Showing papers in "Third World Quarterly in 2003"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the ability to decide who will and will not be provided with protection is interpreted as a focal point where the state (re)founds its claim to monopolise the politica.
Abstract: The securitisation of migration in Western states has resulted in an array of restrictive laws and policies that raise important questions about the relationship between protection and the political. New technologies of control (such as detention) and strategies of exclusion (such as deportation) are rapidly undermining—indeed, effectively criminalising—national cultures of asylum. This article critically analyses how these measures are being contested and countered by the anti-deportation activism of undocumented non-citizen people in Canada. How are these campaigns re-casting the question of ‘protection’ in the face of deportation efforts by the Canadian state? This is a significant issue because the capacity to decide upon matters of inclusion and exclusion is a key element of sovereign power. In the case of asylum seekers, the ability to decide who will and will not be provided with protection is interpreted in this paper as a focal point where the state (re)founds its claim to monopolise the politica...
406 citations
TL;DR: The Cotonou Agreement as discussed by the authors defines the new relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific ( acp ) states, and adopts a neo-Gramscian perspective showing how the nature of the new EU- acp agreement has significantly shifted the relationship further from one of co-operation to one of coercion.
Abstract: The Cotonou Agreement, signed on 23 June 2000, defines the new relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific ( acp ) states. It was the result of 18 months of negotiations to decide the future of EU– acp relations after the Lome´ Convention's expiry on 29 February 2000. This article highlights the significant changes represented by the Cotonou Agreement and emphasises some of the dangers that may result for the acp states. In doing so, the article adopts a neo-Gramscian perspective showing how the nature of the new EU– acp agreement has significantly shifted the relationship further from one of co-operation to one of coercion. The new approach taken by the EU can be understood within the context of the hegemonic dominance of neoliberalism within political elites. This is most explicitly demonstrated by the EU's major justification for the proposed changes: the need to comply with the core principles and rules of the World Trade Organization ( wto ).
164 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that development management owes an unacknowledged debt to colonial administration, specifically to indirect rule, and that the development management, as opposed to development administration, has newly adopted a specific set of managerialist participatory methods, to achieve 'ownership' of development interventions.
Abstract: Development management owes an unacknowledged debt to colonial administration, specifically to indirect rule. Development management, as opposed to development administration, has newly adopted a specific set of managerialist participatory methods, to achieve 'ownership' of development interventions. These methods are particularly evident in World Bank/ imf implementation of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers ( prsp s) and Comprehensive Development Frameworks ( cdf s). They have their conceptual foundation in action research, invented, it can justly be argued, by John Collier, Commissioner of the US Bureau of Indian (ie Native American) Affairs 1933-1945. Collier was a self-proclaimed colonial administrator, and remained an advocate of indirect rule as late as 1963. Evidence is presented to show his development of action research was a tool of indirect rule. Achieving 'empowerment' through participation was at its very beginning, therefore, subject to the colonialist's asserted sovereign power; and the lim...
157 citations
TL;DR: This paper showed that there is diversity of opinion among the labour movements of the global South and that contemporary labour-intensive manufacturing pits countries of the South against one another, raising the possibility of a race to the bottom in labour standards.
Abstract: Linking trade concessions to compliance with internationally recognised labour standards is referred to as a 'social clause'. The social clause is usually depicted as causing division between the (rich) global North and the less-industrialised global South. This article shows, however, that there is diversity of opinion among the labour movements of the global South and that contemporary labour-intensive manufacturing pits countries of the South against one another. The article raises the possibility of a race to the bottom in labour standards, where workers cannot enjoy the fruits of growth because their employers and governments hold on to the competitive advantage of cheap labour. Consider competition between China and Mexico for the North American apparel market: despite enormous employment growth apparel workers have not enjoyed wage growth and their conditions are often appalling. The race to the bottom can be prevented by South-South agreement to honour labour standards.
