scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

A region of their making:visions of regional orders and paths to peace making in northeast Asia

01 Jan 2006-
About: The article was published on 2006-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 17 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Vision.
Citations
More filters
Journal Article
TL;DR: Gries as discussed by the authors argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions".
Abstract: China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, by Peter Hayes Gries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. x + 215 pp. US$24.95/£15.95 (hardcover). The aim of this book, as stated in the Introduction, is to present a balanced view of "China's new nationalism", "one that acknowledges its legitimate grievances and recognizes its potential dangers" (p. 12). It argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions" (p. 19). These interrelated arguments are intended not only to challenge what the author calls "the dominant Western interpretation of Chinese nationalism" and the "West's state-centric view of Chinese nationalism" but also to draw attention to the dangers of China-bashing in the US and America-bashing in China. "Nationalism" in this book refers to "any behavior designed to restore, maintain, or advance public images" of a national community (p. 9). What seems to make "China's new nationalism" new is its "genuine popularity" and "independent existence". This conclusion is based on the evidence that Chinese nationalism increasingly challenges the Party-state; that the Chinese, like all peoples, have deep-seated emotional attachments to their national identity; and that Chinese public opinion now plays a role in national politics. Another new feature of today's Chinese nationalism is the way in which it constructs narratives of a "century of humiliation". The national narrative of heroism and victory that served the requirements of Communist revolutionaries and nation-building goals under Mao are now superseded by a new and popular victimization narrative that blames the West, including Japan, for China's suffering. It is not immediately clear in the book why long-suppressed memories of past suffering resurfaced in the 1990s, but this seems to have much to do with a psychological need to return continually to unresolved traumas in the hope of mastering them. These themes are developed through an examination of nationalist writings-mostly by Chinese intellectuals-and the official and popular responses to a number of well-known events in the 1990s and more recently. Chapter 1 looks at the protests in 1999 in the wake of the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Chapter 2 discusses the ways that Chinese national identity is shaped in a dialogic process of comparison with and distinction from the US and Japan. Chapter 3 turns to the effect of Chinese visions of the "century of humiliation" on their self-image, as well as the impact of changes to their national identity on Chinese views of the century. Chapters 4 and 5 revisit Chinese views of the US and Japan, although this time the focus shifts to writings about past and future Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations. In Chapter 6-probably the most substantive and interesting chapter-Gries explores the motivation of Chinese nationalists, focusing on China's apology diplomacy. Chapters 7 and 8 can be thought of as a conclusion in two parts, in that they pull together and highlight once again some of the book's main themes. The book does an admirable job in demonstrating that the way US policymakers and commentators talk about China dangerously distorts US interpretations of, and responses to, Chinese policies and actions, and influences Chinese understandings of the US. It also shows convincingly that anti-American and anti-Chinese polemics easily spiral into mutual dehumanization and demonization and thus lay the foundations for violent conflict. A no less significant contribution the book makes is its perspective on Chinese nationalism. Central to Gries' perception is the concept of face-so much so that he has consistently italicized the word in the book. What he means by face is not simply the figurative self shown to others but also a prerequisite for maintaining authority and the ability to pursue instrumental goals. …

89 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors ask whether it is more likely that China's economy will grow to be as large as the US economy or the US will always stay larger than China's.
Abstract: Questionnaire Q1. Do you think that it is more likely that someday China's economy will grow to be as large as the US economy or that the US economy will always stay larger than China's? China's economy will grow as large as the US economy The US economy will always stay larger than China's Not sure/ Decline (%) (%) Q2. If China's economy were to grow to be as large as the US economy, do you think that would be mostly positive, mostly negative, or equally positive and negative?

85 citations

Book
22 May 2014
TL;DR: The contribution of the ASEAN/Chinese way to the long peace of East Asia Developmentalism and the prevention of the onset of conflicts is discussed in this article. But the main argument is not the long-term stability of the region.
Abstract: Contents: Preface Aim and concepts Theoretical premises of the argument The phenomenon to be explained: the long peace of East Asia The main argument: the contribution of the ASEAN/Chinese way to the long peace of East Asia Developmentalism and the prevention of the onset of conflicts Non-intervention and the prevention of the escalation of conflicts into wars Face saving and the termination of conflicts Generation of the successful ASEAN/Chinese approach Will the long peace survive? How could it be made broader, positive and more sustainable? What can the East Asian experience offer to theories of international relations, peace and conflicts? Bibliography Index

48 citations

References
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
Joseph S. Nye1
01 Dec 1997-Survival
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss China's re-emergence and the future of the Asia-pacific region, and propose a framework for China's future in the region.
Abstract: (1997). China's re‐emergence and the future of the Asia‐Pacific. Survival: Vol. 39, No. 4, pp. 65-79.

59 citations

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Paul Dibb, former senior official in the Australian government, and now head of the major Australian security policy think tank, provides a provocative analysis of how the Asian balance of of power is changing.
Abstract: A great deal of attention has been paid to the rise of East Asia as an economic powerhouse, but far too little attention has been paid to the way the balance of power in the region is changing. Ensuring regional security is like ensuring a clean oxygen supply - without it all else is a risk. Paul Dibb, formerly a senior official in the Australian government, and now head of the major Australian security policy think tank, provides a provocative analysis of how the Asian balance of of power is changing. His tough, realist analysis warns about the risks to regional stability. He offers sharp insights into the potentials of the great powers, and in particular he worries about how the region and the wider world will manage the rise of China. Paul Dibb's policy paper is an antidote to the 'econophoric' analysis of Asia and a clear warning of the need to think strategically about the balance of power in Asia. His advice to 'middle powers' begins to offer a strategy for adjusting to what will be the major changes in the global balance of power in the next century.

58 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, this paper argued that the realists of the Bush administration have returned to many of the Wilsonian assumptions that characterised the Clinton years, and that the irony of this twofold strategic adjustment is that they returned to a realist approach towards a strategy of American primacy.
Abstract: American grand strategy has undergone repeated changes in recent years. This essay clarifies the nature of those changes and offers an explanation for them. US foreign policymakers have had four basic strategic alternatives: a strategy of disengagement; a strategy of balance of power; a strategy of primacy; and a strategy of liberal internationalism. The Bush administration experimented with two of these strategies, and initiated two major strategic adjustments after coming into power: the first, early in 2001, by moving from Clinton's liberal internationalist approach towards a strategy of realism; the second, after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, by moving from a realist approach towards a strategy of American primacy. International structural pressures cannot explain why either of these changes occurred. The real explanation lies in the influence of distinctive policy ideas, as promoted by leading state officials. The irony of this twofold strategic adjustment is that the realists of the Bush administration have returned to many of the Wilsonian assumptions that characterised the Clinton years.

56 citations

Journal ArticleDOI

54 citations

01 Jan 2002
Abstract: Provides a better understanding of the sources of controversy over the South Korean government's approach toward North Korea and what implications of the controversy might be for South Korea and the United States. The debate in South Korea over the government's engagement policy toward North Korea (the 'sunshine' policy) did not start with Pyongyang's recent admission that it has been secretly pursuing a nuclear weapons program in violation of multiple international commitments. However, the evolution of the debate will be an important determinant of how the South Korean and broader international response to this latest North Korean challenge ultimately ends. This book provides a framework for viewing South Korean responses to this challenge, examining the South Korean debate over policies toward the North, analysing the sources of controversy, and assessing their implications.

51 citations