicate that organized interests seldom contribute to and lobby members of the U.S. House of Representatives in the absence of geographic...

105 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors evaluate the Exit, Voice, Loyalty, and Neglect (EVLN) model of citizen responses to dissatisfaction developed by Lyons and Lowery (1986) with data gathered from 10 separate surveys of citizens living in matched pairs of independent cities and neighborhoods.
Abstract: In this paper, we evaluate the Exit, Voice, Loyalty, and Neglect [EVLN] model of citizen responses to dissatisfaction developed by Lyons and Lowery (1986). After summarizing its key propositions, we test the model with data gathered from 10 separate surveys of citizens living in matched pairs of independent cities and neighborhoods. Considerable support is found for a respecified version of the EVLN model, support that is then used to develop an integrated understanding of citizen responses to dissatisfaction with public services in urban communities.

104 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the decision to vote is affected by two elements of the election context: the frequency of elections and the attractiveness of statewide offices on the presidential year ballot, and the postwar shift of gubernatorial races to the congressional election year is one explanation for declining voter turnout.
Abstract: The decision to vote is affected by two elements of the election context. One is the frequency of elections. Presidential and state primaries divert resources away from the general election and reduce turnout among the peripheral electorate who are most dependent on a mobilization effort. Taken together, spring and fall primaries lowered general election by five percentage points nationwide in the 1976, 1980, and 1984 elections. A second element of context is the attractiveness of statewide offices on the presidential year ballot. Gubernatorial races increase the probability of voting by 6% in those states that still elect governors in presidential years. Thus, the postwar shift of gubernatorial races to the congressional election year is one explanation for declining turnout. Senatorial races do not attract additional voters to the November election. These hypotheses are tested on a pooled sample of the 1976, 1980, and 1984 CPS election studies

78 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper analyzed the relationship between mass and elite political intolerance and the adoption of repressive public policies by the states of the United States during the Vietnam War and found that more intolerant states did not act repressively, in part because the climate of intolerance discouraged dissent in the first place.
Abstract: In this article I analyze the relationship between mass and elite political intolerance and the adoption of repressive public policies by the states of the United States. My focus is on statutes adopted by the states during the Vietnam War era that were designed to quash dissent on university campuses. The analysis reveals that repressive public policy reflected neither the intolerance of the mass public nor the political elites in the state. Instead, restrictions on campus protest seemed to be a direct response to levels of disruption on the campuses. Somewhat paradoxically, political tolerance seems to have created the conditions for dissent to occur, but it failed to block repressive reactions when dissent became disruptive. More intolerant states did not act repressively, in part because the climate of intolerance discouraged dissent in the first place. These findings are contrasted to earlier research on repression during the McCarthy era and ultimately, are used to impugn the elitist theory of democ...

77 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper analyzed nearly two hundred federal district court decisions in cases involving the exercise of presidential power during the postwar era and found that judicial decision making appears to be dominated by the recognition of fixed rules, and that identification of the policy-making area alone constitutes an excellent predictor of case outcomes.
Abstract: Analysis of nearly two hundred federal district court decisions in cases involving the exercise of presidential power during the postwar era reveals two very different models of judicial decision making. In cases concerning presidential control of foreign and military policy, judicial decision making appears to be dominated by the recognition of fixed rules. So clear are these rules of deference to the executive that identification of the policy-making area alone constitutes an excellent predictor of case outcomes. By contrast, the statistical importance of such predictor variables as presidential prestige and whether the judge was appointed by the same president as that whose powers are at issue in the case suggests much greater relativism in the judicial response when the president is challenged as a domestic policymaker. As far as the federal district courts are concerned, presidential power over foreign and military affairs may aptly be called "the power to command," while the executive's power in dom...

75 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Theory-based personal attributes models of the civil rights and liberties and economics decision making of the Canadian Supreme Court justices serving from 1949-1985 are developed from Lipset and Rokkan's (1967) approach to explain mass political behavior.