156 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors provide an overview of recent literature and studies of Third World artisans in the context of economic globalisation and demonstrate that globalisation has intensified the precarious existence of artisan communities through increasing global competition, the mass production of craft goods, and shifting trends in fashion, cultural taste and aesthetics.
Abstract: This article provides an overview of recent literature and studies of Third World artisans in the context of economic globalisation. Drawing upon recently published research conducted in various countries in Central America, Asia and Africa, it demonstrates that globalisation has intensified the precarious existence of artisan communities through increasing global competition, the mass production of craft goods, and shifting trends in fashion, cultural taste and aesthetics. Both government and non-government efforts at supporting artisans are criticised for providing limited and ineffectual programmes and policies. Moreover, recent consumer trends like 'fair-trade' shopping are likewise only piecemeal and limited in terms of the long-term support they can give to struggling artisan communities. When artisans survive, they do so mainly on the periphery of both global and local capitalist economies; this is a situation that has rarely changed over the decades. In various ways, and in specific regional conte...
142 citations
TL;DR: In the past four years, more than 20 preferential schemes involving two or more Western Pacific countries have been put forward as mentioned in this paper, which will have little impact on overall trade or economic growth because they typically involve countries that are relatively insignificant economic partners for one...
Abstract: For most of the past half-century, Western Pacific countries largely eschewed preferential trade agreements. Their preferred form of trade liberalisation was unilateral action on a non-discriminatory basis. In the past four years, however, more than 20 preferential schemes involving two or more Western Pacific countries have been put forward. The new interest in bilateralism is explained by: an increasing awareness of the weakness of existing regional institutions and initiatives; perceptions of positive demonstration effects from regional agreements elsewhere; and changing configurations of domestic economic interests. Contrary to arguments that emphasise a new sense of collective identity in East Asia post-crises, as many agreements have been proposed with prospective partners outside East Asia as with other East Asian countries. The agreements will have little impact on overall trade or economic growth because they typically involve countries that are relatively insignificant economic partners for one ...
140 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a conceptual framework facilitates the deconstruction of the recently established "Partnership for Governance Reform" in Indonesia, posited as a co-operative venture between national stakeholders and the international community.
Abstract: This article critically examines the concept of 'partnership', ubiquitous in contemporary development aid discourses. It investigates whether the language of 'partnership' signifies a change in aid relations away from the stark exertion of power characteristic of the conditionality decades of the 1980s and 1990s, or, conversely, whether 'partnership' is merely the latest guise behind which power-based relations continue to operate. A conceptual framework facilitates the deconstruction of the recently established 'Partnership for Governance Reform' in Indonesia, posited as a co-operative venture between national stakeholders and the international community. Elements of partnership or of power are sought through an examination of decision-making structures and activities. Findings are of the largely rhetorical and instrumental use of 'partnership' by international actors. Although there is nominal control by Indonesian actors, decision-making bodies are constructed in a manner which ensures that the reform ...
136 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the impact of democratic transitions in Southeast Asia on regional co-operation, and the relationship between this process and the development of a non-official regionalism.
Abstract: This article explores the impact of democratic transitions in Southeast Asia on regional co-operation, and the relationship between this process and the development of a non-official regionalism. Until now, regionalism in Southeast Asia has been essentially elite-centred and politically illiberal. The emergence of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations was founded upon the common desire of its members, which had by then retreated significantly from their postcolonial experiments in liberal democracy, to ensure regime survival. This orientation was further institutionalised by asean 's doctrine of non-interference, which helped to shield its members from outside pressures towards democratisation. But with democratisation in the Philippines, Thailand and more recently Indonesia, the asean model of elite-centric regional socialisation has been challenged. The civil society in the region demands greater openness in Southeast Asian regionalism. The article proposes a conceptual framework for analysing the ...
