Showing papers in "Thesis Eleven in 1985"
TL;DR: In this article, Habermas dedicated his book, MoralbeH’usstsein und kommunikatil’es HÛndeln (Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action) to his friend and theoretical kindred spirit, Karl-Otto Apel, on the occasion of Apel's 60th birthday.
Abstract: Habermas dedicated his book, MoralbeH’usstsein und kommunikatil’es Hûndeln (Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action) to his friend and theoretical kindred spirit, Karl-Otto Apel, on the occasion of Apel’s 60th birthday. The dedication is far from a mere f~ormality. The major study of the volume, &dquo;Discourse Ethics Notes to a Grounding Program&dquo;, pursues a line of enquiry first opened by Apel in his seminal essay &dquo;The a prric»i of the communication community and the foundations of ethics&dquo;.1 While rejecting Apel’s attempt to provide an ultimate foundation for ethics, something which had only been in gestation in the study mentioned above, Habermas’s aim in his new work is to provide a foundation for morality and moral philosophy which issues from certain presuppositions he shares with Apel, and to demonstrate how, in so doing, he can both avoid and go beyond the limitations of other, prevailing moral philosophies. To this end, Habermas argues for the (theoretical) acceptance of the so-called &dquo;fundamental principle of universalization&dquo; (Un iJ’ersalisienlllgsgrundsatz) as the sole, and simultaneously formal, moral principle. Discourse ethics is conceived by him as the procedure through which persons can live up to the imperative of the moral principle.
136 citations
TL;DR: The act of delegation by which one person gives power to another person, the transfer of power by which a constituent (a mandator) authorises a delegate (a mandatory) to sign for him, to act in his place or to speak for him is a complex act which merits thinking about as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The act of delegation by which one person gives power to another person, the transfer of power by which a constituent (a mandator) authorises a delegate (a mandatory) to sign for him, to act in his place or to speak for him, give the delegate power of attorney, that is to say plena potentia agendi, the full power to act for him, is a complex act which merits thinking about. The authorised delegate, (minister, proxy, spokesperson, deputy, etc.) is a person
45 citations
TL;DR: Despite the ascerbic and bitter critique of those who opposed a triumphant capitalism, the 19th century glorified "progress" as mentioned in this paper, and the 20th century seemed to demonstrate that the system was ungovernable.
Abstract: Despite the ascerbic and bitter critique of those who opposed a triumphant capitalism, the 19th century glorified ’progress’. The First World War and, after a short interlude, the Depression, the rise of Fascism and Nazism in Europe and the obvious inevitability of another world war, all seemed to demonstrate that the system was ungovernable, and led to a collapse of the official ideology. The theme of the thirties was ’the crisis of progress’.
36 citations
TL;DR: The approach adopted here is rather different. as mentioned in this paper argues that Kant's Critique of Judgement contains the seeds of a reply to every problem of structure in the sphere of aesthetics; aesthetics need thus only clarify and think through to the end that which is implicitly there to hand.
Abstract: In his Immanuel Kant, Lucien Goldmann cites the early Lukacs’s view
that ‘the Critique of Judgement contains the seeds of a reply to every
problem of structure in the sphere of aesthetics; aesthetics need thus only
clarify and think through to the end that which is implicitly there to hand’
(Goldmann 1971:192) This was precisely what Lukacs did in
subsequently historicizing Kant’s conception of the subject and object of
aesthetic judgement. The approach adopted here is rather different. The
Critique, I shall argue, does provide a clear statement of ‘every problem
of structure in the field of aesthetics’, but less by way of resolving those
problems, or anticipating their resolution, than by specifying the
conditions that would need to be met were they to be resolved. Viewed in
this light, Kant’s treatise is most fruitfully read as a commentary on the
necessary conditions, properties and requirements of aesthetic discourse.
20 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a question of self-referential closed systems is posed, i.e., systems which base their relation to their environment on circular, closed operational connexions.
