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Showing papers in "Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft in 1983"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present an epitome of two subjects which were, presumably, dealt with separately by Hecataeus himself: an account of Jewish history from the exodus until the entry into Palestine, and the Jewish politeia.
Abstract: In discussing the polity of the Jews found in Diodorus Siculus XL. 3, one has to bear in mind that this fragment, coming down to us from the >Bibliotheke< of Photius, and commonly attributed to Hecataeus of Abdera, contains an epitome of two subjects which were, presumably, dealt with separately by Hecataeus himself: an account of Jewish »history« from the exodus until the entry into Palestine, and the Jewish politeia. It would seem that Diodorus himself emphasizes the existence of such a separate treatment of the two subjects by Hecataeus (XL,3.1). Such a distinction is also reflected in Josephus, Contra Apionem, I, 189 which I, among others, believe to be drawing on the same Hecataeus. From this evidence one may deem it probable that Hecataeus, in his book »Peri loudaion« (if such a book existed independently), or in his chapters on the Jews in his Aegyptiaka, made a clear-cut distinction, in line with classical and Hellenistic convention, between the subjects of history and politeia. It is apparently Diodorus, or Photius after him, who, in writing his epitome, infelicitously combined the treatment of the two. While neither the

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the interrelationship of meter, syntax and poetic style in the Qur'an is discussed, and a detailed examination of the qmäh itself is presented.
Abstract: This paper will focus upon the interrelationship of meter, syntax and poetic style in the qinäh. Because of the vast difference of opinion concerning biblical, poetic syntax in general, it will be useful first to summarize the major efforts to analyze it and then to proceed to a detailed examination of the qmäh itself. On the one hand, Meek states: The verb does not stand at the beginning of the sentence, äs is the rule in prose, nor are the other parts of the sentence always in their usual order. Within certain limitations the poet could place his words in whatever order he would...

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Westermann as discussed by the authors pointed out that the Abraham cycle has a preconceived arrangement, organized according to subject matter and structure, and proposed that the type of presentation and the types of narrative play a part in the development of the cycle.
Abstract: Hermann Gunkel recognized long ago that the narratives in the Abraham cycle have a preconceived arrangement, organized according to subject matter and structure. The Abraham/Lot narratives surround the promise narratives in Genesis 15 — 18. The movement of the narratives runs from the endangered mother to the birth of a son. More recently Westermann affirmed GunkePs assessment and has taken his work a step further by proposing that »the type of presentation and the types of narrative play a part in the development of the Abraham cycle«. He then concentrates on the »types of narrative« which comprise the Abraham cycle. He groups these into: family stories (15 1-6 17 1-27 18 1-16 21 1-7 12 10-20 20 1-18 16 1-16 21 8-21), territorial conflict (13 5-13 21 22-32), accounts of success (23 24), and theological narratives (22 1-19 18 17-33 12 1-3 15 1-6). Westermann, however, does not pursue in depth the »type of presentation« of the narratives. Of interest in this paper is this »presentation« by the biblical Compilers of Genesis.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the history of the Apocalypse des Dix semaines and the Doctrine des DIX Semaines is described. But they do not discuss the relation between them.
Abstract: Cette \"Apocalypse des Dix Semaines\" ou mieux \"Doctrine des Dix Semaines\" articule l'histoire de l'humanite d'une maniere analogue a Daniel 9: 24-27.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In den deuteronomistischen Kreisen der spätexilischen Zeit entstanden ist. Dies macht wiederum deutlich, daß die von den altorientalischen Staatsverträgen herkommende Tradition damals noch durchaus lebendig war as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: abgesehen nur von dem älteren Hymnus am Anfang (V.2-3.6-19), erst in den deuteronomistischen Kreisen der spätexilischen Zeit entstanden ist. Dies macht wiederum deutlich, daß die von den altorientalischen Staatsverträgen herkommende Tradition damals noch durchaus lebendig war. Ja, man könnte noch weitergehen und die Behauptung wagen, daß sie in Israel oder genauer: in Juda erst im 7.Jahrhundert bekannt wurde und ihre eigentliche literarische Blüte innerhalb der damals beginnenden Tätigkeit der dtn/dtr Bewegung erfuhr. Dies läßt sich freilich nicht mehr im Rahmen dieses Aufsatzes begründen.