129 citations
TL;DR: In the 1990s, Venezuela experienced the rise of a new anti-party movement built around the figure of Hugo Cha´vez and dedicated to the fundamental transformation of society, a movement that most Venezuelans call Chavismo as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the 1990s Venezuela experienced the rise of a new anti-party movement built around the figure of Hugo Cha´vez and dedicated to the fundamental transformation of society, a movement that most Venezuelans call Chavismo. If we define populism in strictly political terms—as the presence of what some scholars call a charismatic mode of linkage between voters and politicians, and a democratic discourse that relies on the idea of a popular will and a struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’—then Chavismo is clearly a populist phenomenon. Chavismo relies on charismatic linkages between voters and politicians, a relationship largely unmediated by any institutionalised party. It also bases itself on a powerful, Manichaean discourse of ‘the people versus the elite’ that naturally encourages an ‘anything goes’ attitude among Cha´vez's supporters. In this paper I demonstrate these points through a descriptive account, based on interviews performed in Caracas during autumn 1999, May 2000 and February 2003, as w...
124 citations
TL;DR: New barbarism as discussed by the authors is a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence, and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures.
Abstract: Imaginaries of 'terrorism' and 'Arab mind' backwardness can be seen as closely connected: the latter explains the former as irrational--violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures. I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism. The 'new barbarism' thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence, and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures. New barbarism and neo-Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to legitimise continuous colonial economic or political projects, as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
124 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that most explanations of why states fail, including those that rely on comparative case study, historical trends, leading indicators, events-based data, field monitoring and expert opinion, are, in isolation, inadequate analytical tools for either risk assessment or early warning.
Abstract: It is well known that anticipating state failure is as much a matter of being able to generate an effective response as it is of getting the analysis right. But is the international community furnished with a solid analytical base from which to generate good response strategies? In addressing this question this paper makes a threefold argument. First, most explanations of why states fail, including those that rely on comparative case study, historical trends, leading indicators, events-based data, field monitoring and expert opinion, are, in isolation, inadequate analytical tools for either risk assessment or early warning. Second, these disparate and often contending analytical approaches constitute a formidable and potentially useful tool-kit for risk assessment and early warning. However, there is a large and very real analytical gap between academics and practitioners on how to develop and use early warning techniques and methodologies. Third, if there is to be an improvement in the quality of respons...
TL;DR: This paper argued that the main attraction of the Huntington paradigm is its attempt to analyse international relations without discussing actual politics, especially the issue of Palestine in particular and of Arab nationalism in general.
Abstract: The mainstream quality media in the USA--unlike that of Europe--framed September 11 within the context of Islam, culture and civilisations. In other words, it explained the crisis by resorting to Samuel Huntington's 'Clash of civilizations'. This article has three aims: to illustrate how the media did so; to answer the question why it did so; and to explore the implications of doing so both for the general public and for the academic community. The article argues that the main attraction of the Huntington paradigm is its attempt to analyse international relations without discussing actual politics--especially the issue of Palestine in particular and of Arab nationalism in general.
TL;DR: The authors examines an enduring context of "passive revolution" in the making of modern Mexico by developing an account of the rise of neoliberalism during a period of structural change since the 1970s.
Abstract: This article examines an enduring context of 'passive revolution' in the making of modern Mexico by developing an account of the rise of neoliberalism during a period of structural change since the 1970s. It does so by analysing and understanding both the unfolding accumulation strategy and the hegemonic project of neoliberalism in Mexico since the 1970s as emblematic of the survival and reorganisation of capitalism through a period of state crisis. This is recognised as a strategy of 'passive revolution', the effects of which still leave an imprint on present development initiatives in Mexico. Therefore, through the notion of 'passive revolution', the article not only focuses on the recent past circumstances, but also on the present unfolding consequences, of neoliberal capitalist development in Mexico. This approach also leaves open the question of 'anti-passive revolution' strategies of resistance to neoliberalism.