Abstract: tion of art according to the special code: beautiful/ugly; here the differences between individual art forms are not immediately important. The second abstraction concerns the perspective which governs the posing of the problem. It requires a more extensive presentation. We can discern in reality certain kinds of systems, which following a suggestion of Humberto Maturana are called &dquo;autopoietic&dquo; systems. These systems produce the elements of which they consist, by means of the elements of which they consist. It is thus a question of self-referential closed systems or, more exactly, of systems which base their relation to their environment (ie. Umwelt) on circular, closed operational connexions. This kind of self-reference involves not only reflexion (ie. the system can observe and describe its own identity), but also the fact that everything which functions in the system as unity receives its unity through the system itself, and this applies not only to structures and pro-
12 citations
7 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that there is no sense of community implicit in Foucault's work, since there are no appeals to shared values or political allegiance, and for Edward Said, it is unimaginable that a man would commit himself to descriptions of power and oppression with some intention of alleviating human suffering, pain or betrayed hope.
Abstract: or political allegiance. Thus progressive readers such as Richard Rorty complain of the &dquo;extraordinary aridity&dquo; of his writing: in the absence of any &dquo;emancipatory rhetoric&dquo;, we are left without a sense of the community for whom he writes. There is no &dquo;we&dquo; implicit in Foucault’s work, Rorty claims, since there is no appeal to shared values. Similarly, for Edward Said, it is unimaginable that Foucault would &dquo;commit himself to descriptions of power and oppression with some intention of alleviating human suffering, pain or betrayed hope&dquo;.1
7 citations
4 citations
TL;DR: The functional interrelations that exist between the labour market and welfare state's institutional mechanisms of the provision of social security are of a twofold nature: (a) the financial capacities of the welfare state, as we find it presently institutionalized in most European countries, are basically determined by the volume of contributions and social security taxes that are derived from present income of employees and hence from the present level of employment; and (b) the amount of income-needs that remain unsatisfied within the framework of the labor market itself, to which the welfare states, most importantly its schemes of
Abstract: Any consideration of the present crisis as well as of the conceivable future of the welfare state is bound to start with the conditions that prevail and are likely to prevail for the forseeable future on the labour market. The functional interrelations that exist between the labour market and the welfare state’s institutional mechanisms of the provision of social security are of a twofold nature: (a) the financial capacities of the welfare state, as we find it presently institutionalized in most European countries, are basically determined by the volume of contributions and social security taxes that are derived from present income of employees and hence from the present level of employment; but also, conversely, the volume of claims made upon the welfare state is determined (b) by the amount of income-needs that remain unsatisfied within the framework of the labour market itself, to which the welfare state, most importantly its schemes of unemployment insurance, provides a compensatory mechanism. Together, these two functional interrelationships consitute the well known dilemma: the more the welfare state is needed due to the shrinking employment opportunities offered by the economy, the less capable it becomes of providing for such need because of this poor employment performance of the economy. One way out of this dilemma would be a reduction of the legal claims employees are allowed to make upon the redistributive and income-maintenance services of the welfare state, or, alternatively, an increase of the share of individual market incomes of employees that is claimed by the social security systems through contributions and taxation. Such moves toward a downward adaptation of the welfare state, however, appear to involve rather prohibitive political costs even for governments committed to conservative-liberal doctrines and philosophies, to say nothing about social democratic ones.
4 citations
TL;DR: The elusiveness of the proposal of multiculturalism can be traced to its dual intention: to describe Australian society as it is; and, to state a preferred direction for social change as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Multiculturalism is fraught with problems of definition and an often contradictory and dubious politics of practice. The elusiveness of the proposal begins with its dual intention: to describe Australian society as it is; and, to state a preferred direction for social change. Is multiculturalism merely a reflection of what Australian society already is (and has been for some time)? Or, is it a new and radical prescription? In replying to each of these questions, the various proponents of multiculturalism, on the one hand, have come up with sociological analyses of Australian society and, on the other hand, have formulated a social policy of reform. These two tendencies do not always fit well together. Catering realistically for society as it is, is not the same as
4 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors reject the Left's traditional support for the development of alternative and independent media without bothering to examine already existing forms such as public broadcasting and without responding critically to the independent media's attempt to meet those needs and interests of the working classes which are not served by the commercial media.
Abstract: content in his programme for reform. With the possible exception of newspapers he rejects the Left’s traditional support for the development of alternative and independent media without bothering to examine already existing forms such as public broadcasting and without responding critically to the independent media’s attempt to meet those needs and interests of the working classes which are not served by the commercial media.
