The Negro educational review 

About: The Negro educational review is an academic journal. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Higher education & Racism. It has an ISSN identifier of 0548-1457. Over the lifetime, 275 publications have been published receiving 4074 citations.

Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Differences in School Discipline among U.S. High School Students: 1991-2005.

Abstract: The present study uses large nationally representative samples of White, Black, Hispanic, Asian American, and American Indian students to examine current patterns and recent trends (1991 to 2005) in racial, ethnic, and gender differences in school discipline. We found that Black, Hispanic, and American Indian youth are slightly more likely than White and Asian American youth to be sent to the office and substantially (two to five times) more likely to be suspended or expelled. Although school discipline rates decreased over time for most ethnic groups, among Black students school discipline rates increased between 1991 and 2005. Logistic regression analyses that controlled for racial and ethnic differences in socio-demographic factors suggest racial and ethnic differences in school discipline do not result from racial and ethnic differences in socioeconomic status. Future research and practice efforts should seek to better understand and to eliminate racial, ethnic and gender disproportionality in school discipline.

Preparing Preservice Teachers to Teach in a Culturally Responsive Way.

Abstract: A teacher education program designed to adequately prepare preservice teachers to instruct culturally and linguistically diverse students in their classrooms is described. Under the supervision of a professor and a graduate assistant in a required methods course at a private midwestern Christian university, 24 preservice teachers, who use a culturally responsive teaching framework to teach reading to urban elementary children who scored between low and intermediate levels on their state reading examination, participated in this study. Data were collected from the preservice teachers' class and field experiences in the areas of (a) autobiographical poem and cultural artifact, (b) cultural diversity awareness inventory, (c) book discussion groups, (d) inquiry project, and (e) structured field experience. These data were discussed and used to enhance their preparation for instructing culturally and linguistically diverse students. Implications regarding how teacher education programs can create a learning environment where future teachers can learn to welcome and support all students, specifically those from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds, are discussed. Introduction As public schools become increasingly more culturally diverse among their student populations, the teaching force remains homogeneous-predominately White, female, and middle-class (Swartz, 2003; Howard, 1999). Yet, many teacher education programs are still struggling to adequately prepare preservice teachers to successfully deal with the challenge of teaching a diverse student population. This is generally due to interrelated factors such as limited cultural knowledge bases of teacher educators and students, disconnection of theory to practice, and curricula historically grounded in Eurocentric traditional styles of pedagogy (Au, 1998; Ladson-Billings, 2000; Smith, 1998). Irvine's (2003) research found that "preservice teachers have negative beliefs and low expectations of success for ... [non White] students even after some course work in multicultural education" (p. xvi); she called this "cultural discontinuity." This cultural discontinuity produces negative interactions between teachers and students, thus reinforcing stereotypes and prejudices on both sides. Irvine argues that cultural discontinuity can cause teachers to "ignore their students' ethnic identities and their unique cultural beliefs, perceptions, values and worldviews" (Irvine, 2003, p. xvii), thus devaluing students' contributions to the classroom environment. Furthermore, it can affect teachers' attitudes and expectations, thus impacting students' academic performance (Delpit, 1996; Howard & del Rosario, 2000). As a result, these preservice teachers could begin to affirm the notion that what is different is inferior (Freire, 1998). Researchers have repeatedly confirmed that teachers need to know more about the world of the children with whom they work in order to better offer opportunities for learning success (Graybill, 1997; Pransky & Bailey, 2002/2003). One way to deal with this challenge is through the use of culturally responsive teaching (CRT) (Gay, 2000). Culturally responsive teaching facilitates and supports the achievement of all students. It requires teachers to create a learning environment where all students are welcomed, supported, and provided with the best opportunities to learn regardless of their cultural and linguistic backgrounds. To effectively do so, teachers need to utilize the three dimensions within the culturally responsive teaching framework: (a) academic achievement-make learning rigorous, exciting, challenging, and equitable with high standards; (b) cultural competenceknow and facilitate in the learning process the various range of students' cultural and linguistic groups; and (c) sociopolitical consciousness-recognize and assist students in the understanding that education and schooling do not occur in a vacuum (Gay, 2000). …

Mentoring and Satisfaction with College for Black Students.