TL;DR: In this article, an ethical case for land redistribution in Zimbabwe, based on principles of social justice and equity, drawing from a brief history of land in Zimbabwe from the first European expulsions up to independence, is made.
Abstract: The paper begins with an ethical case for land redistribution in Zimbabwe, based on principles of social justice and equity, drawing from a brief history of land in Zimbabwe from the first European expulsions up to independence. Both the moral and economic arguments for land redistribution are widely and fiercely contested. The paper considers and rejects two specific criticisms of the economic arguments: that farming in the commercial sector is more efficient than in the peasant sector; and that land redistribution will not benefit the land-poor, but rather transfer land to an alternative privileged group. These arguments are explored through an examination of previous land resettlement programmes in Zimbabwe in these two respects. The paper also evaluates the objections to land reform related to issues of compensation and legality. It is concluded that radical redistribution is desirable and feasible, and urges the British government to finance land development and, if necessary, compensate commercial f...
TL;DR: In a later stage the critique accused social capital of forming part of the anti-politics machine of the post-Washington consensus as mentioned in this paper, which would reflect a point of view in which there was no room for an analysis of power inequality and struggle over access to resources.
Abstract: Since the middle of the 1990s the concept of social capital has provoked rapidly growing interest. Social theorists, policy makers and those ngos working on the edge of theory and practice became fascinated with social capital. International organisations like the World Bank, undp and the oecd upgraded social capital to the ‘missing link’ in understanding (under)development. However, it did not take long before the critique cast shadows on this euphoria. Initially the critique was concerned with problems of defining and measuring social capital and its inadequate theoretical elaboration. In a later stage the critique accused social capital of forming part of the anti-politics machine of the post-Washington consensus. Social capital would reflect a point of view in which there was no room for an analysis of power inequality and struggle over access to resources. This article starts with an overview of the most important problems attached to the notion of social capital. The focus is then shifted to the con...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors highlight three elements of local technological accumulation and clustering within foreign-dominated export industries: production deepening, co-location of design, engineering and R&D with off-shore manufacturing, and the spatial clustering of mnc s in particular industry segments.
Abstract: The diversion of foreign direct investment ( fdi ) flows into developing Asia, from Southeast Asia to China, has renewed doubts about whether Southeast Asia's traditional reliance on fdi has left the region without the local capabilities required to sustain the region's long-term competitiveness. Southeast Asia's industrialisation has involved deepening integration into international production networks, comprising internal exchanges between multinational corporations ( mnc s) and their subsidiaries, affiliates and subcontractors. While indigenous industry has been secondary to Southeast Asian industrialisation, this paper highlights three elements of local technological accumulation and clustering within foreign-dominated export industries: production deepening, co-location of design, engineering and R&D with off-shore manufacturing, and the spatial clustering of mnc s in particular industry segments. Southeast Asian governments have responded to these trends by broadening investment promotion from manuf...
TL;DR: The authors assesses recent counter-intuitive arguments that political populism and economic liberalism have unexpected affinities in contemporary Latin America and defend these arguments against critical claims that neoliberalism is by nature exclusionary and therefore unpopular, foreclosing any opportunity for populist politics.
Abstract: This article assesses recent counter-intuitive arguments that political populism and economic liberalism have had unexpected affinities in contemporary Latin America. In this line of reasoning populist tactics have furthered the enactment of drastic market reform, while neoliberal attacks on established political and economic interests have strengthened the hand of personalistic, plebiscitarian leaders. I defend these arguments against critical claims that neoliberalism is by nature exclusionary and therefore unpopular, foreclosing any opportunity for populist politics. Contrary to these claims, neoliberal neopopulism has significant inclusionary features as well. Undeniably, however, the postulated affinities were especially strong during the initial, bold phase of market reform, when neoliberalism offered a politically promising recipe for quickly confronting acute economic crises and thus proving the charisma of populist leaders. As stabilisation succeeds and crises ease, the main task turns from impos...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explain how and why one particular rosc, namely corporate governance, has become standardised and address the question of whose interests are served in the process.