TL;DR: Most people who approach this problem believe that they must find a standard or reference point which is independent of any particular culture or period of history a fixed point (as they so often put bt) frorn which they can move, if not society itself (which will require a different kind of exertion), at least the minds of those willing to commit themselves to rational argument as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Most people who approach this problem believe that they must find a standard or reference point which is independent of any particular culture or period of history a fixed point (as they so often put bt) frorn which they can move, if not society itself (which will require a different kind of exertion), at least the minds of those willing to commit themselves to rational argument. This approach to social criticism is an absolutist one.
TL;DR: In this article, Dufrenne identifies what is essential to the continuing discussions among Habermas, Ricoeur, Gadamer and Apel about rationality in society and in the contemporary philosophy of the social sciences.
Abstract: Here Dufrenne identifies what is essential to the continuing discussions among Habermas, Ricoeur, Gadamer and Apel ---all of them participants at the symposium about rationality in society and in the contemporary philosophy of the social sciences. Although many of the participants at the seminar would not want to be labelled as ’critical theorists’ it is worth noticing that Dufrenne’s statement serves as a definition of the central aim of all of ~labermas’s work.
TL;DR: The Macquarie Dictionary, compiled at one of our universities, gives this revealing definition to it: A member of a class or group professing or supposed to possess enlightened judgement and opinions with respect to public or political questions as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The noun ’intellectual’ still carries the flavour of malaise, if not disrepute, in Australia, as it has long done in Great Britain. The Macquarie Dictionary, compiled at one of our universities, gives this revealing definition to it: A member of a class or group professing or supposed to possess enlightened judgement and opinions with respect to public or political questions. Courtesy of a common computer bank, the definition was taken from a British dictionary, like so much else in our formal education. However, Australians do now carry on activities with a family resemblance to those of intellectuals in late 19th century France, Russia or Germany, whose central activity was to
TL;DR: Gellner goes on to examine the future of nationalism in the light of the increasing maturity of industrial societies and concludes that, although the industrial world is now characterised by the shared constraints of industrial production and by an increasing amount of international interdependence that it is this generalised condition which made nationalism normative and persuasive as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Continuing his thesis that &dquo;the general emergence of modernity hinged on the erosion of the multiple petty binding local organisations and their replacement by mobile, anonymous, literate, identity-conferring culture (&) it is this generalised condition which made nationalism normative and persuasive&dquo; (86). Gellner goes on to examine the future of nationalism in the light of the increasing maturity of industrial societies. He concludes that, although the industrial world is now characterised by the shared constraints of industrial production and by an increasing amount of international interdependence that
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an historical symthesis of key strands of thought which have informed debate among certain second wave feminists in the U.S.A. from 1970.
Abstract: C’eartt~rrapcararv Feminist Thought is a welcome addition to the steadily growing store of feminist literature. It provides us with an opportunity to pause, reflect and assess certain trends which have developed over recent years. The work is an historical symthesis of key strands of thought which have informed debate among certain second wave feminists in the U.S.A. To an extent then, the title is misleading as it does not present any systematic view of contemporary feminist thought in the rest of the world and is selective within the U.S.A. However, for radical feminism in the tl.S..4. from 1970, it does provide a lucid overview interlaced with insightful critique, although the selection of writers and the emphasis given to the various strands can clearly be debated.
TL;DR: The authors compare Mannheim and Foucault in order to draw out some implications of their approaches to power in society, and present two moments within this project which situate the position of each author both historically and intellectually and which throw some light on the socio-cultural dynamic within which analysis occurs and which is, in turn, produced through the analyses themselves.
Abstract: How to comprehend power has been a vexed question to which numerous theses have been addressed. In this paper I intend to compare Karl Mannheim and Michel Foucault in order to draw out some implications of their approaches to power in society. There are two moments within this project which situate the position of each author both historically and intellectually and which throw some light on the socio-cultural dynamic within which analysis occurs and which is, in turn, produced through the analyses themselves.
TL;DR: In this article, Hobsbawm argued that groups without social support do not gain influence or recognition legitimately, and therefore resort to violence, and that there has been parallel increases in acts of state violence.
Abstract: ances originating from groups with popular support. Groups without such social support do not gain influence or recognition legitimately, and therefore resort to violence. If, however, Hobsbawm is correct in his argument that there has been parallel increases in acts of state violence (four example, the regular use of torture by law and order forces in many states) then the narrow positivism and psychologism of many of the papers
TL;DR: From the perspective of contemporary literary and aesthetic theory postmodernism would also be the era of post-marxism as discussed by the authors, which is the case in the arts and literature.