Abstract: Theory-based personal attributes models of the civil rights and liberties and economics decision making of the Canadian Supreme Court justices serving from 1949-1985 are developed from Lipset and Rokkan's (1967) approach to explaining mass political behavior. The models show both behaviors to be influenced by Quebec/non-Quebec regional origins and religious affiliation, political party, being appointed by the last laissez faire Liberal Prime Minister, King, and having judicial and political experience. The models are reasonably potent, statistically. Their most important attributes capture crucial dimensions in contemporary Canadian politics, region, and party, and also have implications for the cross-national study of judicial behavior.

71 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: This paper is designed to demonstrate that citizen evaluations of presidential performance operate as an influence on voting in gubernatorial elections. The discussion first highlights the debate over the impact of presidential support in national elections and presents aggregate-level evidence suggesting that this impact extends to gubernatorial contests. Next, an individual-level model of the gubernatorial vote is estimated using a pooled data set from the election year surveys conducted by the Center for Political Studies from 1972 through 1986. The estimated model reveals that evaluations of the president operate as an influence on the voting preferences of citizens. A series of diagnostic exercises shows that this influence is not an artifact of a particular survey, type of election, or presidential administration. A series of simulations reveals that the impact of these evaluations is sizable enough to alter both the voting of individuals and the outcomes of gubernatorial contests. The discussion co...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the policy convergence thesis is far less persuasive than Jackman asserts and there is strong theoretical support for our original argument and suggest that a pooled time series, cross-section design may provide better tests for our argument than those presently in debate.
Abstract: This article responds to Jackman's central theoretical and empirical criticisms of our research. First, the policy convergence thesis is far less persuasive than Jackman asserts and there is strong theoretical support for our original argument. Second, the empirical tests presented by Jackman are not as conclusive as he suggests. The Norwegian outlier is better remedied on Jackman's own terms by controlling for oil dependence than by exclusion from the analysis. Once this is done the data are more supportive of our thesis. Finally, we suggest that a pooled time series, cross-section design may provide better tests for our argument than those presently in debate.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper showed that American party identification influences the political adaptation of American migrants in Australia by affecting both whether or not they adopt an Australian party identification and the particular parties they select. But, political ideology is an even more important factor in selecting a new party identification, leading some American Democrats to choose a more conservative party, and some American Republicans a more liberal one, in Australia.
Abstract: The study of international migrants reveals processes of political resocialization that include translation, expansion, and replacement of prior political learning. This paper demonstrates that American party identification influences the political adaptation of American migrants in Australia by affecting both whether or not they adopt an Australian party identification and the particular parties they select. However, political ideology is an even more important factor in selecting a new party identification and, in particular, leads some American Democrats to choose a more conservative party, and some American Republicans a more liberal one, in Australia. People who were weak partisans in the United States are more likely than others to relinquish their American partisanship once in Australia. Over and above these individual-level variables, the political environment is also influential: migrants tend to favor parties that have been electorally more successful in the Australian state in which they live. ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors investigated the use of error correcting, prediction, and majority strategies by justices on the United States Supreme Court and found that conservative justices in liberal and conservative courts are substantially more grant prone than liberal justices in conservative courts.
Abstract: Do justices on the United States Supreme Court pursue strategies in their certiorari voting? We inspected seven terms from the Vinson, Warren, and Burger Courts and discovered that the justices use the error correcting, prediction, and majority strategies, particularly when the strategies are consistent with each other. Such use is not indiscriminate but usually is tempered by the presence of adverse conditions. We also investigated the error correcting and prediction strategies through the focus of liberal and conservative justices in liberal and conservative courts. These two strategies and their combination work best for conservative justices in conservative courts. Liberal justices in liberal courts are substantially more grant prone than conservative justices in conservative courts.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors re-examine the finding that an incumbent cannot increase his vote by increasing his campaign expenditures and develop a theory of campaign expenditures, which is then used to specify an econometric model.
Abstract: Previous research reached the puzzling conclusion that an incumbent cannot increase his vote by increasing his campaign expenditures This paper reexamines the finding by developing a theory of campaign expenditures The theory is then used to specify an econometric model; previous studies did not develop a theory prior to specifying their econometric models The new empirical results demonstrate that, in most races, incumbent expenditures do matter

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined to what extent and in what ways voters are willing to go beyond the information given, when that information consists of either a candidate's personal traits or his issue positions, to make broader candidate assessments.