Abstract: In response to the recent spate of financial crises in East Asia (1997-98), the imf has established a core set of international standards to regulate market behaviour in the global South. These standards are embodied in 11 modules that comprise the imf 's Reports on the Observance of Standards and Codes ( rosc s). Both content and form of the rosc s warrant further consideration. That said, the main objective of this paper is to explain how and why one particular rosc , namely corporate governance, has become standardised. And, more importantly, to address the question of whose interests are served. In doing so the essay suggests that, despite the claim that the international standard of corporate governance embodies 'universal principles', the definition advanced in the rosc s intentionally draws on the Anglo-American variant. This imposed standardisation of corporate governance serves two overlapping goals. First, it seeks to stabilise the international financial system by ensuring that emerging markets...
TL;DR: This paper examined "micro-level" testimonial evidence collected in human rights reports to shed light on one particularly under-theorised realm and approach, that of gender and the politics of the body, and suggested that the 1994 genocide was an extreme attempt not only to purge the Hutu nation of the Tutsi, but also to actively engender a vision of the 'Hutu nation' in the minds of an otherwise diverse and fragmented local populace.
Abstract: Since the Rwandan genocide of 1994, scholars and policy think-tanks have produced an impressive number of macro-level studies and theories to explain the seemingly inexplicable: how and why did this happen? Yet these studies, most often based on ethnic and/or global level analyses, tend to simplify complex social relations at the local level which likewise contributed to the genocide. This article examines 'micro-level' testimonial evidence collected in human rights reports to shed light on one particularly under-theorised realm and approach, that of gender and the politics of the body. I suggest that the 1994 genocide was an extreme attempt not only to purge the 'Hutu nation' of the Tutsi, but also to actively engender a vision of the 'Hutu nation' in the minds of an otherwise diverse and fragmented local populace. Women's bodies, gender and sexuality became highly contested terrains for scripting this vision of an imagined nation.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors proposed that Islamic militancy, poverty, youth and personality patterns contribute to the explanation of support for Palestinian suicide bombings, as well as proneness to participate in them.
Abstract: This study proposes that Islamic militancy, poverty, youth and personality patterns contribute to the explanation of support for Palestinian suicide bombings, as well as proneness to participate in them. Data come from a simple random sample of 342 Palestinian refugees living in southern Lebanon. The administration of the research instrument took place during the summer of 2002. The findings attest to the strength of political Islam, low income, youth and certain social functionality attributes in explaining endorsement of suicide attacks, as well as willingness to take part in them.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that Alejandro Toledo can be considered a neopopulist leader in Peru and conclude that his strategy is largely, but not perfectly, consistent with neopo-opulism, but it has failed to generate the all-important element of broad mass support.
Abstract: This paper argues that Peru's Alejandro Toledo can be considered a neopopulist leader. Neopopulists seek to develop personalistic ties with the dispossessed, unorganised masses, while also appealing to international economic interests. By analysing Toledo's administration according to four categories—anti-political rhetoric and symbols, promises and policies, personalism, and mass support—I conclude that his strategy is largely, but not perfectly, consistent with neopopulism. Importantly, however, his strategy has failed to generate the all-important element of broad mass support. I further argue that Toledo faces three important contextual constraints: the absence of crisis, public weariness with neoliberalism and the reaction to Fujimori. These factors limit the prospects for successful neopopulist leadership in contemporary Peru. They also suggest that today's neopopulists in Latin America may require ever more nuance and creativity to mobilise support.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the strategy of open regionalism was contingent on a particular configuration of power and interests in the domestic and external economy (embedded mercantilism).