Abstract: From the perspective of contemporary literary and aesthetic theory postmodernism would also secm to be the era oi post-marxism. In the second part of this paper I shall consider Terry Eagtetou’s search for a literary theory which is marxist and yet at the same time critically aware of the changed environment of postmodernism. The first part of the paper has the function of setting the question pusm7c>derttisttt/pc~st-n~~trxist~l against the background of the relation between the modernist movement in the arts and
TL;DR: The fact that feminism is an historical phenomenon with certain broad limits and recognisable demands is implicitly affirmed by the very project of the book which undertakes a survey of main trends in contemporary feminist thought.
Abstract: On the face of it, Eisenstein’s attempted history of modern feminist ideas adopts a very liberal, very pluralist approach. Her stated intention is to &dquo;let a hundred or a thousand flowers bloom&dquo; and &dquo;to be clear only about what some of the differences are and to discuss them openly&dquo;) Eisenstein’s ’tolerance’ is, I suggest, somewhat spurious and illadvised from two points of view. The fact that feminism is an historical phenomenon with certain broad limits and recognisable demands is implicitly affirmed by the very project of the book which undertakes a survey of main trends in contemporary feminist thought. By making explicit these constitutive limits and demands we can, I suggest, develop useful criteria for distinguishing the relative value and plausibility of the various feminisms. Secondly, Eisenstein’s advocacy of a pluralist approach is not very suitable to the reconstruction of the developing ideas of a social movement. The changing perspectives of feminist theory broadly reflect the altered experience and objectives of the movement itself and, in this situation, mere broadmindedness is not an appropriate attitude. Eisenstein, as I will show, does not always avoid a de facto assessment of theories in terms of problems and objectives which they themselves would not have recognised.
TL;DR: The Media as mentioned in this paper examines the political economy of the four media empires which control and own the commercial media in Australia and argues that the economic structure of media ownership and control sets the parameters within which the media can produce a relatively autonomous cultural output.
Abstract: Keith Windschuttle’s The Media, aims in scope at least, to be a definitive text in the field of media studies. The book begins with an examination of the political economy of the four media empires which control and own the commercial media in Australia; and the information which this analysis alone provides makes the book a significant contribution. However, this opening section establishes only a back drop for Windschuttle’s central concern, the cultural content of the media. He argues that the economic structure of media ownership and control sets the parameters within which the media can produce a relatively autonomous cultural output. The book’s central thesis proposes that
TL;DR: Wolin this paper presented one of the few informed and critical examinations (in English) of Benjamin's thought; equally, Wolin has dared to confront the contradictory, and often baffling, nature of Benjamin’s literary legacy.
Abstract: In a similar vein to Susan Buck-Morss’ study of the Adorno/Benjamin relationship and Irving Wohlfarth’s scattered essays on Benjamin,4 Wolin’s study represents one of the few informed and critical examinations (in English) of Benjamin’s thought; equally, Wolin has dared to confront the contradictory, and often baffling, nature of Benjamin’s literary legacy. In contrast to some of the selective and partial renditions in which Benjamin has appeared as everything from a Brechtian ’revolutionary’5 to a ’high-culture’ scholar6 (or, even a kindred spirit of Trotsky),7 Wolin has actively sought out the contradictions in Benjamin’s work in order to expose and clarify some of his most central concerns. In addition, the publication of Wolin’s book is complimented, for the English reader, by the recent translation of Gershom Scholem’s Walter Banjamin: Die Geschichte einer Freundschaft;8 both works go a long way toward illuminating the complexity of Benjamin’s thinking.9
TL;DR: In any attempt to come to terms with the highly complex relationship between workers and the intelligentsia, the concept of reason must occupy a significant position as mentioned in this paper, and this is the case in the early phase of the 19th century.
Abstract: In any attempt to come to terms with the highly complex relationship between workers and the intelligentsia, the concept of reason must occupy a significant position. From its early phase in the middle of the 19th century onwards, the labour movement faced not only problems posed by the dehumanizing physical conditions of proletarian life; a question seen to be of equal importance was that of how the ignorance of the masses concerning the origins of their misery and of the social, political and economic structures which determined their lives could be overcome. Public education which had