scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

A region of their making:visions of regional orders and paths to peace making in northeast Asia

01 Jan 2006-
About: The article was published on 2006-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 17 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Vision.
Citations
More filters
Journal Article
TL;DR: Gries as discussed by the authors argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions".
Abstract: China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, by Peter Hayes Gries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. x + 215 pp. US$24.95/£15.95 (hardcover). The aim of this book, as stated in the Introduction, is to present a balanced view of "China's new nationalism", "one that acknowledges its legitimate grievances and recognizes its potential dangers" (p. 12). It argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions" (p. 19). These interrelated arguments are intended not only to challenge what the author calls "the dominant Western interpretation of Chinese nationalism" and the "West's state-centric view of Chinese nationalism" but also to draw attention to the dangers of China-bashing in the US and America-bashing in China. "Nationalism" in this book refers to "any behavior designed to restore, maintain, or advance public images" of a national community (p. 9). What seems to make "China's new nationalism" new is its "genuine popularity" and "independent existence". This conclusion is based on the evidence that Chinese nationalism increasingly challenges the Party-state; that the Chinese, like all peoples, have deep-seated emotional attachments to their national identity; and that Chinese public opinion now plays a role in national politics. Another new feature of today's Chinese nationalism is the way in which it constructs narratives of a "century of humiliation". The national narrative of heroism and victory that served the requirements of Communist revolutionaries and nation-building goals under Mao are now superseded by a new and popular victimization narrative that blames the West, including Japan, for China's suffering. It is not immediately clear in the book why long-suppressed memories of past suffering resurfaced in the 1990s, but this seems to have much to do with a psychological need to return continually to unresolved traumas in the hope of mastering them. These themes are developed through an examination of nationalist writings-mostly by Chinese intellectuals-and the official and popular responses to a number of well-known events in the 1990s and more recently. Chapter 1 looks at the protests in 1999 in the wake of the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Chapter 2 discusses the ways that Chinese national identity is shaped in a dialogic process of comparison with and distinction from the US and Japan. Chapter 3 turns to the effect of Chinese visions of the "century of humiliation" on their self-image, as well as the impact of changes to their national identity on Chinese views of the century. Chapters 4 and 5 revisit Chinese views of the US and Japan, although this time the focus shifts to writings about past and future Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations. In Chapter 6-probably the most substantive and interesting chapter-Gries explores the motivation of Chinese nationalists, focusing on China's apology diplomacy. Chapters 7 and 8 can be thought of as a conclusion in two parts, in that they pull together and highlight once again some of the book's main themes. The book does an admirable job in demonstrating that the way US policymakers and commentators talk about China dangerously distorts US interpretations of, and responses to, Chinese policies and actions, and influences Chinese understandings of the US. It also shows convincingly that anti-American and anti-Chinese polemics easily spiral into mutual dehumanization and demonization and thus lay the foundations for violent conflict. A no less significant contribution the book makes is its perspective on Chinese nationalism. Central to Gries' perception is the concept of face-so much so that he has consistently italicized the word in the book. What he means by face is not simply the figurative self shown to others but also a prerequisite for maintaining authority and the ability to pursue instrumental goals. …

89 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors ask whether it is more likely that China's economy will grow to be as large as the US economy or the US will always stay larger than China's.
Abstract: Questionnaire Q1. Do you think that it is more likely that someday China's economy will grow to be as large as the US economy or that the US economy will always stay larger than China's? China's economy will grow as large as the US economy The US economy will always stay larger than China's Not sure/ Decline (%) (%) Q2. If China's economy were to grow to be as large as the US economy, do you think that would be mostly positive, mostly negative, or equally positive and negative?