Abstract: This paper advances the argument that moves towards regional integration need to be understood as 'regional governance projects' undertaken by domestic actors and coalitions. Regional political projects--such as open regionalism--have roots in domestic structures, and it is this which defines the broad configuration of the regional political economy. On the basis of this framework the paper suggests, first, that the strategy of open regionalism was contingent on a particular configuration of power and interests in the domestic and external economy (embedded mercantilism). Second, this system of embedded mercantilism depended on a set of domestic coalitions between tradeable and non-tradeable sectors of the economy. The non-tradeable sector in Southeast Asia was entrenched within a particular system of political patronage. Third, the Asian crisis and other structural changes in the international economy have made these domestic coalitions less sustainable, thereby creating opportunities for new forms of re...
TL;DR: The authors examines the main contours of regional governance in the Asia-pacific region and argues that the collapse of the developmentalist project has given way to the new regulatory state, which in turn spawns new forms of regulatory regionalism that place a heavy accent on policy co-ordination and harmonisation.
Abstract: This paper provides a broad introduction to the special issue and examines the main contours of regional governance in the Asia Pacific. It suggests that prevailing theories of regional co-operation in the Asia Pacific fail to pay due heed to the manner in which regional integration is rooted in domestic coalitions, economic strategies, and state forms that prevailed in the boom years of the 'Asian Miracle'. The paper then goes on to argue that the collapse of the developmentalist project has given way to the new regulatory state, which in turn spawns new forms of regulatory regionalism that place a heavy accent on policy co-ordination and harmonisation.
TL;DR: The European Union's approach to promoting democratic reform in developing states exhibits distinctive features focused on the enhancement of grass-root democratic capacities as discussed by the authors, however, shortcomings remain, both in the conceptualisation of the link between democracy-building and local level social development; and in the more overtly political dimensions of European strategies.
Abstract: Democracy and human rights assistance has established itself as a notable component of European Union (EU) development aid budgets. The EU's approach to promoting democratic reform in developing states exhibits distinctive features focused on the enhancement of grass roots democratic capacities. Efforts have been made to invest developmental approaches with genuine political impact and to ensure mutually enhancing linkages between democracy projects and mainstream good governance initiatives. Shortcomings remain, however, both in the conceptualisation of the link between democracy-building and local level social development; and in the more overtly political dimensions of European strategies.
TL;DR: A brief account of the nature of the country's political environment that emerged in 1958, following the demise of the Perez Jimenez dictatorship can be found in this paper, where colonel-turned politician Hugo Cha´vez became president of Venezuela in 1998 with 58% of the vote.
Abstract: This article focuses on the advent and governing style of, and issues facing colonel-turned politician Hugo Cha´vez since he became president of Venezuela in 1998 with 58% of the vote. The article begins with a brief account of the nature of the country's political environment that emerged in 1958, following the demise of the Perez Jimenez dictatorship. Aided by phenomenal increases in oil prices, Venezuela's political elites reached a pact that governed the country for nearly four decades. Huge increases in education, health and other social services constituted the hallmark of Venezuela's 'subsidised democracy'. Pervasive corruption, a decrease in oil revenues and two abortive coups in 1992 challenged the foundations of subsidised democracy. The election of Cha´vez in 1998 sealed the fate of the 1958 pact. Cha´vez's charisma, anti-colonial/Bolivarist rhetoric, and increasing levels of poverty form the basis of his support among the poor and dissatisfied middle classes. The articles then turns its attent...
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TL;DR: The authors explores the uses and problems of memory in relation to responses to September 11, focusing largely on material from the USA and the Federal Republic of Germany as illustration, and argues that we might be better off forgetting September 11.
Abstract: September 11 has been etched on our memories. This article explores the uses and problems of memory in relation to responses to September 11, focusing largely on material from the USA and the Federal Republic of Germany as illustration, and argues that we might be better off forgetting September 11. The exhortation to remember is used to justify responding militarily abroad and, significantly, curtailing civil liberties at home. Criticism of these policies is difficult because of the moral cause established by the dead. However, the problematic of memory destabilises the possibility of straightforward knowledge and this is important for analysing the construction of a particular 'we' through distinguishing between 'us' and 'them' and the construction of September 11 as something exceptional. These constructions work together not only to make possible responses which are mere technical fixes, but also to undermine what may be said to constitute the identity of the West, other than as an entity under attack...