Abstract: Determining the extent to which faculty-student mentoring predicts satisfaction in college for Black students was our purpose for this study. We performed a secondary analysis of data from a national sample obtained from the College Student Experiences Questionnaire (CSEQ) Research Program. The CSEQ consists of 191 items designed to measure the quality and quantity of students' involvement in college activities and their use of college facilities. The student sample consisted of 554 Black college students who completed the CSEQ in 2004. Based on the results, establishing a meaningful, research-focused mentoring relationship with a faculty member had a positive relationship with Black students' satisfaction with college, whereas establishing a personal, informal mentoring relationship did not have a significant effect on satisfaction. Introduction During the last decade of the 20lh century, the enrollment rate of racial minority students in higher education continued to increase; however, these students remain underrepresented compared to White students in higher education (National Center for Education Statistics, 2002). In addition, minority students graduate in significantly lower numbers. Approximately 29% of Whites aged 25-29 held at least a bachelor's degree in 1997, whereas 14.4% of Black African Americans and 1% of Hispanics held an undergraduate degree (Minorities in Higher Education, 1999-2000). Despite the gains in enrollment, minority students continue to face significant challenges in higher education, and without adequate support many drop out of college (Astin, 1993; Tinto, 1993). Mentoring programs have been instituted at many colleges and universities to support minority students and to encourage members of minority groups to enter college and find success within higher education (Brown, Davis, & McClendon, 1999; Hicks, 2005; Santos, Reigadas & Scott, 2000; Santos & Reigadas, 2004; Welch, 1997). Bringing the percentages of minorities with college degrees in line with the percentage in the general population was another goal of many of these programs. Quite a few mentoring programs were successful in recruiting and retaining minority students (e.g., California Community Colleges, 1993; Campbell & Campbell, 1997; Canton & James, 1997; Salinitri, 2005). Types of mentoring in these programs and ways to describe the construct varied (Broadbridge, 1999; Galbraith, 2002; Healy, 1997;Jacobi, 1 99 1 ; Merriam, 1983). For example. Healy (1997) stated that mentoring is "a dynamic, reciprocal relationship in a work environment between an advanced career incumbent [mentor] and a beginner [protege] aimed at promoting the career development of both" (p. 10). Additionally, Galbraith and Maslin-Ostrowski (2000) stated that mentoring is "a process of intellectual, psychological, and affective development.... Mentors accept personal responsibility as competent and trustworthy nonparental figures for the significant growth of other individuals" (pp. 136-137). Mentoring has also been described as the process by which a student or protege is positively socialized by a faculty member or mentor into the institution and/or profession. The mentor often serves in multiple rolesrole model, teacher, advisor, guide, and resource (Biaggio, 2001; Galbraith & James, 2004; Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson, & McKee, 1978). Research and writing on mentoring have increased in recent years (Alire, 1997; Blackwell, 1989; Merriam, 1983; Santos, Reigadas, & Scott, 2000; Scott, 1992; Van Stone, Nelson, & Niemann, 1994). However, data regarding the mentoring of Black students is limited (Frierson, 1997; Willie, Grady, & Hope, 1991). The few studies we found that do focus on Black students lack focus and depth; some combine Black and non-Black students while others fail to tease out differences between various forms of mentoring. It is out of this context that the present study grew, as we wanted to determine the extent to which faculty-student mentoring predicts satisfaction in college for Black students. …

Social Capital and College Preparation: Exploring the Role of Counselors in a College Prep School for Black Students

Abstract: Glenn Hills College Preparatory Charter High School (GHCP) fosters college access for Black students who are first generation college-bound and living in poor neighborhoods. To help GHCP students make the transition to college, the school's counselors work to fulfill a variety of targeted roles and responsibilities. This study examines the perceptions of the counseling staff regarding the manner in which they fulfilled their roles and responsibilities. The GHCP counseling staff was interviewed to determine how they provided norms and resources to enhance the viability of college access for their student population. Results of interviews show how counselors imparted an array of academic and social support to meet their students' educational and social backgrounds as well as their college planning needs. Introduction Social capital is an asset, embedded in social relations, which can be used to improve one's life outcomes. It includes norms and information channels, available through relationships with others, referred to as social networks (Coleman, 1988; Lin, 2001). The relationships with others in one's network impose norms and expectations and serve as conduits of needed information and resources (Coleman, 1988; Lin, 2001; Portes, 1998). Norms include the values and standards enforced by network members in order to maintain behaviors related to group goals (Coleman, 1988). Information channels reflect the ability of network members to access other members' resources and expertise, to which they would not ordinarily have access, if not for these social relations within their network (Lin, 2001). Ways and means of identifying efficient avenues to social capital and needed resources are often supported through institutional change agents for students. School counselors are institutional change agents who can share norms and resources about college access. The literature is quite clear that Black students receive disparate amounts of counselors' resources and time, particularly resources and attention devoted to college planning. With that understanding, we concluded that a gap in the literature regarding the range of roles counselors fill in order to help Black students prepare for college exists. Accordingly, then, our intent in this study is to explore the roles and responsibilities of counselors whose aim is to prepare first-generation, college-bound Black students for college. Social Capital and Inequality Lin (2000) argues that differences in the compositions of networks foster inequality in access to social capital. He notes that one's access to "resource-rich" networks varies.2 Networks are considered resource-rich if they are composed of diverse members with social advantages who interact in order to share their advantages such as quality resources, an expertise, and social connections (Bourdieu, 1985; Coleman, 1988; Lin, 2001; Putnam, 2000). Lin (2000) notes that historical and structural processes have fostered unequal opportunities among racial, class, and gendered groups, which leaves one's disadvantaged background related to membership in social networks that lack a diversity of members with the expertise, connections, resources and information the advantaged groups possess. Lin further states that "inequality of social capital occurs when a certain group clusters at relatively disadvantaged socioeconomic positions, and the general tendency is for individuals to associate with those of similar group or socioeconomic characteristics" (p. 786). The urban context is reflective of the kinds of historical actions and structural processes such as segregationist policies and practices that have created racially and socioeconomically homogenous communities (Farmer-Hinton, 2002; Lemann, 1991; Massey & Denton, 1993; Wilson, 1987). Additionally, in many urban communities, social and economic transformations such as deindustrialization have led to high joblessness and concentrated poverty among residents in segregated communities. …

