A region of their making:visions of regional orders and paths to peace making in northeast Asia
01 Jan 2006-
About: The article was published on 2006-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 17 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Vision.
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TL;DR: Gries as discussed by the authors argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions".
Abstract: China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, by Peter Hayes Gries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. x + 215 pp. US$24.95/£15.95 (hardcover). The aim of this book, as stated in the Introduction, is to present a balanced view of "China's new nationalism", "one that acknowledges its legitimate grievances and recognizes its potential dangers" (p. 12). It argues from a social psychological point of view that Chinese identity "evolves in dynamic relationship with other nations and the past" and "involves both the Chinese people and other passions" (p. 19). These interrelated arguments are intended not only to challenge what the author calls "the dominant Western interpretation of Chinese nationalism" and the "West's state-centric view of Chinese nationalism" but also to draw attention to the dangers of China-bashing in the US and America-bashing in China. "Nationalism" in this book refers to "any behavior designed to restore, maintain, or advance public images" of a national community (p. 9). What seems to make "China's new nationalism" new is its "genuine popularity" and "independent existence". This conclusion is based on the evidence that Chinese nationalism increasingly challenges the Party-state; that the Chinese, like all peoples, have deep-seated emotional attachments to their national identity; and that Chinese public opinion now plays a role in national politics. Another new feature of today's Chinese nationalism is the way in which it constructs narratives of a "century of humiliation". The national narrative of heroism and victory that served the requirements of Communist revolutionaries and nation-building goals under Mao are now superseded by a new and popular victimization narrative that blames the West, including Japan, for China's suffering. It is not immediately clear in the book why long-suppressed memories of past suffering resurfaced in the 1990s, but this seems to have much to do with a psychological need to return continually to unresolved traumas in the hope of mastering them. These themes are developed through an examination of nationalist writings-mostly by Chinese intellectuals-and the official and popular responses to a number of well-known events in the 1990s and more recently. Chapter 1 looks at the protests in 1999 in the wake of the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Chapter 2 discusses the ways that Chinese national identity is shaped in a dialogic process of comparison with and distinction from the US and Japan. Chapter 3 turns to the effect of Chinese visions of the "century of humiliation" on their self-image, as well as the impact of changes to their national identity on Chinese views of the century. Chapters 4 and 5 revisit Chinese views of the US and Japan, although this time the focus shifts to writings about past and future Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations. In Chapter 6-probably the most substantive and interesting chapter-Gries explores the motivation of Chinese nationalists, focusing on China's apology diplomacy. Chapters 7 and 8 can be thought of as a conclusion in two parts, in that they pull together and highlight once again some of the book's main themes. The book does an admirable job in demonstrating that the way US policymakers and commentators talk about China dangerously distorts US interpretations of, and responses to, Chinese policies and actions, and influences Chinese understandings of the US. It also shows convincingly that anti-American and anti-Chinese polemics easily spiral into mutual dehumanization and demonization and thus lay the foundations for violent conflict. A no less significant contribution the book makes is its perspective on Chinese nationalism. Central to Gries' perception is the concept of face-so much so that he has consistently italicized the word in the book. What he means by face is not simply the figurative self shown to others but also a prerequisite for maintaining authority and the ability to pursue instrumental goals. …
89 citations
Journal Article•
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors ask whether it is more likely that China's economy will grow to be as large as the US economy or the US will always stay larger than China's.
Abstract: Questionnaire Q1. Do you think that it is more likely that someday China's economy will grow to be as large as the US economy or that the US economy will always stay larger than China's? China's economy will grow as large as the US economy The US economy will always stay larger than China's Not sure/ Decline (%) (%) Q2. If China's economy were to grow to be as large as the US economy, do you think that would be mostly positive, mostly negative, or equally positive and negative?
85 citations
73 citations
Book•
22 May 2014
TL;DR: The contribution of the ASEAN/Chinese way to the long peace of East Asia Developmentalism and the prevention of the onset of conflicts is discussed in this article. But the main argument is not the long-term stability of the region.
Abstract: Contents: Preface Aim and concepts Theoretical premises of the argument The phenomenon to be explained: the long peace of East Asia The main argument: the contribution of the ASEAN/Chinese way to the long peace of East Asia Developmentalism and the prevention of the onset of conflicts Non-intervention and the prevention of the escalation of conflicts into wars Face saving and the termination of conflicts Generation of the successful ASEAN/Chinese approach Will the long peace survive? How could it be made broader, positive and more sustainable? What can the East Asian experience offer to theories of international relations, peace and conflicts? Bibliography Index
48 citations
Journal Article•
46 citations
References
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12 Oct 2007
TL;DR: The second edition of the Asia-Pacific Security Lexicon as mentioned in this paper examines the origins and meanings of some of the new terms in common usage in a different historical setting, among them "terrorism", "pre-emption", pre-emptive war, "a la carte multilateralism", "coalition of the willing", and China's "peaceful rise".
Abstract: The ending of the Cold War opened a new debate across the Pacific about the meaning of security and the new regional multilateral institutions that were beginning to emerge.The first edition of the "The Asia-Pacific Security Lexicon", published in 2002, identified and defined the key concepts and ideas central to security discourse in the region.This second edition updates all of the entries and examines the origins and meanings of some of the new terms in common usage in a different historical setting, among them "terrorism", "pre-emption", "preventive war", "a la carte multilateralism", "coalition of the willing", and China's "peaceful rise". And it looks at how concepts such as "human security" and "non-traditional security" have evolved and found new adherents.Both a diplomatic handbook and theoretical exploration, the Lexicon is based on the analysis of more than 3,000 books, articles, conference reports, and speeches. It does not aim to resolve the disagreements about how words are used. Rather, it makes their evolution clearer for academics and practitioners seeking consensual knowledge.