Abstract: This paper examines to what extent, and in what ways, voters are willing to go beyond the information given--when that information consists of either a candidate's personal traits or his issue positions--to make broader candidate assessments. Based on an experiment in which students were given either personal trait or issue information about candidates for president, we find strong evidence for voter inferences from traits to issues and vice versa (although there is greater inference from issues than from traits). Finally, we find that, although inferences are frequently made, they are often idiosyncratic. Only in particular cases (i.e., relating candidate's compassion with his support of government providing jobs), do different types of respondents make the same inferences (a finding which is also borne out by the 1984 NES).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a measure of foundational religious beliefs and the impact of such beliefs on political variables are investigated. But their measures have never been convincing or their findings strong. And they have not been able to account for party identification, political ideology, and issue positions of American Catholics.
Abstract: Social scientists have formulated several theories or prototheories to account for party identification, political ideology, and issue positions of Americans and, by extension, of American Catholics. These include ethnic assimilation and communalism, social class, regional political culture, political generations, and recently gender. At the same time, some scholars have argued that religious values profoundly affect these political variables. But their measures have never been convincing or their findings strong. This paper formulates a new measure of foundational religious beliefs and, controlling for measures of other theoretically relevant variables, estimates the impact of such beliefs on political variables. Data are drawn from the 2,667 registered Catholic parishioners included in the Notre Dame Study of Catholic Parish Life. The overall model appears modestly powerful, but individual findings are of interest. Interpreting results through theories of partisanship, this paper argues that the traditi...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the impact of the 1987 television miniseries "Amerika" on political attitudes and stereotypes and found that viewers became less tolerant of communism, and voiced more support for enhanced U.S. military strength.
Abstract: This article reports the results of a panel study examining the impact of the 1987 television miniseries "Amerika" on political attitudes and stereotypes. Viewing the docudrama, which ostensibly depicted life in the Midwest ten years after a Soviet takeover of the United States, was associated with significant changes in attitudes concerning Soviet-American relations. These attitudinal changes were consistently in the direction of greater conservatism (for example, viewers became less tolerant of communism, and voiced more support for enhanced U.S. military strength). The moderating impact of perceived realism, education, and ideology, as well as the independent impact of indirect exposure to the series (that is, informal peer discussion and attention to associated media coverage), were also examined. The implications of the results for research on the political impact of entertainment programming are discussed.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the group basis of the presidential vote, 1952-1984, using a multivariate logit approach, showing the persistence of group-based divisions between Republican and Democratic voters.
Abstract: Except for bivariate analyses, previous research on the group basis of partisan strength in the United States has focused on party identification as the dependent variable. This essay examines the group basis of the presidential vote, 1952-1984, using a multivariate logit approach. Our multivariate analysis shows the persistence of group-based divisions between Republican and Democratic voters. Among other patterns, class-based divisions have noticeably increased.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors analyzed the 1964, 1976, 1978, 1980, and 1984 vote validation studies in which local registration and voting records were used to measure electoral participation and found that black Americans are less likely to participate in politics than white Americans.
Abstract: Black Americans are less likely to participate in politics than white Americans are, but many students of political participation have argued that these differences result solely from racial differences in socioeconomic status. We have questioned these conclusions by analyzing the 1964, 1976, 1978, 1980, and 1984 vote validation studies in which local registration and voting records were used to measure electoral participation. When participation was measured by the vote validation studies, racial differences were reduced after controls were introduced, but whites were still more likely to vote than blacks. The 1986 Survey Research Center-Center for Political Studies (SRC-CPS) vote validation study is used to update our findings. The results are consistent with our previous analyses. The 1986 study does not confirm the finding of U.S. Census Bureau survey that young blacks were more likely to vote than young whites. However, our analyses do support the basic finding of the bureau that racial differences i...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper showed that Hicks's elementary revision is misguided and insufficient to salvage the Lange-Garrett hypothesis and established that the estimates for his expanded model are not robust, but instead depend entirely on influential observations.