Linking Black Middle School Students' Perceptions of Teachers' Expectations to Academic Engagement and Efficacy.

Abstract: Teachers' expectations are consistent predictors of performance outcomes for elementary, middle, and secondary students. However, the literature is not as clear in articulating exactly how teacher expectations influence such outcomes. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine whether perceptions of teachers' expectations are predictive of students' academic efficacy and engagement. Two hundred sixty-two Black middle-grade students reported their perceptions of their teachers' expectations for classroom performance, along with their academic engagement and academic efficacy. Perceived teacher expectation emerged as a significant predictor of students' academic efficacy and each form of academic engagement. Limitations and future research directions are discussed. Introduction The effects of teacher expectations have been well examined in the education literature (Alvidrez & Weinstein, 1999; Babad & Taylor, 1992; Gill & Reynolds, 1999; Gottfredson, Marciniak, Birdseye, & Gottfredson, 1995; Jussim & Eccles, 1992; Jussim & Harber, 2005; Kenealy, Frude, & Shaw, 1991; Kuklinski & Weinstein, 2001; Lane, Pierson, & Givner, 2003; Rubie-Davies, 2006; Rubie-Davis, Hattie, & Hamilton, 2006). Across many of these studies, however, what is typically unaccounted for is the effect that teacher expectations have on the cognitive antecedents of academic performance. Though some have suggested that cognitive factors typically precede academic performance and are themselves preceded by various contextual factors (Bandura, 1997; Pintrich & DeGroot, 1990; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000), education researchers have yet to investigate whether teachers' expectations-as exhibited through their classroom practices-are associated with the cognitive antecedents of student performance. Thus, a need to study significant associations between perceived teacher expectations and academic engagement and academic efficacy for middle-grade students seems warranted. Gay (2000), Gill, and Reynolds (1999) argue that examining such associations reveals that middle-grade-level Black African American students struggle academically. For some, these academic difficulties are linked to perceptions of low teacher expectations and the teacher-student relationship (Ferguson, 2003; Noguera, 2003). Thus, it is likely that these students' perceptions of teachers' expectations are associated with self-efficacy or competence, which may influence academic performance. More generally, research has shown that students in the middle-level grades are more likely to (a) engage in academic cheating behavior (Anderman, Griesinger, & Westerfield, 1998; Murdock, Hale, & Weber, 2001), (b) begin to consider dropping out of school (Rumberger, 1995), and (c) experience declines in academic motivation and self-esteem (Anderman, Maehr, & Midgley, 1999). Some research has uncovered that, for many middle-grade -level students, these maladaptive outcomes are linked to the classroom, particularly the teacher (Anderman et al., 1999; Haselhuhn, Groen, & Galloway, 2007; Martin, 2008). These teacher-based factors include student perceptions of teacher fairness (Finn & Frone, 2004; Roeser, Midgley, & Urdan, 1996), student perceptions of teacher competence and orientation towards students (Calabrese & Cochran, 1990; Roeser, Eccles, & Sameroff, 1998), student perceptions of teacher caring and support (Midgley, Feldlauf er, & Eccles, 1989; Wentzel, 1997, 1998), and student perceptions of the teacher-student relationship (Furrer & Skinner, 2003). Given that many academic and psychological outcomes are associated with middle-level students' interactions with and perceptions of their classroom teachers, it is important to assess these students' own reports of their teachers' expectations. It is also important to determine whether a significant relationship emerges between perceived teacher expectations and the cognitive antecedents of academic performance, namely academic engagement and academic efficacy. …