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Le Chroniste disposait de cette liste benjaminite sous une forme plus ancienne que celle du TM ou LXX de Josue as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Le probleme des sources utilisees par le Chroniste en general. L'A. l'aborde en examinant II Chroniques 13 qui rend compte d'une campagne militaire du roi de Juda Aviyyah dans le nord, dont il est le seul a parler. Il apparait que le Chroniste se base ici sur I Rois 15: 1-8, qu'il interprete selon sa propre option theologique. L'historicite de la bataille rapportee en II Chroniques 13 est suspecte, malgre les precisions geographiques des versets 4 et 19. Celles-ci toutefois viennent d'une liste benjaminite de villes rapportee en Josue 18: 21-24, mentionnant Zemaraim, Bethel et Ephron. Une quatrieme ville, Yeshana, peut egalement etre discernee en Josue 18: 22, grâce a la Septante. Le Chroniste disposait de cette liste benjaminite sous une forme plus ancienne que celle du TM ou LXX de Josue.

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a re-examination of the relevant texts shows that there is no passover story in J (the whole of Ex 12 1-28 belongs to P) and this reflects a special development of the exilic period when eating massot for seven days was a substitute for the slaughter of the passover animals at the temple (D), which was no longer possible.
Abstract: Recent studies have questioned the antiquity of passover and massot and therefore the basis for most traditio-historical reconstructions. A literary re-examination of the relevant texts shows that there is no passover story in J (the whole of Ex 12 1-28 belongs to P). J only provides an etiology for the ceremonial eating of massot and this reflects a special development of the exilic period when eating massot for seven days was a substitute for the slaughter of the passover animals at the temple (D), which was no longer possible. When the sacrificial cultus was restored a limited form of animal sacrifice the pascal lamb — was permitted in the homes of the diaspora (P).

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a prophetischen Symbolhandlung and a deutenden Gotteswort in verse 29-40 of I Reg 1129-40 is discussed.
Abstract: So wie das Südreich und die davidische Dynastie in der Nathansweissagung von II Sam 7 ihre Ätiologie besitzen, so besitzen das Nordreich und die Dynastie seines ersten Königs Jerobeam ihre Ätiologie in der Weissagung des Propheten Ahia von I Reg 11. Hier erzählen die Verse 29—40 vom zufälligen und heimlichen Zusammentreffen des Propheten Ahia von Silo mit Jerobeam, von einer prophetischen Symbolhandlung und einem deutenden Gotteswort, das Jerobeam zum künftigen König über die zehn Stämme Israels bestimmt. Die Erzählung endet damit, daß Salomo seinem Konkurrenten nach dem Leben trachtet und dieser deshalb nach Ägypten flüchtet. Die in diese Erzählung eingebettete Verheißung paßt nicht in das Konzept der Redaktion der Königsbücher; denn so wie David für sie den Idealkönig verkörpert, so sprichwörtlich ist für sie auch die »Sünde Jerobeams«. Schon deshalb wird man die Überlieferung von I Reg 1129-40 nicht pauschal den redaktionellen Partien der Königsbücher zurechnen dürfen, aber ebensowenig kann man erwarten, daß die Redaktoren der