85 citations

Book
22 May 2014
TL;DR: The contribution of the ASEAN/Chinese way to the long peace of East Asia Developmentalism and the prevention of the onset of conflicts is discussed in this article. But the main argument is not the long-term stability of the region.
Abstract: Contents: Preface Aim and concepts Theoretical premises of the argument The phenomenon to be explained: the long peace of East Asia The main argument: the contribution of the ASEAN/Chinese way to the long peace of East Asia Developmentalism and the prevention of the onset of conflicts Non-intervention and the prevention of the escalation of conflicts into wars Face saving and the termination of conflicts Generation of the successful ASEAN/Chinese approach Will the long peace survive? How could it be made broader, positive and more sustainable? What can the East Asian experience offer to theories of international relations, peace and conflicts? Bibliography Index

48 citations

References
More filters
Book
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: Can Asians Think? as mentioned in this paper is a collection of essays written over the past decade by Kishore Mahbubani arguing that other civilizations may still make equal contributions to the development and growth of mankind.
Abstract: Can Asians think? Is Western civilization universal? Does the West promote human rights for altruistic reasons? These are some questions Kishore Mahbubani has sought to answer in this volume of essays written over the past decade. Contrary to the prevailing view in the West that the 500-year dominance of Western civilization points to it being the only universal civilization, Can Asians Think? argues that other civilizations may yet make equal contributions to the development and growth of mankind. Hailed as an Asian Toynbee and the Max Weber of the new Confucian ethic, Mahbubani continues to illuminate his central arguments with new essays in this fourth edition."

77 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Amitav Acharya1
TL;DR: In this paper, a culture, security, multilateralism: the "ASEAN way" and regional order is discussed. But the authors focus on the Asia-pacific region.
Abstract: (1998). Culture, security, multilateralism: The ‘ASEAN way’ and regional order. Contemporary Security Policy: Vol. 19, CULTURE AND SECURITY Multilateralism, Arms Control and Security Building, pp. 55-84.

76 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The influence of the fun: China's central military commission and its relationship with the military, and state decision-making systems Tai Ming Cheug as discussed by the authors, and the external relations of China's provinces Peter T. Y. Tang Part II.
Abstract: Acknowledgments 1. China's foreign and national security policy-making process: it is changing and does it matter? David M. Lampton Part I. Institutions and Localities: 2. The central leadership, supraministry and party departments Lu Ning 3. The influence of the fun: China's central military commission and its relationship with the military, and state decision-making systems Tai Ming Cheug 4. The external relations of China's provinces Peter T. Y. Cheung and James T. H. Tang Part II. Elite and Societal Opinion: 5. The foreign policy outlook of China's 'third generation' elite H. Lyman Miller and Liu Xiaohong 6. The domestic context of Chinese foreign policy: does 'public opinion' matter? Joseph Fewsmith and Stanley Rosen Part III. International System Influences: 7. Empowered and restrained: Chinese foreign policy in the age of economic interdependence Thomas G. Moore and Dixia Yang 8. The impact of international regimes on Chinese foreign policy-making: broadening perspectives Elizabeth Economy Part IV. Case Studies: 9. Two steps forward, one step back: the dynamics of Chinese nonproliferation and arms control policy-making in an era of reform Bates Gill 10. Chinese decision-making regarding Taiwan 1979-2000 Michael D. Swaine 11. The case of China's accession to GATT/WTO Margaret M. Pearson 12. The making of China's Korea policy in the era of reform Samuel S. Kim Notes Index.

73 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Northeast Asia, where the interests of three major nuclear powers and the world's two largest economies mingle around the unstable pivot of the Korean Peninsula, is a region rife with political and economic uncertainties as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Northeast Asia, where the interests of three major nuclear powers and the world's two largest economies mingle around the unstable pivot of the Korean Peninsula, is a region rife with political and economic uncertainties. It is arguably one of the most dangerous areas in the world, plagued by security problems of global importance, including nuclear and missile proliferation. It has, to be sure, been widely touted as a region of economic promise. Yet despite Northeast Asia's demonstrable economic success at the macro level, and a panoply of highly regarded individual economic managers at the micro level, its collective economic management has nevertheless been disappointing.

70 citations