50 citations
TL;DR: For the first time in its 44-year history, the People's Republic of China does not face a plausible external military threat to its heartland, with the possible exception of the unresolved competition in strategic nuclear weapons as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: China is more confident about its security environment than it has been at any time since the founding of the People's Republic (PRC). For the first time in its 44-year history, the PRC does not face a plausible external military threat to its heartland. By the end of the 1980s, fundamental changes in Soviet foreign and military policies dramatically reduced the likelihood of military conflict between China and the Soviet Union and set the stage for normalization of Sino-Soviet relations at the Deng-Gorbachev summit in May 1989. The U.S. is drawing down its regional military presence and the superpower military confrontation in the Asia-Pacific region has ended, with the possible exception of the unresolved competition in strategic nuclear weapons. China's international borders are now peaceful and the possibility of a conflict in Korea is considered extremely low. These developments have strengthened beyond Beijing's most optimistic expectations the prospects for maintaining a peaceful international environment to pursue economic modernization. Concern about China's security persists in Beijing, however, despite the demise of the Soviet threat and the absence of other likely military threats to China. The post-Cold War world is expected to be complicated and contradiction-ridden, with regional tensions and instability arising from ethnic and nationalist struggles threatening peace and development in many parts of the world. The future direction of Japan is viewed by Chinese researchers as uncertain, and many worry that Japan could emerge as a military and political threat to China in the next century. The Chinese
46 citations
Journal Article•
46 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that Southeast Asia's security is not due to ASEAN regionalism, but rather to its fluency with "soft" multilateralism, and that without the region's fluency, the security would probably have been worse.
Abstract: Realist scholars have long claimed, not incorrectly, that a US-led balance of power is fundamental to the security and prosperity of Southeast Asia. Yet the Southeast Asian experience has also been one where multilateral security dialogue and regional community formation figure prominently. In contrast to viewswhich exaggerate the importance of US preponderance in Southeast Asia whilst dismissing regional multilateral efforts, we offer seven arguments against any undue overstatement of the US contribution to regional peace and stability. If anything, a historically ambivalent US presence contributed to ASEAN’s emergence as a mechanism of regional diplomacy. Such ambivalence is no longer feasible since 9/11. However, Washington’s current engagement in Southeast Asia should focus on revitalizing regional multilateralism. Our claim is not that the region’s security is due to ASEAN regionalism rather than US strategic dominance. We argue instead that absent the region’s fluency with ‘soft’ multilateralism, Southeast Asia’s security would probably have been far worse. Southeast Asians are more acutely aware of the uncertainties of U.S. policies than other regions of the world. They remember the American retrenchment in the 1970s followed by a decade of self-doubt. Hence ASEAN countries drew towards each other to seek greater strength in self-reliance. They found that together in ASEAN, they could better International Relations of the Asia Pacific Vol. 6 No. 1 Oxford University Press and the Japan Association of International Relations 2005, all rights reserved at W aeda U nirsity (P U LC ) on D ecem er 0, 2010 irap.oxjournals.org D ow nladed fom overcome their problems; but they still need the United States to balance the strength of the Soviet ships and aircraft. The renewal of self-confidence in America has reassured us that America will help maintain the peace and stability of the region. It is this balance of power which has enabled the free market economies to thrive.
45 citations
Book•
17 Jun 2003
TL;DR: In this paper, Suettinger traces the turbulent bilateral relationship since that time, with a particular focus on the internal political factors that shaped it, revealing policy decisions as outcomes of complex processes, rather than the results of grand strategic trends.
Abstract: It has been thirteen years since soldiers of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) raced into the center of Beijing, ordered to recover "at any cost" the city's most important landmark, Tiananmen Square, from student demonstrators. The U.S. and other Western countries recoiled in disgust after the horrific incident, and the relationship between the U.S. and China went from amity and strategic cooperation to hostility, distrust, and misunderstanding. Time has healed many of the wounds from those terrible days of June 1989, and bilateral strains have been eased in light of the countries' joint opposition to international terrorism. Yet China and U.S. remain locked in opposition, as strategic thinkers and military planners on both sides plot future conflict scenarios with the other side as principal enemy. Polls indicate that most Americans consider China an "unfriendly" country, and anti-American sentiment is growing in China. According to Robert Suettinger, the calamity in Tiananmen Square marked a critical turning point in U.S.-China affairs. In Beyond Tiananmen , Suettinger traces the turbulent bilateral relationship since that time, with a particular focus on the internal political factors that shaped it. Through a series of candid anecdotes and observations, Suettinger sheds light on the complex and confused decision-making process that affected relations between the U.S. and China between 1989 and the end of the Clinton presidency in 2000. By illuminating the way domestic political ideas, beliefs, and prejudices affect foreign policymaking, Suettinger reveals policy decisions as outcomes of complex processes, rather than the results of grand strategic trends. He also refutes the view that strategic confrontation between the superpowers is inevitable. Suettinger sees considerable opportunity for cooperation and improvement in what is likely to be the single most important bilateral relationship of the twenty-first century. He cautions, however, that routine misperceptions of goals and policies between the two countries --unfortunate legacies of Tiananmen --could lead to an increasing level of hostility, with tragic consequences.
43 citations