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the context of the Restoration period, the distinction between historical fact and historical form was discussed in this article, and it was argued that history can reach us only through the mediation of the mediators of history.
Abstract: be able to get to the very core, to »the things äs they really happened« he should be fully aware of the distinction between »facts« and the form in which they are transmitted. But, even taking fully into account the complexity and many-sidedness of that »form«, is such a distinction possible? Is it an attainable goal? We know very well that it is only through mediation — literary or other — that history can reach us. Are we, then, to give in, and abandon the effort? Are we to see the past, forever, only through the eyes o'f its mediators? In our discussion of the Restoration period we set the distinction between »fact« and »form« äs our declared goal, and strived to reach it. The vision of the prophet, the documents of the official archives, the narration of the historiographer — all these garments in which »historical fact« is clothed — were our »sources«. By confronting them all and unveiling their own aims and views, we were able to come nearer to an understanding of the period itself. Both actual facts and spiritual facets of the period could be better grasped and set in their own contexts. At the same time we became more and more aware of the historiographic process itself. We were able to perceive some of the inner dynamics of this process, the forces which drive the historiographer in his reaction and relation to his sources and predecessors, and finally the very essence of historiography äs a vehicle of its author's stand towards his world. Through its vitality, äs an expression of the ever-renewed human experience in man's encounter with the past, historiography itself has become a part of history.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a theologie longtemps traditionelle a repondu par la negative, en invoquant Fargument de la toutepuissance and de Fimmutabilite.
Abstract: Dieu peut-il souffrir? La theologie longtemps traditionelle a repondu par la negative, en invoquant Fargument de la toute-puissance et de Fimmutabilite. En effet, si la souffrance est signe de faiblesse, il est evident qu'elle met en question la toutepuissance, et si Dieu n'est pas tout-puissant, sä souverainete sur la creation et sur Fhistoire deviennent problematiques. Quant a Fimmutabilite de Dieu, eile a ete etayee a Faide de quelques textes bibliques auxquels on a cru devoir donner une portee dogmatique: a) la tradition patristique inspiree par les Septante et par Philon a interprete le »Je suis qui je suis« d'Exode 314 dans le sens d'un essentialisme ontologique: Faseite de Dieu s'oppose au mouvement, la transcendance absolue a un engagement dans Fhistoire et Peternite au temps; aujourd'hui une saine exegese de ce texte aboutit a y voir Faffirmation d'une presence qui, tout en restant toujours transcendante, entre en relation avec les hommes et se compromet dans une histoire. Ce qui en Dieu est immuable, c'est son intention d'amour et de salut envers son peuple et toute Phumanite. b) le texte de Malachie3o: »Moi Yahweh je n'ai pas change. Mais vous, vous ne cessez d'etre fils de Jacob« qui a ete invoque par la theologie scolastique, doit etre replace dans son contexte: aux reproches du peuple a Dieu de ne pas manifester son aide, le prophete retorque que Dieu reste fidele a son intention de salut, mais que celle-ci passe par le chätiment des pecheurs ici symbolisees par Jacob le trompeur qui n'a pas bonne presse chez les prophetes (cf. Osl23-s, Es 432?). Ce texte ne parle donc pas de Fetre de Yahweh, mais de son engagement dans les variations de Fhistoire en reaction a Fattitude du peuple. c) Psaume 10228 »Tu es le meme (attah hu) et tes annees ne finiront pas«; Feternite de Dieu est opposee a la fragilite de la creation dont la consistance est ephemere et que la traduction de Luther: »Du aber bleibest wie du bist« a orientee dans le sens de Faseite divine. Mais le contexte indique que Faccent n'est pas mis sur Feternite, mais sur Funicite de Yahweh; comme dans les hymnes du Second Esa'ie, dont le Psalmiste semble s'inspirer (cf. Es414, 43 10, 464, 4812; Deut 3239), la duree de Yahweh n'est invoquee que pour souligner que sä souverainete s'exerce toujours et est toujours prete a intervenir en faveur des malheureux. d) Le texte de FEpitre de Jacques (l i?): »Tout don parfait vient d'en haut, du pere des lumieres, en qui

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that vv. 1-9 are structurally linked to what precedes, and not merely by the word nikzabta in v. 6, but also by the combination of Zahlensprüche (vv. 15-31).
Abstract: E. J. Dillon's sceptical apologetic of the last Century initiated a trend in the treatment of the Sayings of Agur from Prov 30, which juxtaposed the claims of »two antagonists — the scoffing doubter and the believing Jew«. Overcoming Dillon's poor exegesis, this type of literary conflict is appealing to the most recent of wisdom commentators. R. B. Y. Scott reconstructs the remains of a dialogue between a sceptic (vv. 1-4) and a believer (vv. 5-6.7-9), while McKane rightly observes that vv. 1-9 are not formally a dialogue. He helpfully concludes that all of chapter 30 was connected together on the catchword principle. I am prepared to grant this for the combination of Zahlensprüche (vv. 15-31), but I am convinced that vv. 7-9 are structurally linked to what precedes, and not merely by the word nikzabta in v. 6. Though it is not a new proposal, I will argue that vv. 1-9 belong in the mouth of a single Speaker, and I hope to provide this hypothesis with a new twist containing more convincing reasons than previously offered. The essay unfolds through the four part structure of the passage:

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of synecdoche as discussed by the authors is consistent with the notion of ancient mentality and expression, that any part of the body may represent the psychosomatic unity called the ''seif« or the ''person''.
Abstract: . . . the device called synecdoche, by which any one part represents and aas for the whole. This explanation is consistent with the notion of ancient mentality and expression . . . that any part of the body may represent the psychosomatic unity called the »seif« or the »person.« Any Statement of an external influence on any part of the anatomy is a Statement of the feeling or activity of and on the whole person.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Lipinski as discussed by the authors veröffentlicht the 89. Psalm eine kleine monographie, in which den Nachweis zu erbringen suchte, daß diesem Psalm in V. l-5.20-38 ein Königslied zugrundeliegt, das in seinem Vokabular und seiner Vorstellungswelt vielfache Berührungen with altorientalischen Vertragstexten aufweist.
Abstract: E. Lipinski hat 1967 über den 89. Psalm eine kleine Monographie veröffentlicht, in der er den Nachweis zu erbringen suchte, daß diesem Psalm in V. l-5.20-38 ein Königslied zugrundeliegt, das in seinem Vokabular und seiner Vorstellungswelt vielfache Berührungen mit altorientalischen Vertragstexten aufweist. Die Abgrenzung sowie die an zahlreichen Stellen vorgenommene Neuordnung des Textes des postulierten Königslieds unterliegen allerdings größten Bedenken, weil sie vollständig auf das in Qumran aufgefundene Fragment 4Q PS 89 gebaut sind; dieses ist aber in Wirklichkeit nichts anderes als das Ergebnis nachlässiger Abschreibertätigkeit. Mehr Gewicht kommt jedoch den vielen Vertragsparallelen zu, die Lipinski aus verschiedenen Perioden (vom 3. bis zum I.Jahrtausend v. Chr.) und geographischen Räumen(Mesopotamien, Anatolien, Ägypten, Phönizien und Nordsyrien) zusammengestellt hat. Im einzelnen betreffen die Parallelen in PS 89 die Davidverheißung als brit, die vonjahwe seinem Vasallen (iyg) zugeschworen wird (V. 4), die Bestätigung der Thronfolge (V.5), die Salbung als Vertragsritus (V.21), den Titel »Vater« als Bezeich-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a history of the Passover and the feast of the mässot from the various literary strata of the Old Testament is presented, with a focus on the use of tradition-history.
Abstract: Is it possible to write a history of the passover and the feast of mä$söt from the various literary strata of the Old Testament? Anyone who reviews the great volume of literature that has accumulated on this subject may despair of answering this question in the affirmative. Old Testament scholarship seems to be no closer to a solution to the many problems that beset this task than it was hundred years ago when J. Wellhausen set forth his reconstruction of the history of the festivals in the Prolegomena. And yet, äs Wellhausen so clearly saw, the endeavor is an important one if there is any hope of unfolding and explicating the Religionsgeschichte of ancient Israel. Part of the problem is a matter of source analysis of the relevant texts about which there is still some disagreement. To clarify the sourcecritical questions will be one of the aims of the present study. But a more serious issue has to do with the new method of tradition-history. Are we limited in our historical reconstructions by the literary analysis of the extant texts or can we rely upon tradition-history to penetrate behind these texts to a history of the cult many centuries older than the texts themselves? And what controls do we have by which to assess and delimit the pre-literary tradition within the text, to judge äs to its antiquity, and to assign it to a particular period in Israelis past? The present welter of opinion on the origins and early history of passover and mässot may reflect the fact that these questions have not been adequately addressed.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Hebrew elegiac poem, or q'mäh, is subject to certain observable metrical and syntactic rules as discussed by the authors, which are the parameters within which the poct composes his poem.
Abstract: The Hebrew elegiac poem, or q'mäh, is subject to certain observable metrical and syntactic rules. Budde has already formulated the metrical rule that the first half of the elegiac distich (A line) is longer than the second (B line), in the approximate proportion of 3 : 2. The A line of the qinäh is semantically and grammatically independeni; its syntax follows the prosaic model, with V in initial position while the longest grammatical element falls at the end. Normal syntax of the A line changes in order to preserve the 3:2 meter, to place one grammatical element in rhetorical exposure, or to promote a phonological or syntactic juxtaposition. Because the B line is dependent on the syntactic structure of the A line, almost no syntactic rules are observable. One syntactic feature of the B line, however, is its propensiry to place V in f inal position, forming a chiasm with initial V in the preceding A line äs well äs a grammatical link to the following line. Finally, the few unsegmented lines studied here display PrPh in initial position and V towards final position. A close syntactic connection betwecn the unsegmented and a neighboring line is also observable. A hierarchy of poetic compostion emerges: meter, syntax, and style. These are the parameters within which the poct composes his poem.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the Tatsache abzufinden, daß die Sprachen des alten Zweistromlandes, das Sumerische and das semitische Akkadisch, dafür, wie auch für jedermann verbindliche Konventionen (''Gesetz«), die sich dem Menschen unabhängig von Zeit oder situationsgebundener Einschätzung zwingend auferlegten, keine spezifische Termin
Abstract: Wer sich mit dem Begr i f f »Recht« im alten Mesopotamien befaßt, hat sich zunächst mit der Tatsache abzufinden, daß die Sprachen des alten Zweistromlandes, das Sumerische und das semitische Akkadisch, dafür, wie auch für etwa für jedermann verbindliche Konventionen (»Gesetz«), die sich dem Menschen unabhängig von Zeit oder situationsgebundener Einschätzung zwingend auferlegten, keine spezifische Terminologie entwickelt haben. Zwar hat es zwischen individuellen Personen allerhand Vorgänge gegeben, die einen klar juristischen Charakter aufweisen, wie es etwa die vielen auf uns gekommenen einschlägigen Urkunden mit z.T. festgeprägten Formeln und verschiedenen Termini wie »Richter«, »Pro-