TL;DR: The authors examined the effect of public opinion on foreign aid expenditure as a proportion of Gross National Income in five selected aid donor countries and found that aid performance increased or decreased in accordance with public opinion; in other cases performance went against public opinion.
Abstract: There is a paradox as First World governments provide decreasing levels of foreign aid despite apparently high levels of domestic public support for foreign aid. This article examines this issue as a case study in government response to public opinion: do governments in democracies pay any real attention to what the public think? The study's methodology is to compare trends in domestic public support for official foreign aid programmes over time in five selected aid donor countries with trends in foreign aid expenditure as a proportion of Gross National Income. There are mixed results: in some cases aid performance increased or decreased in accordance with public opinion; in other cases performance went against public opinion. The reasons can partly be explained by faulty public opinion polling techniques but there also appears to be a substantial problem for public policy making in democracies. Governments are paying little attention to public opinion, at least in so-called elite policy areas such as for...
TL;DR: Asean Free Trade Area ( afta) has been explained as a project of open regionalism adopted by the asean member governments to attract foreign direct investment to the region through the 'carrot' of the single regional market as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The asean Free Trade Area ( afta ) has conventionally been explained as a project of open regionalism adopted by the asean member governments to attract foreign direct investment to the region through the 'carrot' of the single regional market. Yet, when the same governments incorporated an investment liberalisation component programme within the afta project in 1998, they opted to accord full national treatment and market access privileges to foreign (non- asean ) investors at least 10 years later than to domestic or asean national investors. Although member governments removed this particular discriminatory clause in September 2001, the fact that a distinction between foreign and domestic investors was adopted and maintained for a three-year period is puzzling given afta 's acknowledged role as a magnet for foreign investment. Although afta is clearly a response to the pressures of globalisation, the available theoretical models of the relationship between globalisation and regionalism are unable to acc...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the original framework of open regionalism underpinning the Mercosur is petering out, and consequently the regional governance project in the Southern Cone is undergoing a process of redefinition.
Abstract: This article argues that the original framework of 'open regionalism' underpinning the Mercosur is petering out, and consequently the regional governance project in the Southern Cone is undergoing a process of redefinition. The article seeks to understand the nature of this redefinition, and contends that this task requires a re-orientation of some of the prevalent ways in which the study of regionalism is approached. Specifically, it highlights the limitations of an understanding of regionalism merely as a reflection of domestic processes, and instead argues for a greater attention to processes of regionalisation and their complex relationship with both regionalism and domestic political economy.
TL;DR: There is no alternative (TINA) was an oft-repeated expression of Margaret Thatcher's, used to dismiss any plausible alternatives to her brand of hard-nosed neoliberalism.
Abstract: There is no alternative (TINA) was an oft-repeated expression of Margaret Thatcher’s, used to dismiss any plausible alternatives to her brand of hard-nosed neoliberalism One imagines that her friend General Pinochet, with whom she shared tea during his enforced stay in London, would agree with her What is more surprising is the influence the TINA philosophy has had on social science analysis of neoliberalism in Latin America since Pinochet What I propose is a radically anti-necessitarian approach to neoliberalism, inspired by the work of Roberto Mangabeira Unger Things are not always how they are because they have to be so There is life beyond neoliberalism There are alternatives taking shape all the time at all levels of society in Latin America The so-called Washington Consensus is no longer so consensual even in Washington and there is growing recognition that globalisation requires global governance We therefore need to return to the rise of neoliberalism and globalisation in a nonnecessitarian spirit and examine the whole horizon of possibilities that is now opening up in Latin America as elsewhere If the virtual collapse of Argentina in 2001‐02 shows that ‘actually existing’ neoliberalism simply does not work even