Abstract: Papers by Lange and Garrett and by Jackman have debated whether the political and economic power of the left influences economic growth in the western industrial democracies. Most recently, Hicks (1988) has concluded that they do, once Lange and Garrett's model is modified, despite my claim to the contrary. This paper shows that there is no evidence for the claims advanced by Hicks. First, I demonstrate that Hicks's elementary revision is misguided and insufficient to salvage the Lange-Garrett hypothesis. Second, I establish that the estimates for his expanded model are not robust, but instead depend entirely on influential observations. Third, I review some crucial theoretical issues that are misconstrued both by Lange and Garrett and by Hicks and suggest an alternative approach to the politics of economic growth.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, this paper showed that Hicks's revision of the Lange-Garrett model of 1974-1980 economic growth rates receives robust empirical support from regression analyses of Lange and Garrett's original fifteen cases.
Abstract: Contrary to claims by Jackman, Hicks's revision of the Lange-Garrett model of 1974-1980 economic growth rates receives robust empirical support from regression analyses of Lange and Garrett's original fifteen cases. Jackman's criticisms of Hicks's (1988) "expanded" model founder once statistically appropriate procedures are used to gauge the stability of Hicks's estimates and statistical tests. Jackman's criticisms of Hick's "elementary" model come undone once the expository function of the "elementary" model is clarified and the theoretical and empirical merits of Hicks's "catch-up" specification relative to those of Jackman's "inertial" specification are elaborated. As for Jackman's two principal theoretical criticisms, that based on a majoritarian/consensus conception of government stands up poorly to an examination of the seminal text underlying that conception, while that criticism rooted in the Downsian theoretical tradition appears, at best, precariously supported by that intellectuall lineage.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the extent to which voter turnout tends to drop from the primary to the runoff election was examined, and the extent of decline is greater in congressional and senatorial runoffs than in gubernatorial runoffs.
Abstract: I examine the extent to which voter turnout tends to drop from the primary to the runoff election. Results indicate that turnout declined in almost 77% of all Democratic gubernatorial, senatorial, and congressional runoffs held from 1956 to 1984. The extent of decline is greater in congressional and senatorial runoffs than in gubernatorial runoffs and is especially pronounced in congressional runoffs unaccompanied by gubernatorial or senatorial runoffs. I explore several other determinants of turnout decline, including both contextual and procedural variables. Especially important is the degree of Republican opposition: as the level of Republican viability in a state or constituency increases, so does the relative level of runoff abstention.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that the passionate desire for honor is not the problem, but the moral love of honor, in other words, the attachment to human dignity, is the solution.
Abstract: Recent attention to the role that education can play in averting the danger of war has raised anew the question of the relationship between education and character formation. Contemporary peace educators seem to rely chiefly on enlightened fear. Immanuel Kant's writings offer both a diagnosis of the psychological causes of war and a proposal for dealing with them through a new scheme of education. If the passionate desire for honor is the problem, Kant argues, the moral love of honor--in other words, the attachment to human dignity--is the solution. Education can serve to connect honor and morality. Yet, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose Emile arguably inspires much of Kant's moral psychology, suggests that true cosmopolitanism is too rare to be a reasonable political goal. The disagreement between the two turns on whether morality is innate or must be constructed in human beings out of other elements.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined House roll call voting patterns on the Nineteenth Amendment in the context of Progressive Era legislation, particularly Prohibition, immigration, black civil rights, labor, and military preparedness.
Abstract: This paper examines House roll call voting patterns on the Nineteenth Amendment in the context of Progressive Era legislation, particularly Prohibition, immigration, black civil rights, labor, and military preparedness. Though historical accounts often have linked woman suffrage with arguments of "expediency" rather than "rights," this analysis finds roll call voting patterns on suffrage associated with social justice and civil rights rather than with status consistency issues, such as Prohibition and immigration. In addition, it is established that partisan and regional voting patterns on woman suffrage are not as explanatory as are state-level constituency influences: the dramatic increase in House support for the Nineteenth Amendment from 1915 to 1919 is best understood as a result of the corresponding increase in the number of members representing states with state-level woman suffrage. This finding points to the importance of linkages between state and national legislatures in the Progressive Era as ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an interpretation of Adam Smith's "Science of a Legislator" is presented, which locates its unity and meaning in the application of a certain method of analysis in his theory of justice and political economy.
Abstract: The problem of Adam Smith's assessment of "commercial society" is inextricably linked to the nature of the unity of his moral philosophy. In this article, I offer an interpretation of Smith's "Science of a Legislator" that locates its unity and meaning in the application of a certain method of analysis in his theory of justice and political economy. In Smith's Science, commercial society is constituted by a set of principles, or mechanisms, the two most important being moral sentiments and competitive markets. These mechanisms transform the pursuit of self-love toward the public good and are based upon the faculty of sympathy. When properly guided by the legislator, they yield both justice and opulence. The effects of commerce on the character of the laboring classes, however, threaten to undermine moral sentiments and, thus, the basis of justice and social cohesion. The advancement of justice in commercial society, then, will depend upon the legislator's ability to ensure the proper functioning of these ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that too often our research ignores the effects of the legal and political context on the political behavior of individuals, and they argue that our research should incorporate measures of political context and is illustrated through a discussion of the effect of political culture on political behavior in the American states.
Abstract: Too often our research ignores the effects of the legal and political context on the political behavior of individuals. The argument is made that our research should incorporate measures of political context and is illustrated through a discussion of the effects of political culture on political behavior in the American states. The utility of using culture to account for political mobilization processes as reported in several recent studies is discussed. Measures of political culture can help explain both differences between states and variations within a state in political mobilization processes.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the effects of class and status on attitudes toward general welfare and aid to minorities were investigated using data from the 1976, 1980, and 1984 NES surveys, and the results showed that both theories can be made compatible by basing one theory on class and the other on status.
Abstract: The literature describing ideological orientations of Americans is complex and enigmatic. It is largely organized around two, seemingly incompatible theories. Much of the controversy pertains to people in the highest stratum. The "class polarization" thesis describes them as economically conservative. The "class inversion" thesis maintains they are liberal. The debate is highly influenced by the choice of definitions and indicators. Most prior research fails to distinguish between types of strata (class and status) and between different types of liberal-conservative beliefs. This paper shows seemingly contradictory theories can be made compatible by basing one theory on class and the other on status. Pooled data from the 1976, 1980, and 1984 NES surveys is used to estimate the effects of class and status on attitudes toward general welfare and aid to minorities. Controls are provided for race, party identification, and type of occupation. Together class and status provide a more comprehensive explanation ...

Journal ArticleDOI
Randall Strahan1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose that coalition-building strategies employed by congressional leaders may provide empirical evidence bearing on the question of how to conceptualize members' goals and propose that appeals made directly by leaders to rank-and-file legislators are not easily discounted as posturing or position-taking.
Abstract: An important issue raised by recent work which views members of the U.S. Congress as purposive actors is how to conceptualize members' goals. This note proposes that coalition-building strategies employed by congressional leaders may provide empirical evidence bearing on this question. Unlike other sources of evidence on members' goals, appeals made directly by leaders to rank-and-file legislators are not easily discounted as posturing or "position-taking." An analysis of the committee coalition-building strategy employed by House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Dan Rostenkowski (D-Illinois) on the issue of tax reform in 1985 supports earlier findings on the importance of prestige and policy goals for members of this committee and provides some additional empirical grounding for a conceptualization of members' goals of the type advanced by Richard F. Fenno, Jr.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined whether split-level identifiers are less likely to participate in politics, as well as to have lower levels of efficacy than people who identify with one party (either being fully consistent or partially consistent).
Abstract: Many Canadians identify with one party at the federal level and another in provincial politics. Split-level partisanship is far less frequent in the United States. Nevertheless, it is an open question whether such dual partisanship is traceable to the same determinants in both countries. Following Niemi et al. (1987), I examine whether split-level identifiers are less likely to participate in politics, as well as to have lower levels of efficacy than people who identify with one party (either being fully consistent or partially consistent). No support for either hypothesis is found. Split-level identifiers participate just as much as fully consistent and partially consistent partisans. Their efficacy is generally equal to that of other groups as well. The only exceptions suggest that split-level partisanship reflects citizens' political environments. If people face two very different party systems at the federal and provincial tiers, they are likely to have different patterns of identification regardless ...